REINTERPRETING CHIRICAHUA APACHE

ETHNOHISTORY THROUGH THE WORK

OF KEITH H. BASSO

by

BRENDA L. HAES, B.A., M.A.

A THESIS

IN

ANTHROPOLOGY

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty

of Texas Tech University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Approved

Chairperson of the Committee

Accepted

Dean of the Graduate School

May, 2003

Copyright 2003, Brenda L. Haes

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

A project of any magnitude is not accomplished by a lone individual, but through

the support and direction of others; this thesis is no exception. First, I extend sincere

appreciation and gratitude to my thesis chairman, Philip A. Dennis, for enthusiasm,

inspiration, motivation, support, and patience both in the classroom and during the course

of this work. When I had doubts as to where I was going with the thesis or whether I was

"up to" the task at hand, he was never far behind with a smile and a word of

encouragement. I appreciate his faith in my abilities and allowing me "space" to work,

yet all the while I knew that I had only but to ask if I needed guidance.

Next, I am extremely grateful to my second reader, James A. Goss, professor

emeritus. I had courses with Dr. Goss while I was working on my History master's and

hold him and his work in the highest regard. He worked with the Chiricahua Apaches in

the past, and as my own work is on the Chiricahua prisoners of war, I wanted to have the

opportunity to consult with him on the thesis. Dr. Goss retired in December 1999, but

graciously agreed to serve on my committee when I explained that I was pursuing a

second graduate degree in Cultural Anthropology.

Education is like progressive stair steps; therefore, it is only fitting that I thank my

previous mentors. I appreciate Paul H. Carlson, my History master's chairman at Texas

Tech University, for challenging me to become a better historian and writer. I am greatly

indebted to Frederick W. Rath] en, professor emeritus of History, West Texas State

University (West Texas A&M University), my undergraduate mentor, my colleague at

Panhandle-Plains Historical Museum at Canyon, Texas, and most importantly, my

cherished friend/adopted family member. He inspired, motivated, and challenged me to

make the extra effort and to go that additional mile in all that I do; first, in his classes,

then professionally, personally, and now, as a graduate student. My thanks to him and

his wife, Betty, for all they do, and all that they are. I am blessed that they are a part of

my Hfe.

I bequeath heartfeh recognition to my dear friend and editor, Mary Ruth

Thurmond. I am tmly gratefiil for her extraordinary talent in editing and proofreading,

which she employed on my many assignments, papers, and final draft of this thesis. I am

blessed by her friendship. Wa do\

I am eternally grateful to my "adopted" sister and theses editor, Jo Aim Ross, for

her unfaltering belief in my abilities and enduring bitter temperatures at the Chiricahua

cemeteries at Fort Sill for hours on end. I sincerely appreciate the countless hours of

editing and the Honor she has bestowed upon me by being a part of my life. Wa do\ Che

ho la le lawa\!!!

I bequeath much heartfelt appreciation to my immediate family: my "adopted"

son, Ross Wilson; my parents, Lloyd and Shirley Scroggins, my brothers: Charlie, Brett,

and Brion; my nephews: Blake and Ethan; my niece: Alyssa; and my 'Tour-legged"

daughter and sidekick, Shelby, who puts up with me through thick and thin.

Most importantly, I dedicate this thesis in loving memory to my Grandmother. I

wrote my last thesis as she was dying; I was fortimate to have fulfilled her last wish-to

graduate with my master's in History in December 1997. She died one week to the day

after I passed my defense. I never realized the emotional barriers I would encounter

Ul

when I came to write this thesis, which is why I wanted to openly dedicate this work to

her and the loving influences she had and continues to have on my life. Che ho la le

lawa.

Finally, I thank Ussen, for making me grow, although often it is not painless, for

listening and guiding me through Life's rough waters all the while assuring me I am not

alone, and ft)r reminding me of a promise made long, long ago and for the strength,

character, and perseverance to meet its demands. This is not the begirming, it is the

continuation, and if I have my way, there v dll be much more to come.

IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ii

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION 1

n. THE WESTERN APACHE 11

ffl. THE CHIRICAHUA APACHE 24

IV COMPARING AND CONTRASTING 48

V CONCLUSIONS 56

BIBLIOGRAPHY 60

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

I have studied the Chiricahua Apaches' incarceration by the United States

government (1886-1914) for more than ten years. My studies included writing a master's

history thesis in 1997. I utilized archival materials, such as manuscripts, files,

biographical papers, reports, news clippings, interviews, and books on or by major

participants on both sides of the issue, as well as dissertations on the subject. Over time,

I sought a fresh sense of perspective of these same materials.

Dr. Philip A. Dennis assigned Keith H. Basso's Wisdom Sits in Places:

Landscape and Language Among the Western Apache in his social anthropology course.

I read the book three times to absorb the material for class. On previous occasions I had

read a few pages and found my mind wandering back to my early life in Arizona. I

remember myself as a young, gangly teenager living near Cibecue and visiting the White

Mountain Apache Reservation many times over the years. On one occasion, I watched

Apache cowboys cutting a freshly killed calf into strips and hanging them on ironwood

tree branches to dry in the sun for beef jerky (Haes 2002:3-4). Basso said, 'Tlaces

possess a marked capacity for triggering acts of self-reflection, inspiring thoughts about

who one presently is, or memories of who one used to be, or musings on who one might

become..." He continues with "place-based thoughts about the self lead commonly to

thoughts of other things-other places, other people, other times, whole networks of

associations that ramify unaccountably within the expanding spheres of awareness that

they themselves engender" (1996:107). As a graduate student, I noted comparisons that I

wanted to explore between the Chiricahua and Western Apaches.

Many factors were cmcial in the decision to write this thesis; both tribes spoke

mutually intelligible Athabaskan languages; during the reservation period, they resided

on adjacent lands in the Arizona Territory and relied on similar subsistence patterns;

several prominent ceremonies were shared by both cultures; and intermarriage had

occurred between the tribes. Most importantly, while the United States Army uprooted

the Chiricahua Apaches from their homeland, the Western Apache remain to this day in

their traditional environment. A primary research question is how Basso's work with the

Western Apache might help us understand the Chiricahua Apache experience of being

separated from their land and the meanings attached to it.

In order to address this question, one must gain a sense of who the Chiricahua

Apaches were and where they originated. The recorded creation story points to a great

flood that destroyed the previous world and inhabitants who were bad people. Ironically,

this written tale suggests Anglo contact and Biblical influences that may have replaced

earlier accounts in Chiricahua mythology (Opler 1994:1; Opler 1965:198). Creation

stories depicted the Chiricahua as being shaped in mud or fabricated from a cloud by

Child of the Water, son of White Painted Woman, who existed from time eternal. Other

tales state that Child of the Water was encompassed by a cloud and in his stead two

figures remained, and they were the beginnings of the human race (Hoijer 1938:13).

Some confusion exists about whether Killer of Enemies was the brother, son, or husband

of White Painted Woman. He is subordinate to both White Painted Woman and Child of

the Water in Chiricahua mythology. The immortals' roles were to safeguard the survival

of humankind by eliminating monsters, freeing game animals from their underground

confinement, and instructing the Apache in the sacred rites of the girl's puberty

ceremony. When all these tasks were accomplished, then the three supernatural beings

would return to their sky homes to watch over the human beings (Opler 1994:2-3; Opler

1965:197-198).

Specific facts about the origin and timeframe of Chiricahua migration are difficult

to ascertain. Anthropologist Richard Perry has outlined the migration of these

Athabaskan people from northwestern Canada to the southwestern United States. Perry's

research combines information from geology, linguistics, anthropology, and ethnohistory

to offer a concise reconstmction of the Apachean journey of the past from the northern

regions to their traditional pre-reservation home (1991:11, back cover).

The four Chiricahua bands: the Chokonen, Chihenne, Bedonkohe, and Nednhi,

were proficient at adapting to the environment of the area and its variety of climes,

ranging from deserts to mountains. They resided at lower altitudes in colder weather, and

they relocated to the cooler mountain regions when it was warmer. The Chiricahua

Apache were attuned to the geography and environment of their homeland and knew

where water was available in the heat of summer or when it was advisable to carry it.

They were aware of shortcuts and where to find other Apache camps. The rigors of

hardship and survival were second nature to the Chiricahua and a part of training, a way

of life since early youth. They were a matter of survival (Castetter 1936:5-6,10-11; Haes

1999:2).

The Chiricahua Apache were hunter/gatherers and knowledgeable about nature's

offerings and her harvest timetables. They knew how to utilize the land. Anthropologists

Edward Castetter and Opler studied and cataloged botanical forms available to the

Chiricahua and Mescalero Apaches in their traditional homelands. They identified more

than 125 plants serving a subsistence or medicinal role in the cultures. This list was by

no means complete. The Apache prepared for emergencies such as sudden retreats from

enemies by having hidden pockets of foods, or caches, distributed throughout their

homeland. They utilized plant, animal, and geological materials for utilitarian objects in

food preparation, protection, and dwellings (Castetter 1936:8, 11, 15, 19, 28,41-48; Haes

1999:2-3).

The horse was introduced with the Spanish arrival in the Southwest during the

sixteenth century. When it became acclimated, its presence forever changed the lives of

not only the Chiricahua Apaches, but every culture with which it came into contact. The

horse served as a source of food, a beast of burden, and a source of status and weahh. It

allowed the Indians to travel vast distances in search of new supplies for food and goods.

The Apaches procured commodities by trading with other tribes and the Mexican

citizenry of select towns and by raiding (Opler 1965:332-335; Haes 1999:4).

The Chiricahua were a semi-nomadic population that utilized the land by

harvesting nature's bounty as it came into season. This philosophy was in direct

opposition to that of the sedentary Anglo populations that lay east of the southwest region

and who "worked" the land by planting agricultural crops. These cultural differences

would lead to many misunderstandings, not only with the Apache, but also with other

indigenous groups. The Anglo people did not believe that the Indians were "using" the

lands, as they were not in residence nor were there signs that the lands were "worked" in

the manner to which they were accustomed. Based on the ideologies of the time, Anglos

concluded that Indians were inferior and savage, and the land claims of the Chiricahuas

and other indigenous groups were dismissed in favor of the Anglos' claims.

The Chiricahua tried to halt the encroachment of Anglo miners and ranchers on

their traditional lands and to preserve their Hfeway. Instead, their actions incurred the

wrath of the United States government and the United States Army. In 1876, the

government closed the mountainous reservation at Fort Bowie in Arizona Territory in the

Chiricahuas' homeland. The government chose to operate a more efficient agency and to

relocate the majority of Apache peoples together at one location, 100 miles northwest, at

San Carlos Reservation. The San Carlos environment was hot, dry, barren, and malarial,

and it became difficult to keep Indian people on the new reservation. Geronimo, a

Bedonkohe Chiricahua, along with members of different Apache bands, departed and

reappeared at the location numerous times. Their raiding ventures led to a series of wars

with the U.S. Army between 1876 and 1885. In May 1885, Geronimo and his thirty-three

warriors, known as the Apache Resistance, left San Carlos for a final time. They

surrendered in late March 1886 to General George Crook and his contingent of Apache

scouts, many of whom were Western Apaches. With the help of the scouts, he was

successful in locating and securing the surrender of Geronimo's group. Unfortunately,

the group escaped that same night (PBS 1988; Goodwin 1994:304, Haes 1997:2).

Meanwhile, the federal government initiated a plan to relocate all Chiricahua

Apaches to Florida. Chihuahua, a Chokonen Chiricahua and a member of the Apache

Resistance, stayed behind after Geronimo's escape and surrendered to Crook. His group

of seventy-seven included several family members of the Resistance. They were the first

of five groups of Chiricahua that were sent via train to the Southeast (Ball et al.

1980:125). The fact that many of Geronimo's family had been sent to Florida would

prove instrumental in his final surrender to General Nelson A. Miles on 3 September

1886 (Kanseah 1955:43).

Between 13 April and 7 November 1886, the government sent a total of 515

Apaches to Florida. The number included seventeen warriors, ninety-nine men, and 399

women and children. All were transferred as prisoners of war (Congress, Senate 1890:9;

Haes 1997:6). Four himdred ninety-eight Apaches were sent to Fort Marion, St.

Augustine, Florida, while the remaining seventeen, Geronimo and his Apache Resistance

warriors, were sent to Fort Pickens, Santa Rosa Island, Florida.

Fort Marion was formerly known as Castillo de San Marcos, a seventeenth-

century Spanish post constmcted from coquina-stone, a sandy, porous material. The

army experienced some problems at the fort prior to the arrival of the Chiricahuas, such

as well contamination, lack of adequate drainage, and removal of refuse material

(Congress, Senate 1888:1-2). Combined with these existing problems were others, which

included inadequate food supplies, excessively crowded conditions, rampant disease, a

large rat population, and inadequate clothing allowance. There were only two bathing

tubs for the 498 Apache prisoners! The Chiricahuas were not acclimated to a humid

environment, and the whole experience proved disastrous (Haes 1997:11, 13,15).

At Fort Pickens, the men endured forced separation from their families, the lack

of fresh water, a foreign climate, insufficient and inappropriate army rations, rampant

disease, and forced acculturation. Work was based on Anglo-assigned gender roles

(Haes 1997:25, 29).

On 27 April 1887, the government moved the 352 Fort Marion residents to Mount

Vernon Barracks, Alabama, after the publication of the Indian Rights Association

booklet, The Apache Prisoners of War in Fort Marioa St. Augustine, Florida, which

publicized the plight of the Chiricahua Apache. Excluded from the removal were twenty

women and children who rejoined their husbands and fathers at Fort Pickens on Santa

Rosa Island (Debo 1978:337-338; Haes 1997:26).

The Mount Vernon Barracks period, 1887 to 1894, was characterized by efforts to

improve the Chiricahuas' condition, by unfulfilled promises and delayed actions, by

ignored reports, and by continued inadequate food rations. The Alabama internment was

marked by the continuation of the Apaches' assimilation and their forced acculturation.

There was one opportunity to restore some of their cultural traditions, wath the creation of

the Army's Company I, which provided a means for the men to channel their warrior

heritage. The occupation witnessed an increase in violent behavior among the Apaches,

due perhaps to the long duration of residency and growing frustration over their plight

(Haes 1997:36, 43, 46-47).

Previous recommendations had been to remove the Chiricahuas from a humid

environment and relocate them some place where they could establish a sense of

belonging and permanence. Finally, in 1891, the Army determined that the original

Mount Vernon Barracks location was unhealthy. An elevated location was chosen for the

new site and material provided for constmcting new houses. A January 1894 report

revealed the real reason for concern: only 165 babies bom, but 246 Chiricahua Apaches

dead since their initial incarceration in 1886 (Skinner 1987:367; Haes 1997:51-53).

In early October 1894, 296 Chiricahua men, women, and children boarded ten

passenger train cars and left for Fort Sill, Oklahoma (Congress, House 1895:34-35).

Authorities made valiant efforts to improve Apache life during the nineteen years that the

Chiricahuas resided at Fort Sill, which was at least an arid environment. They addressed

the Apaches' soaring mortality rates and sought means to stifle the flow of alcohol onto

the reservation. The officers considered cultural divisions when instituting family

villages and designating headmen. They allowed Indian women to gather traditional

foods and permitted mothers to travel to Anadarko to see their children at the boarding

schools. Since neither the military nor the prisoners had knowledge of farming and

ranching, some government soldiers became farmers and cowboys in order to teach the

Indians. Captain Hugh L. Scott and other Fort Sill authorities exerted great pains to help

the Chiricahuas acculturate, to adapt to new industries, and to address the causes of

mortality.

The officers encouraged the cultural reassertion of the Apaches, but they also

sought to disengage the people from the Fort Sill post, lands that had been promised by

the government to the Chiricahua Apaches for permanent residence (Haes 1997:84-85,

Haes 2000:28-43). In 1912, the War Department utilized now Colonel Hugh Scott to

convince them to move from the post because the army wanted to locate a field artillery

school at the fort. He succeeded; 70 percent of the group chose to relocate to the

Mescalero Reservation in New Mexico during April 1913 (Turcheneske 1978:262;

Turcheneske 1997:162; Haes 1997:95).

In contrast to the Chiricahua Apaches, the Western Apache still reside on their

traditional lands on the Fort Apache reservation in east-central Arizona. Noted

anthropologist Keith H. Basso has spent 43 years studying the Western Apaches, and has

developed an understanding of many cultural subtleties through interaction with members

of the tribe, as well as by his mastery of the language. Nearly thirty published works

report Basso's findings, beginning in 1966 when the Smithsonian Institution published

The Gift of Changing Woman, and continuing through the 1996 release of Wisdom Sits

In Places: Landscape and Language Among the Western Apache. His work is puMished

in books, articles, edited volumes, a special edition of Arizona Highways Magazine

dedicated exclusively to the Western Apache, and in a museum exhibition. In pemsing

Basso's body of work, I identified eleven general cultural characteristics in terms of

which to compare the Western and Chiricahua Apache. They are as follows: the puberty

ceremony, clans, pre-reservation subsistence, the meaning of silence, place-names or

stalking with stories, language as a local symboUc form, sense of place, witchcraft,

scouts, traditional religion, and the boarding school experience.

I will proceed as if I were utilizing a diptych or "a work made up of two matching

parts" (Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary 1996:328). In a medieval diptych, the

names of the living were inscribed on one side and those of the dead on the other. In this

instance, important aspects of Western Apache culture, as described by Keith Basso will

be discussed in Chapter H. Chapter in will consist of Chiricahua Apache ethnohistory.

Each chapter will be organized in terms of the same set of topics or subheadings. In

Chapter IV, I v^ll suggest ways in which Basso's explanations may help us understand

the Chiricahua Apache experience. This is a cross-disciplinary project, based on the

premise that ethnography and cultural analysis may help us imderstand the past as

recorded in documents. The general Apache cultural background described by Basso

must have framed and underlain the traumatic history of the Chiricahua Apaches. I hope

to find clues, necessarily sketchy but hopeflilly significant, that will help explain how

these people experienced their removal and incarceration.

10

CHAPTER II

THE WESTERN APACHE

Puberty Ceremony

Basso's The Gift of Changing Woman deals with the puberty ceremony or na ih

es. He describes the ritual paraphernalia utilized, the symbolic content, and the

ceremonial importance of the event in terms of the Western Apache society at large. He

states that the ceremony is decreasing in frequency due to the inroads being made on

traditional religion by missionaries. Furthermore, some Apaches no longer believe in the

assurances of long life and prosperity that the rite is felt to impart to the young woman. It

is quite costly, in financial terms and manual labor, to hold the puberty ceremony not

only for the family, but also for the extended family members (1966:124-125). "Apaches

attach a great deal of importance to ceremonial preparations, and negligence in carrying

them out is sternly rebuked... Anything which disturbs or alters this pattern is

inauspicious and feared; it is taken as a sign that something is out of order" (1966: 133-

134).

The ritual paraphernalia consists of a walking stick painted with yellow ocher that

represents longevity, orange oriole feathers that translate as a good disposition, eagle

feathers to protect against sickness, and turquoise beads that cause prayers to be heard.

Four ribbons are attached to a rawhide thong on the cane. They are placed in the four

cardinal directions. Two small sleigh bells are modem additions for their jingle soimd.

A scratching stick is painted with yellow ocher and is necessary for use during the four

days when the girl has power. A drinking tube made of a reed is painted with yellow

11

ocher and festooned with oriole feathers and is also utilized for the four days. A small

abalone shell pendant will dangle on the girl's forehead. An eagle breast feather and four

cardinal ribbons will be fastened to the girl's hair and hang down behind her. A fringed

and beaded buckskin serape painted with yellow ocher, and with eagle feathers attached

at the shoulder, should be made by the girl's mother or grandmother. A large buckskin,

partially painted yellow with an eagle feather tied to the front, make up the items

necessary to conduct the puberty ceremony (1966:143-145).

The event establishes a ceremonial bond of reciprocal obhgation between non-

relatives, e.g., the sponsor or na ihl esn, and the pubescent girl's family. There are eight

phases during the four-day event for the young girl. In Phase I, the girl dances with her

cane and becomes Changing Woman. In Phase II, the girl recreates the first menstruation

and impregnation of Changing Woman by the Sun. During Phase HI, the girl receives

ritualistic massage from her female mentor-sponsor to grow up strong and hard and to

never grow tired. The sponsor sets out the girl's cane during Phase IV and she mns

around it. During Phase V, the girl mns fast without feeling fatigued. She rims in the

four cardinal directions (1966:153-156). The giri receives blessings from the medicine

man during Phase VI. Candy, com, coins, etc., are blessed and become holy and are then

thrown to the spectators (1966:158). During Phase Vn, adult spectators take a pinch of

holy powder from the basket of the medicine man's assistant and ask for a blessing for

themselves from Changing Woman, i.e., the giri in her altered state. In the final phase of

na ih es, the girl throws off the buckskin and blankets to each of the cardinal directions.

12

This act insures that she will always have blankets, that her camp will always be clean,

and that there will always be deer meat and good hunting for everyone (1966:160).

There are four symbolic objectives of the puberty ceremony for the Western

Apache in addition to the education of the pubescent girl in the ways of adulthood. First,

physical strength will be a necessary part of life. Second, a good disposition will lessen

the likelihood that someone will be jealous and try to "witch" the young woman. Third,

the ceremony will help assure that she has prosperity throughout her life, since the

blankets are a traditional symbol of wealth. Finally, the attainment of a soimd, healthy,

uncrippled old age is based on learning to observe taboos, a practice which will continue

throughout her Hfe (1966:163-166).

The puberty ceremony functions adaptively with regard to the Apache society at

large. It brings clan relatives together and provides them mth an opportunity to visit,

work together, and renew kin relationships. Na ih es requires reciprocal obligations from

involved clans, especially those associated with food, dance grovmds, and small suras of

money. The event establishes reciprocal obUgations between unrelated persons,

particularly the ceremonial practitioner and the girl's family. The ceremony relieves

anxieties about threats of disaster, such as sickness, drought, famine, and poverty. The

observance encourages moral values that are important in Western Apache society, as

well as promotes the psychological stability of the individual. Finally, the rite

symbolizes an ideal state of happiness that supposedly existed in mythological times.

"Changing Woman never died and she will always live" (1966; 170).

13

Clans

Western Apache social organization has become altered somewhat over time with

the formation of settlements and the disappearance of bands and local groups. The gota,

or family cluster, was stripped of its economic functions which were transferred to the

gowa, or individual nuclear household. A gowa generally consists of a married couple

and their unmarried children although composition varies. The gowa is not considered

independent, but linked with several other gowa that comprise a gota. As many as eight

gowa may comprise a gota. The core of the gota consists of women from whose lineage

and clan the gota derives its name. These women work together and help each other.

Basso states that the Western Apache liken these matriarchs to "the tmnk of a tree, their

children to its branches, and their husbands to its leaves." It is said that "the leaves can

drop off, but the tmnk never breaks" (1967:58-59).

Ties between clan members in widely separated communities lost much of their

earlier importance, but branches of the clan continue to function as unified social groups.

Restrictions that once prohibited marriage between individuals belonging to related clans

are beginning to break down and clan membership involves fewer multiple reciprocal

obligations (1967:57, 64).

When the Western Apaches relocated nearei the trading posts and govemment-

buih facilities, clan members found themselves in daily contact. Previously they had

been separated by immense distances. This connection made response as a group easier

than in the pre-reservation period. This interaction also brought clan differences to an

unprecedented forefront. In Cibecue, tiiere are twenty-one clan branches. Two of them

14

are represented by single individuals only, both old men. Members of the same clan seek

out one another in times of crisis and to exchange favors, especially in preparation for

major events, such as the puberty ceremony (1967:60, 61, 63).

Subsistence

The Western Apache engaged in hunting/gathering, as well as subsistence

farming in pre-reservation times. They were nomadic and followed nature's harvest

timetables like other indigenous peoples of the Arizona Territory region, with the

exception of planting in early spring and the eariy fall harvest. Mountain farm sites were

planted with com, beans, and squash. The very old, the very young, and the infirm were

left behind to tend the fields while ail others searched for such wild foods as saguaro

fi^it, prickly pear, and mescal. In the summer, acoms, mesquite beans, and yucca were

available and in early fall, pinon nuts and juniper berries would be picked. Hunting was

most successful in late fall. Raiding for the Western Apache was primarily directed into

southem Arizona and northern Mexico. Horses, burros, mules, oxen, and cattle were the

primary targets and were driven to mountain strongholds to prevent or lessen the chance

of recapture (Basso 1986:3-4).

The Meaning of Silence

Basso studied the role of silence in Western Apache culture and noted that "the

form of silence is always the same, the function of a specific act of silence-that is, its

interpretation by and effect upon other people-will vary according to the social context

15

in which it occurs" (1970:305). He stated that there are various contexts for silence.

They include people who are strangers to one another, a couple who is courting, or

people being reunited after a separation. In the instance of a couple, initially they are

generally shy and self-conscious, as they do not know each other very well. Often, they

can go without speaking for long periods of time. Basso offered a Westem Apache

analogy "between the ease and frequency with which a young couple talks and how well

they know each other." Early in a relationship, girls are discouraged by their mothers

from having long discussions as it might be misinterpreted as a sense of "worldliness"

about the girl versus allowing a natural progression in the relationship. As a couple gets

to know one another, the conversations should lengthen in direct correlation with the time

they have spent with one another (1970:308-309).

Another example is that of a child being sent off to boarding school who has

retumed home, but whose parents are unsure of the reception to give him or her. Other

situations that might invoke silence are an individual cursing another, individuals

attending a curing ceremonial, or being in the presence of someone who has recently

emerged from a mourning period. Such a person is sad and people are unsure of what to

say (1970:308-312, 317).

Basso offers three hypotheses to explain silence in We»tem Apache culture. First,

the absence of communication is associated vsdth social settings where the status of the

participants is unclear. Second, in such conditions expectations lose their applicability

and predictability, and social interaction is impossible. Finally, "keeping silent among

16

the Westem Apache is a response to uncertainty and unpredictability in social relations"

(1970:317).

Place-Names/Stalking with Stories

Place-names, or stalking with stories as it is known to the Western Apache, is a

unique phenomenon that serves an important moral function in their society. Agodzaahi

stories about historical events and their geographical locations also include the system of

mles and values with which Apaches expect others to organize and regulate their lives

(Basso 1996:52). The tales are simple and brief and move swiftly. The opening and

closing lines identify them with a specific geographic location where the situation

occurred. The story focuses on misfortune that happened as a consequence of someone's

unacceptable behavior. They are morality fables. Agodzaahi "tales are 'about' what it

means to be a Westem Apache, or, to make the point less dramatically, what it is that

being an Apache should normally and properly entail" (Basso 1986:105). If the message

is taken to heart, the individual will improve his/her behavior, and the goal of establishing

a lasting link between the individual and the geographic location in the story will have

taken place. That bond will remind the person to keep his/her behavior in check, and in

essence stalks that person with its story. It is not uncommon to hear phrases like "the

land is always stalking people" (Basso 1986:95) or "we shoot each other with them

[stories], like arrows" (Basso 1986; 102). "Geographical features have served the people

for centuries as indispensable mnemonic pegs on which to hang the moral teachings of

17

tiieir history" (Basso 1986:114). The following is an example of a Westem Apache

place-name/stalking with story:

It happened at T'iis Cho Naasikaade' (Big Cottonwood Trees Stand Here and There). Long ago, the Pimas [Indians] and Apaches were fighting. The Pimas were carrying long clubs made from mesquite wood; they were also heavy and hard. Before dawn the Pimas arrived at Cibecue and attacked the Apaches there. The Pimas attacked while the Apaches were still asleep. The Pimas killed the Apaches with their clubs. An old woman woke up. She heard the Apaches crying out. The old woman thought it was her son-in-law because he often picked on her daughter. The old woman cried out: "You pick on my child a lot. You should act pleasantly toward her." Because the old woman cried out, the Pimas learned where she was. The Pimas came mnning to the old woman's camp and killed her with their clubs. A young girl ran away from there and hid beneath some bushes. She alone survived. It happened at Big Cottonwood Trees Stand Here and There. (Basso 1996:52)

This agodzaahi story narrated by Annie Peaches outlines the consequences of

overstepping traditional boundaries. It is customary for newlywed Apache couples to

live in the camp of the bride's parents during the first year of marriage. During that time,

the bride's mother may inform and reproach her son-in-law as well as request tasks of

him. Once the pair establishes a new residence, however, this right ceases and the mother

may only interfere in her son-in-law's concerns at the appeal of her daughter. Mothers

who meddle and do not follow tradition cause their children embartassment, as well as

imply their son-in-law is immature and unreliable. Thus, the story points out, the woman

who failed to remember this was instantly killed (Basso 1996:52-53).

Language as a Local Symbolic Form

The Westem Apache have retained their native Athabaskan tongue. Basso writes

that "linguistic anthropology is a way of doing ethnography that seeks to interpret social

18

and cultural systems through the manifold lenses afforded by language and speech." He

continues with "fieldwork is centered on discerning the meanings of local symbolic

forms, that language is everywhere a symbolic form without parallel or peer, and that the

activity of speaking-of enacting and implementing language-is surely among the most

meaning-filled of all" (1990:xii).

The geographical landscape plays a major role in Westem Apache culture and

community and Basso notes it is important in at least three ways. First, people may

simply observe the landscape or its appearance. Second, people may use the landscape in

some manner that modifies the surface. Finally, the Apache may communicate with one

another socially, expressing their feelings about the landscape not only through words,

but also in art, music, etc. (1990:140).

There are a large number of place-names still in use today that were created by

the ancestors. They traveled vast distances in search of food and had to remember many

different locations; therefore, they invented a descriptive sort of place-name to depict the

various geographic sites in detail. When the ancestors looked at a specific place, they

had a particular, implicit vantage point in mind when they described that locale believed

to be "in front o f (1990:156) that site. That is why the Westem Apache "may imagine

that they are standing in their 'ancestors' tracks'" (1990:156) when they are at the

vantage point. "When placenames are used by Apache speakers in certain ways, mental

pictures of the ancestors come instantly and vividly alive" (1990: 157). Because of this

connection with the past, "ancestral wisdom is a powerful ally in times of adversity, and

19

that reflecting upon it, as countless generations of Apaches have learned, can produce

expanded awareness, feelings of relief and a fortified ability to cope" (1990:172).

Sense of Place

The concept of "sense of place" may seem lofty and esoteric; however, that is

actually not the case. It is a basic premise of the Westem Apache people, but it varies on

an individual basis (Basso 1996:xvi). Basso explains that "place-based thoughts about

the self lead commonly to thoughts of other things—other places, other people, other

times, whole networks of associations that ramify unaccountably within the expanding

spheres of awareness that they themselves engender" (1996; 107). Sense of place is

clarity of the heart and mind in one of its purest forms.

Basso elaborates on people's perceptions about what makes a specific location

special by offering;

As normally experienced, sense of place quite simply is.. until, as sometimes happens, we are deprived of these attachments and find ourselves adrift, literally dislocated, in unfamiliar surroundings we do not comprehend and care for even less. On these unnerving occasions, sense of place may assert itself in pressing and powerflil ways... it is then we come to see that attachments to places may be nothing less than profound, and that when these attachments are threatened we may feel threatened as well. (1996:xiii-xiv)

Witchcraft

Basso also studied witchcraft among the Western Apache, an area that had not

been explored previously. He noted that Apaches do not generally talk about such things

except in the event of sickness. Most presumed witches are adults who possess "power,"

20

and they are likely to be male, but not of the same clan division as the victim (1967:2-3,

47). He made three general assumptions about witchcraft based on his observations.

First, accusations are expressions of aggression. Second, the alleged witch and accuser

participate in a social relationship and this fosters the conflict. Finally, this relationship,

if not altered, will recur over time (1967; 143),

Witchcraft may be said to serve an adaptive function "as a fear-inducing

mechanism operative, .encouraging adherence to existing norms." It is a "very good

reason for being generous, helpful, and paying strict attention to the obligations one has

to others" (1967; 163).

Scouts

The Westem Apaches and the Chiricahua Apaches were on friendly terms until

approximately 1870. At that time. General George Crook enlisted the aid of Apache

scouts, many of whom were Westem Apaches, and with whom he was successful in

locating and securing the surrender of Geronimo and the Apache Resistance (Basso 1986:

3, Haes 1997).

Traditional Religion

One of the differences between ceremonials of the past and the present among the

Westem Apache is that, today, they are more costly to hold, It is necessary to feed all

who attend, which in pre-reservation times was done through raiding. Thereafter, people

were limited to the reservation and hunting was limited seasonally. Curtently they have

21

to buy and make the necessary goods. In the 1930s through 1940s, medicine men tended

to specialize in specific ceremonials, which Goodwin inteipreted as implying that some

rituals were destined for extinction (Basso 1986:93). Because of their dissimilarities, the

Westem Apache did not see the incompatibility in participating in both traditional

religion and Christianity simultaneously. If anything, they felt each religion

complemented the other one, picking up where the other left off. They were not at

opposite ends of the spectmm from one another (Basso 1986:95).

Basso notes that in the early 1950s, the majority of church-going Apaches in

Cibecue participated in traditional religion. This was primarily because Christianity did

not provide for healing as the Indians understood it (1986:95).

Prior to 1960, there was an increase in the number of Christian flmdamentalist

faith healers in Cibecue. Several of them were Westem Apache who preached to the

parishioners in Apache. They were able to turn people away from native ceremonials and

rituals, and encourage them to seek help from God and Jesus Christ, thus weakening the

traditional religious system (1986:95-96).

The Boarding School Experience

Boarding school information relates to modem day experiences for the Westem

Apache. In late May or early June each year, Westem Apache students retum home from

boarding schools. Their parents fear the influences that their children may have been

subjected to while they have been gone. They worry that "the children have come to

22

view their parents as ignorant, old-fashioned, and no longer deserving of respect" (Basso

1970:310). One of Basso's aduh informants shared the following;

You just can't tell about those children after they've been with White men for a long time. They get their minds tumed around sometimes.. they forget where they come from and get ashamed when they come home because their parents and relatives are poor. They forget how to act with these Apaches and get mad easy. They walk around all night and get into fights. They don't stay at home. At school, some of them leam to want to be White men, so they come back and try to act that way. But we are still Apaches! So we don't know them anymore, and it is like we never knew them. It is hard to talk to them when they are like that. (1970:310)

In Westem Apache society, it is "considered inappropriate to directly interrogate a

child after his arrival home." Instead, parents wait and hope that the child will share

information about what happened at school while they were away. This information will

help the parents determine if the child's morals and values have changed. 'This, the

Apache say, is why children do practically all the talking in the hours following a

reimion, and their parents remain unusually silent" (1970:310),

23

CHAPTER in

THE CHIRICAHUA APACHE

Puberty Ceremony

In The Myths and Tales of the Chiricahua Apache Indians. Opler records that all

of the tribes were called together at Hot Springs (Ojo Caliente), New Mexico, and it was

there that White Painted Woman (the Chiricahua Apache equivalent of the Westem

Apache's Changing Woman) first instmcted the Chiricahua in the puberty ceremony.

The people were told to hold a feast at the girls' first menstmation and songs were to be

sung on their behalf The Gahe or Mountain Spirit Dancers were instmcted to dance at

the ceremonial stmcture for the four evenings of the ceremony just after dusk prior to any

social dancing, specifically round dancing and face-to-face dancing.

A basket or coiled tray with ceremonial objects, such as pollen, paints, and

feathers, is placed to the east of the ceremonial stmcture on the first and fifth mornings.

The girl is told to make four mns around it in a clockwise manner, mnning closer each

time. The sponsor is told to take care of the girl and to make high-pitched calls of

applause during the process.

On the first moming, the sponsor massages and mbs the body of the initiate to

mold her and pray for her (Opler 1994; 14-15). The girl is advised that throughout the

ceremony she is to use a specially prepared stick to scratch herself, that hangs on the left

side of her dress. The sponsor informs the girl that she must not use her nails to scratch,

for if she does, it will leave scars. The female is then warned that she must drink water

24

through a carrizo tube, that is kept suspended on her right side. Water must not touch her

lips for eight days or it will rain (Opler 1965:93).

Eugene Chihuahua noted that at Mount Vemon Barracks, Alabama, the second

incarceration site, the Chiricahua Apaches resumed some of the customs they had

practiced when they had been free. They recounted the people's traditions and oral

histories to their children by the campfu-es at night. 'They trained the dancers and

performed the rites of the Puberty Ceremonials. They celebrated weddings according to

tribal custom. And they required the adolescent boys to make the four-day feast and

prayer ordeal in order to get the vision or instmction that would be their medicine

throughout their hves" (BaU et al, 1980:154-155),

Blossom Wratten Haozous was the daughter of the Apaches' interpreter George

Wratten. She was the v fe of Sam Haozous, an Apache warrior and Army scout. She

was a major influence in the lives of her five children; Ethelsu; renowned intemational

artist Allan Houser (deceased); Alfred; Fort Sill Apache tribal chairwoman Ruey

Haozous Darrow (deceased); and Peg. Mrs. Haozous recalled;

I saw my first dance there (at Fort Sill). The one where the young lady comes into womanhood [the puberty ceremony]. They gave a feast and dance. I was so little, I don't remember much about it. I was a little bit fiightened of the fire dancers when I first saw them. I never saw anything like that before. They never danced when we were in Alabama. Them dances they did in Arizona and New Mexico. When they (the Apaches) were prisoners of war in Florida and Alabama and those places, they didn't have those dances. Till they got settled in Fort Sill, Then they started them... (Stockel 1991:113)

Former Fort Sill Apache tribal chairwoman, Mildred Imach Cleghom (deceased),

stated, "'Here in Oklahoma, we never had them,' refeming to (the puberty rites), 'We

25

didn't have anyone here to do the ceremony.' She lowered her eyes. 'I defmitely feel I

lost something. Definitely. And I don't think it will ever come back. It's gone for

good'" (Stockel 1991:140-141).

As a result of the Chiricahuas' incarceration by the government they experienced

alienation from their native lands, from the traditional foods which did not grow in the

lands to which they were sent, from the lands promised them in Oklahoma, and from

some of the ancestral customs mentioned earlier. The Chiricahuas were divided in 1913,

when the majority of them went to live in New Mexico on the Mescalero Apache

Reservation. Urrfortunately, apparently none of those remaining in Oklahoma had the

knowledge to conduct the puberty ceremony for the young women, so that they could not

undergo na ih es and all it represented, not only for the women involved, and their

families, but for the people as a whole (Basso 1966; 169-170).

Clans

Eve Ball, a retired 20* century educator, neighbor, and fiiend to many Chiricahua

prisoners of war at the Mescalero Reservation, conducted interviews with the Indians and

published several works about and in conjunction with the Chiricahua Apaches. She

asked Eugene Chihuahua, son of the Chokonen Chiricahua chief. Chihuahua, about the

existence of clans in the Chiricahua Apache culture. He stated simply, "We had no

clans...If those books [in reference to those other than Eve Ball's] say so they are

mistaken" (Ball et al. 1980:43).

26

I was unable to locate information pertaining to the existence of clans among the

Chiricahua Apaches. As noted previously, clans are present among the Westem Apache,

which makes one ask the question, were they in place prior to the Apache wars? Did

living-on-the-mn from the United States Army destroy this cultural feature in some way?

If so, how did this process occur?

Subsistence

The Chiricahua Apache were hunter/gatherers with extensive knowledge of local

plant resources. Castetter and Opler did extensive research on the botanical resources

available to the Chiricahua in their traditional homelands. Various cacti, berries, grasses,

flowers, shmbs, grains, nuts, vegetables, seeds, fiuits, barks, roots, weeds, and leaves

were part of the Chiricahuas' diet in addition to the yield of the hunt. The Chiricahuas

used organic components, such as grasses, reeds, and split bark in making baskets, gourds

for dippers and spoons, sheep horn for ladles, stone metates and manos for grinding

grains into flour, and stone axes hafted to wood handles (Castetter et al. 1936; 11,15,28,

41-48).

While many southwestern tribes utilized bison or other hides for building their

residences and as sources of food, the Chiricahua lived too far west from the

southwestem plains to take advantage of the vast bison herds. With the exception of

infrequent use by the eastem-most band, the Chihenne or Warm Springs Apache, the

Chiricahua did not reside in tipis (Haes 1999:2).

27

Following incarceration, subsistence changed drastically. Initially, the

Chiricahuas were reliant on Army rations, but as they became more familiar with their

new surroundings this altered with time. At St. Augustine, Florida, food allotments

consisted of beef, bread, sugar, coffee, and beans, with occasional supplements of

potatoes and onions.

The older boys and men of Chihuahua's group were sent to a neighboring island

to work at a lighthouse for the U.S. Army, They received similar rations, except no meat.

Instead, fishing gear was left with the males and they received instmctions on how to

utilize the tackle (Haes 1997:14). "The Apaches informed the soldier that they did not

eat fish or 'anything that grows under water' (Ball et al. 1980; 127).. .Despite notification

of the restriction against eating fish, the Army did not supply other meat rations, and the

Indians resorted to eating whatever they caught, including fish" (Haes 1997; 14).

At Fort Pickens, Santa Rosa Island, Florida, the men of the Apache Resistance

consumed rations of pork, fresh beef, flour, beans, sah, and coffee, not imlike Fort

Marion's fare (Goodman 1968; 107). Pork, however, was not consumed by several

Chiricahua bands because they reasoned pigs ate snakes, and to them snakes were evil

(Opler 1965:326, 328, 331).

At Mount Vemon Barracks, they purchased cattle and sheep by selling their

personal possessions. "The Apaches once again simply refiised to eat [pork]" (Stockel

1993; 144). As they had yet to acquire a market for their crafts shortiy after their arrival

in 1887, the post surgeon requested that 100 pounds of potatoes and twenty-five pounds

of onions per 100 rations supplement the regular allotment of coffee, sugar, pepper, salt.

28

beans, and hominy. It was thought that the potatoes and onions might help prevent

scuivy (Stockel 1993; 144; Haes 1997:42). Local farmers sold beef to the Chiricahuas.

Some unscmpulous individuals were reputed to have sold rotten meat to the Indians. The

post also allowed the Chiricahuas to police the railroad tracks to search for livestock

stmck by fi-ains. If the Apaches found a dead cow, the soldiers permitted the Indians to

drag the remains back to the post for food (Stockel 1993:143-144; Haes 1997:43),

By 1891, a government report recorded that a garden at Mount Vemon Barracks

included tomatoes, melons, and Mexican beans among its yield (Stockel 1993:166), A

prisoner of war recalled that women gathered blueberries, blackberries, red berries,

persimmons, and hickory nuts near the fort during their occupation at the Alabama

location (Guydelkon undated; 2,4, Native American Files/Apaches/Prisoner of War

Stahis, Ft. Sill Archives; Haes 1997:43).

Rations at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, consisted of beef, flour, sugar, coffee, and

occasionally potatoes and onions. The Army bought hogs, turkeys, and chickens.

Turkeys, however, were considered a forbidden food as they ate worms and insects, with

the former's connotation to snakes, which were considered evil. Also taboo, fish were

available in many of the streams on the post. During the Fort Sill period, however, some

members of the younger generation ate fish without reprimand from the elders, perhaps a

practice acquired in Florida (Opler 1965:326, 328, 331).

At Fort Sill, the Chiricahuas were able to reexperience foodstuffs similar to those

they had procured in their homelands. Shortly after their arrival in 1894, the Apaches

learned that thickets of mesquite beans were in season. They obtained permission to

29

harvest the produce and retiiraed with over three hundred bushels (Debo 1989:365-366;

Haes 1997:72). Mesquite beans were important traditional fare. The Chiricahuas boiled

them, pounded them into a mixture, and worked them by hand until the beans formed a

doughy consistency. In the past, women had utilized metates, flat grinding surfaces made

of rock, but later meat grinders were substituted. The flour was used to make a flat bread

like tortillas. Often the women cooked the beans and meat together and, when the people

ate the beans, they spit the seedcoats out. Mesquite bean pods also made a pudding-like

dish (Castetter et al. 1936:41).

The Apaches practiced subsistence agriculture and received ten-acre family plots.

They planted artichokes, which might seem somewhat curious at first (Boyer 1992; 117;

Scott 1928; 198-199). Mildred Cleghom stated that artichokes tasted similar to agave, a

traditional Apachean food. The shoots were roasted and the crown was baked in an

underground oven (McClung 1986;2A, Indian Files-Biography/Cleghom,

Mildred/Apache, Fort Sill Archives). The Indians sun-dried and stored the baked agave

or mescal, which provided a nutritious sweet food source for months (Opler 1983:413).

The artichokes were probably processed in the same manner. Thus, when opportunities

presented themselves to obtain traditional foods, the Chiricahuas welcomed the chance to

reconnect with a past that had been denied them for eight long years. Sugar (sweet) com,

sweet potatoes, onions, peas, beans, and pumpkins numbered among the other crops

produced. They also grew watermelons and cantaloupes. The Chiricahuas sold the

surplus at the post.

30

The Meaning of Silence

Silence for the Chiricahua Apache took on two forms in an incarcerative

environment; forced acculturation and courtship. The male prisoners interned at Fort

Pickens dug freshwater wells, washed clothes, cooked, and wore outdated Army

uniforms. They cleared large areas of overgrowth at the post, planted grass on the parade

ground, pulled weeds, and painted cannonballs. These duties, assigned by the soldiers,

were based on Anglo divisions of labor, but, in all likelihood fell within the parameters of

Apachean feminine cultural roles. The warriors maintained their silence, according to

Colonel Loomis Langdon in 1887. He stated that, "it might be thought natural if now and

then an Indian would object" (I angdon to Division of Atlantic 28 June 1887 and 9

August 1887, Apache File, Fort Pickens, quoted in Kalesnik 1992:243-244). This seems

to indicate they did not object. For six months they had lived at the post without their

wives and children, with bleak prospects, and little sense of hope for the fiiture. That

finally changed when the commander successftilly lobbied on their behalf and had them

reunited with their families (Haes 1997:27-28).

Silence and respect were illustrated through a courtship between Asa Daklugie,

son of Nednhi Chiricahua chief Juh and Geronimo's sister Ishton, and Ramona

Chihuahua, daughter of Chokonen Chiricahua chief. Chihuahua. The courtship/marriage

was arranged between the two families. His father set the stage for the relationship by

warning Daklugie that once the arrangement was in place that "from now on you are not

to see each other except when her parents or I am with you. Even then, if you talk, it

must be with something between you, a bush perhaps, and you must speak back to back.

31

You must respect Chihuahua's daughter and defend her with your life if necessary..."

(Ball et al. 1980:74). This comment underiines the importance of silence in a new and as

yet unsure relationship. Juh's coimsel to his son also reflected the respect and honor in

which he held his fnend, Chihuahua, and his family, and the economic value that a

daughter of marriageable age represented to her family. If she were chaste and dutifijl,

the yoimg woman would attract valuable gifts upon marriage (Opler 1965; 161).

Both Ramona and Daklugie were selected to attend CarUsle Indian School after

the Chiricahua Apaches were incarcerated. They were on the same train that took the

children from Forts Marion and Pickens to the school. It was late in the fall and snow

had fallen and delayed the train from reaching the school. The two were some of the

older children on the train but the following conversation indicated the uncertainty of

what the future held in store for them and to what lengths they were willing to go if

necessary;

During that trying ordeal of the trip by train there was littie conversation. Once, when the guard had a message for the girls, Ramona, without once glancing up, asked me if I had a knife and if I would kill her if she were attacked. I answered "Ow," and she understood. Beautiful and strong she was, and no man had greater coiffage. Though we might be going to our death, or into slavery and degradation, my heart sang. I might have to kill Ramona, but while she lived it would be my privilege to defend her and, if it came to an attack, to send her beautiful body to the Happy Place. From that time I had a glimmer of hope. (Ball et al. 1980; 140)

The "trying ordeal" is in reference to a ti-ain trip that was in its second day, with the third

night approaching when it became snowbound enroute north to Carlisle Indian School, in

1886. On board were children of the Chiricahua Apache prisoners of war. The girls were

huddled at one end of the raitoad car witii a wife of one of the two guards as a chaperon.

32

the boys were at the other end, and the guards located in the middle between the two

groups. Apparemly, Ramona and Daklugie, when they were younger, had heard a story

of Anglo pioneers who were frapped during a blizzard, attacked one another, and resorted

to cannibalism (Ball et al. 1980:140-141). It is in reference to tiiis episode that Ramona

broke protocol and spoke to Daklugie asking him to kill her if she were attacked. As for

Dakiugie's closing comment, the marriage between the two families was akeady

arranged. Ramona had sought him out as her protector, and this was potentially the first

acknowledgement of that arrangement. This may be what Daklugie refers to as a

"glimmer of hope" and a chance to win her heart.

At Carlisle, Daklugie recalled standing on the steps so "that when Ramona passed

we could exchange a silent greeting" (Ball et al. 1980; 147). Silence, as Basso's article

(1970) reminds us, can also carry meaning. This form of shyness was in fact considered

proper by Chiricahua standards during courting, as the sexes were not "openly to show a

lot of feeling for one of the other sex" (Opler 1965:78).

The couple remained at Carlisle for eight years. Once Daklugie rejoined the

prisoners of war at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, he specialized in animal husbandry and helped

start a cattle herd for the tribe. After he established himself with enough money to buy a

house and support a family, he asked for Ramona's hand in marriage. They had two

weddings, as Ramona wanted their union to be recognized in both worlds. She wore a

beaded buckskin dress for the Indian ceremony and a silk one for the Anglo wedding

(Balletal. 1980:164).

33

Place-Names or Stalking with Stories

"Speaking with names is possible only among persons who share knowledge of

the same traditional narratives; otherwise, place-names would evoke stories for hearers

that were different from those intended by speakers" (Basso 1996; 157, n.9). There was

some intermarriage between the Western and Chiricahua Apaches; however, the

phenomenon of stalking with stories or using names with associated moral lessons is not

reported for the Chiricahua. Of course, it is unlikely any Anglo observers would have

been aware of this cultural feature before Basso's seminal work.

Instead, there are intriguing place accounts of a different nature. In the

Guadalupe Mountains, there is a unique rock formation, which resembles a face,

Guadalupe Peak. "It keeps perpetual watch for enemies from the east. In our language it

is called Say-a-chee." The mountain was considered sacred. 'Trom a cave beneath that

great face come sounds of singing and dancing such as occur in our sacred rites. Many

Apaches had heard those sounds and were curious about them, but nobody had had the

courage to enter that place" (Kaywaykla 1994:38). Opler's informant told him that the

Moimtain People, those that guarded the Chiricahua territory and protected them against

enemies and disease, resided in the Guadalupe Mountains. They are said to reside within

a series of caves inside a cliff. The Mountain People are responsible for handing down

sacred dances and songs to the shamans and others who have apprenticed with the Sacred

Ones. The masked dancers, sometimes known as the Gahe, or Crown Dancers or Gaan,

in Westem Apache culture, impersonate the Mountain People, for their power is too

dangerous to deliver directly to the Apache (Opler 1965:268-272).

34

Dahteste, a female wan-ior, described a set of peaks which were probably Dos

Cabezas, near Deming, New Mexico, that she said Cochise used as a landmark to know

where to turn right or left. When the Chiricahuas saw it, they knew they were close to

where they wanted to go (Ove et al. 1997:106). Authors Rev. Robert Ove and H.

Henrietta Stockel believed that "the Chiricahuas of old did not assign place names but

rather remembered geographical locations and their specific meanings." This phrase may

allude to meanings of which Anglos were unaware. Ove, a teacher at the Mescalero

Apache Reservation, asked "contemporary descendants if they knew the names of the

peaks. None did, but all knew where they were. In former times, the sight of these two

peaks probably indicated to Cochise's band that they were nearing the safety of his

stronghold" (Ove et al. 1997; 141, n. 2).

Language as a Local Symbolic Form

The Chiricahua Apaches were encouraged to acculturate, adapt, and assimilate to

an Anglo lifestyle. Geronimo informed his nephew, prior to leaving for CarUsle Indian

School, that he would accompany some of the other children to that institute. Daklugie

balked. Geronimo explained to him that not all men were descended from chiefs and

designated to be Chiricahua leaders as was he. Daklugie said that Geronimo told him that

'Svithout this training in the ways of the White Eyes our people could never compete with

them. So it was necessary that those destined for leadership prepare themselves to cope

with the enemy. I was to be trained to become the leader" (Ball et al. 1980; 136),

35

The children who were sent to Pennsylvania at this time were expected to speak

only English at Carlisle and not to speak Apache, tiiat they might obtain language fluency

in English, In 1890, the Commissioner of Indian Affairs notified boarding schools that

"pupils must be compelled to converse with each other in English, and should be property

rebuked or punished for persistent violation of this mle." Fortunately, CarUsle's Captain

Richard Pratt believed in positive reinforcement and rewarded those students who

refrained from speaking their native tongues for long periods of time (Adams 1995:140).

Youths that continued to live with their families and attended public schools were also

expected to speak the English language.

Daklugie said it was necessary to try to memorize everything to learn English, as

the Chiricahuas could neither read nor write. He was fortunate to have a kind, patient

teacher who sensed that he desperately wanted to learn to read and helped him. He was

well along in the process before the winter of 1886 was over. One day, the teacher

showed Daklugie the mountains and rivers of his homeland in a geography book. It was

the first time that he had seen a map. He was smitten. Daklugie told her their names in

Chiricahua, and then in Spanish, and recalled for her what few names he knew in English.

Knowing what the book represented to him, she let him take it back to his dorm room.

Daklugie related, "I almost wore it out" (Ball et al. 1980:144-145). One can imagine that

seeing a visual representation of the Chiricahua lands, whose features may have held a

wealth of meaning, must have been exciting for the youth.

The men, women, and children living near U.S. Anny personnel were forced to

speak English and there were advantages to communicating with the Anglo population on

36

a daily basis. It protected the indigenous people against being cheated when trading for

goods or being issued rations as there were undoubtedly many unsavory characters

interested in taking advantage of the prisoners of war.

Sense of Place

Through ethnohistorical documentation, we may witness the Chiricahua

experience through archival photographs and oral accounts. Men, women, and children

in unfamiliar surroimdings are shown peering out the windows of a Florida-bound train,

somewhere in Arizona during the summer of 1886. The windows were closed as the heat

sweltered, many of the men were shackled, and armed soldiers were everywhere. The

indigenous eyes seem to register the fear of the unknown. It was hard to breathe between

the heat and the coal smoke. All the while, the land where they were bom, hunted,

played, learned, gathered, raided, danced, washed, cooked, birthed, loved, and died,

passed before their eyes. They moumed as if someone had expired. The experience

shook them collectively to the very core of their existence and would, until they reached a

more familiar environment some eight years later in 1894 at Fort Sill, Oklahoma

Territory. They too, were literally dislocated; their worid and all the meanings it

contained destroyed (Haes 1997:3-4).

Witchcraft

There were many people who were mmored to be witches among the Chiricahua

Apache. Individuals were feared for their "power," and tiie lack of understanding by

37

others contributed to this fear. This held tme for Geronimo who was recognized as a war

shaman or military leader. Daklugie said, "He could foretell the fijttire. That is what his

name means: he sees ahead" (Ball et al. 1980:61). For example, Geronimo told his

nephew that Daklugie was going to be separated from his two older brothers, who were

attached to Mangus' band during the wars with the U.S. Army. "He assured me that he

was pleased with my behavior, that he was sure that I would make a good wanior, and

that he believed that some day I would be a chief I think that even that long ago

Geronimo may have known that I was to lose my brothers and wished to prevent the

family's extinction. He had the Power of foresight, even as my father had" (Ball et al.

1980:87).

Ball noted during an interview with Daklugie with his family present that the

children played so quietly that she almost forgot they were there. She remarked on their

good behavior and asked Daklugie how he managed it. "I just tell them what to do and

they do it," he explained. She continued, "I was to leam that almost all of the Apaches

followed suit when he spoke. I did not know at that time that part of their subservience

was owing to their firm conviction that Daklugie was a witch (they applied the term to

men as well as women)" (Ball et al. 1980:xvii-xviii). Ball further elaborated:

Although Daklugie had been photographed repeatedly and with his consent, he refused to look into a mirror. There was a large one in my living room, but he always sat with his back to it. A fellow Apache who worked for me occasionally gave the following explanation; "That man's a witch. He can witch people just by looking at them. No witch will see himself in a mirror." Daklugie had no hesitancy in saying that he possessed Power; but he was carefiil to explain that, when used beneficially for either an individual or the tribe. Power is not witchcraft. If employed for sinister purposes it is. (Ball et al. 1980:87, n. 2)

38

Daklugie stated that his uncle's power related to fiiture predictions but did not

elaborate on his own. Power might be used in diagnosis, to bring success, to halt

fligitives, or to influence enemies such as the Americans or Mexicans. Victorio's sister,

Lozen, was a woman warrior specialized in locating adversaries. It is said that if she had

been with her brother at Tres Castillos, she would have been able to wam him that there

were enemy forces surrounding Victorio and he might have found a way to survive.

Instead he was ovemm. Power may be used to locate missing objects, to prophesize

future events, to protect against attacks, to use in treatments against diseases, or to

weaken an enemy (Opler 1965:494-495),

Scouts

There were actually two types of scouts among the Chiricahua Apaches, The first

dated to the reservation period (1870) and helped the agent maintain order. These

individuals were often the natural leaders of the Chiricahua, such as Chihuahua, who was

a Chokonen chief In May 1885, Chihuahua quit being a scout for Lt. Britton Davis,

when he tired of the Ues that Chato, another Chiricahua, spread throughout the San Carlos

Reservation (Ball et al. 1980:98). Chato was charismatic and convinced Davis of the

tmth of his stories, Davis, in turn, shared the information with his superiors. For

example, Chato claimed that he had successftilly conducted a raid that had in artuality

been led by Chihuahua. Events such as this contributed to the rifts between the two

camps of scouts that existed at San Carlos (Ball et al. 1980:83,84).

39

The second type of scouts were individuals who helped the U.S. Army locate

Geronimo and the Apache Resistance in the final years of the Apache Wars. This

particular group were considered to be ti-aitors by many of their own people. Westem

Apache individuals numbered among this assemblage.

Martine and Kayitah were scouts of the second type. General Nelson A Miles

made promises to them if they helped find Geronimo, but these were promises he had no

intention of keeping:

If you come back alive and Geronimo surrenders I will have the government give you a good home at Turkey Creek and there you will have plenty of good water, grass, and game. Everything you need will be fumished you. And the government will give you seventy thousand dollars if you are successfiil; you wall get the mon^ as soon as Geronimo surrenders and you get back. (Ball et al, 1980; 109)

Ball interviewed George Martine, son of Martine, m New Mexico and learned of Martine

and Kayitah's exploits. She commented, "They had no use for money but they wanted a

home at Turkey Creek where they could live peacefully. They had not asked for money;

but because Miles promised it, they looked for it until they died. Of course they did not

get it" (Ball et al. 1980:109),

The two scouts' primary motivation in tracking down Geronimo and the Apache

Resistance, even though they both knew that they would be "forfeit[ing] the respect of

[their] people by going on this mission," was to put an end to the Apache Wars, Martine

and Kayitah were afraid that if the fighting continued that it might lead to the

"extermination of the Apaches." George Wratten, who worked at the ti-ading post at the

San Carlos Reservation and spoke fluent Apache, witnessed General Miles's monetary

offer to the two Chiricahua scouts. Wratten explained that the general was promising

40

each of them large sums of money when they successftilly retumed from their venUire

(Balletal. 1980:111),

Lieutenant Charles B. Gatewood was the officer who actually led the soldiers and

scouts on the mission to locate and secure Geronimo's surrender, but Miles, as in so

many previous and subsequent instances, took credit. In their later years, it would be

Gatewood that would come to Martine and Kayitah's rescue and assist the scouts in

obtaining recognition, as well as a small pension as a reward (Ball et al. 1980:111).

Traditional Religion

The Chiricahua Apaches resorted to their traditional ways even in incarceration.

The Gahe or Mountain Spirit dancers were called upon to heal a sick baby shortly after

the tribe's arrival in Florida in 1886 (Stockel 1993:90). Eugene Chihuahua noted that,

after the Chiricahua were sent to Florida, "we thought that even Ussen [the Creator] was

taken away from us. We had long known that we were Indeh, the Dead, but even so,

back in our own country we could go to the mountains to pray, and Ussen would answer

us" (Ball et al. 1980:64). By the time the Chiricahuas arrived at Fort Sill, Oklahoma

Territory, eight years had transpired and Eugene had had a change of heart as shovwi by

his words;

We could see the mountains. They weren't tall like ours but they were mountains. There were trees, and we didn't have to climb one to see the sun. There was water in the creek-clear sparkling mountain water. There were mesquite beans, and we began gathering and shelling them. We hadn't seen one since we were taken to Florida. We gathered several hundred bags of them. And there were deer-not so many as at Turkey Creek, but a good many. You'll laugh at this, but I don't mind. The

41

best of all was to hear the coyotes sing, and the cry of the quail too. We hadn't heard them since we left Fort Bowie. And the smell of sage was good to us. (Ball et al. 1980; 160)

Mountains played a cmcial role in the lives of the Chiricahua Apaches. They

were a mountain people and knew how to survive in them, draw sustenance from them,

and find emotional well being and inspiration. They resided in areas of Florida and

Alabama for eight years without mountains, so they rejoiced at seeing another range of

mountains in Oklahoma, at Fort Sill. By climbing a mountain, one could see the sky,

communicate freer spiritually, and see the sun-which symbolized Ussen. In Phase n of

the puberty ceremony the young woman is impregnated by the sun [Ussen\ (Basso 1966;

153-156).

Daklugie stated that the "ceremonials for the Maidens are the most sacred of all

our religious rites" (Ball et al. 1980:58). In an undated Ball interview manuscript,

Amelia Naiche, daughter of Naiche and, granddaughter of Cochise, noted that the

missionaries "thought that the Puberty Ceremonial for the maidens is a pagan rite and that

it should not be observed. One minister ordered the members of the Reformed Church

not to attend nor to permit their daughters to participate. Did we obey? Certainly not"

(Robinson 2000:185).

Ball wrote that "seldom did a Protestant minister stay more than a year or two,"

Fewer still had experience with Indians and none spoke the language. Ministers quickly

learned that to be successful in making converts, they should focus their efforts on the

man of the household. If the man became a member, his wife and children would follow.

Herein lay the problem: almost all the Apache men had more than one wife. Before he

42

could be baptized, he had to decide which wife and children he could keep; the others had

to be renounced and left to shift for themselves, "The Apaches strictly observed tiieir

unwritten law regarding a man's obUgation to support his families; failure to do so would

mean loss of face in his tribe. Many warriors weighed the decision in the balance and

decided in favor of their families. This was very discouraging to the ministers and

probably was a primary reason for their short terms of service" (Ball et al. 1980:237).

The Boarding School Experience

On 23 October 1886, 100 incarcerated Chiricahua Apache children were selected

by military overseers to be sent to Carlisle Indian Industrial School, in Carlisle,

Pennsylvania, They were taken from their families at Fort Marion, St, Augustine, and

Fort Pickens, Santa Rosa Island, Florida. In April 1887, an additional sixty-two

Chiricahua children traveled to Carlisle, this time by sea from Florida to New York and

then overland to Pennsylvania (Ove et al, 1997:xxix),

Richard Imach, father of Mildred Imach Cleghom, former Chairperson of the Fort

Sill ChiricahuaAVarm Springs Apache Tribe in Oklahoma, related much about the

selection process. He said that the boys were lined up in sand on the beach below the

fort. The selection process was based on height, as the children's ages were unknown.

Richard and the boy next to him were identical in height, but the other boy dug his feet in

the sand to appear shorter. He was bypassed temporarily while Richard was sent to

Carlisle. Upon arrival at Carlisle, the boys and giris were separated (Ove et al. 1997;

xxix). Officials cut the sttidents' hair the day after they anived. There were two reasons

43

for the short-hair policy; first, it was easier to control head lice, which was not a

widespread problem among new recmits, but would make it easier to control if there was

an outbreak. Second, and the primary reason for the program, was that long hair

symbolized "savagism." The removal 'Vas central to the new identification with

civilization" (Adams 1995; 101), For Daklugie, this was a devastating part of the

acculttiration process. The question he remembered asking himself at the time was,

"How would Ussen recognize me when I went to the Happy Place?" (Ball et al, 1980;

144).

Next, the children were bathed. While they were washing, their traditional

clothing was taken (Daklugie found out later that the clothing was sent back to their

parents) and pants or dresses left in their stead, depending on the gender. Daklugie

commented, "We'd lost our hair and we'd lost our clothes; with the two we'd lost our

identity as Indians. Greater punishment could hardly have been devised" (Ball et al.

1980:144).

Then, the youths were lined up along a wall according to height and issued

Christian names, with the tallest receiving names beginning at the first of the alphabet,

hence Daklugie receiving the first name of "Asa." "I went to the head of the line because

that's where a chief belongs. Then a man went down it.., I've always hated that name. It

was forced on me as though I had been an animal" (Ball et al. 1980:144). Imach

remarked that "many descendants of those children still carry the names today; quite a

few contemporary Chiricahuas have no idea what their ancestors' real Apache names

were" (Ove et al. 1997:xxix).

44

Lessons in English began at meals where children learned how to pronounce the

names of utensils and food. Older Apache children were expected to assist the smaller

ones. James Kaywaykla, the youngest Apache at Carlisle, sat next to Daklugie, one of

the oldest children there. Daklugie told about one Sunday moming breakfast when he

was passing hotcakes from left to right. Kaywaykla was seated to his right and was the

last served, but there was still plenty of pancakes on the plate. That was not the case

when the maple symp reached him; the jar was virtually empty. Only a few drops ran

out. He began to cry because the symp was gone, a most unusual reaction for an Apache

of any age. 'Tt was the first time that I'd seen one of the Apache children (cry),"

Daklugie said. "I felt sorry for him... .It was against the mle, but I got more of that maple

symp" (Ove et al. 1997:xxix).

The student waiter who brought the symp asked Daklugie if he knew that

Kanseah was in the hospital? 'That was terrible news, for nearly every Apache taken

there had died," Jasper Kanseah was the orphaned nephew of Geronimo, and had been

only thirteen when his uncle's band surrendered, Kanseah was one of the lucky few who

did not die from tuberculosis (Ove et al, 1997;xxix-xxx).

English lessons continued in the classroom where memorization and flashcards

were introduced. The cards had the word and picttire of the object to introduce the idea

and word. The student would write on a blackboard or slate, repeat the word verbally,

and thus begin a mdimentary vocabulary. Objects, wall charts, and instmctive walks

were aU part of the curriculum (Adams 1995:137).

45

Kanseah insisted that his children and grandchildren obtain a proper education so

that they could compete in the white world. This was consistent with Carlisle's course of

sttidy as described in its catalogue; "It is the aim of the Carlisle school to ti-ain the Indian

youth of both sexes to take upon themselves the duties of citizenship. Indian young men

and young women are given thorough academic and industrial training, which prepares

them to eam a living, either among their own people or away from the reservation in

competition with whites" (Ove et al. 1997:xxx).

In addition to the basic academic curriculum, Carlisle offered agriculture,

business, and industries, such as wagonmaking, blacksmithing, printer, shoemaker,

carpenter, painter, and tailoring for the boys (Pratt 1964:280, 322-323). The household

arts included cooking, laundering, sewing, canning, ironing, child care, cleaning,

stenography, typing, and bookkeeping for girls (Adams 1995; 150).

Carlisle also promoted a program called the "outing system," underwritten by

Superintendent Pratt. Each student spent at least one year at a nearby farm home

practicing what he or she had learned in the classroom environment at Carlisle by

working for the family. To illustrate, an Apache girl would be expected to assist in

household chores, such as cooking, washing, and helping with the sewing. The pupils

were paid one dollar to fifteen dollars per month, in direct relation to the kind of work

they performed and the ability and skill they showed in doing it. The earnings were

deposited in individual bank accounts and were accessible for purchasing necessities.

Many of the farming families kept in touch with the sttidents long after they had rettimed

to their natural parents. To show respect and gratitude, a few Apache children even

46

adopted the first or last names of these families. The outing system received

Congressional support and similar programs were started in other Indian schools from

Oregon to the Indian Territory (Ove et al. 1997:xxx).

Tuberculosis indiscriminately infected its victims at that time. Healthy and

unhealthy students alike were sent out to local homes, regardless of the danger to them

and their host families. In some instances, the farm family had members who were sick,

and the deadly bacteria flourished. When a heahhy pupil entered a home where others

were sick, usually that student fell ill. When the initial education period for the

Chiricahuas at CarUsle was over, at least thirty-seven Apache children had died from

contagious diseases acquired at school (Ove et al. 1997;xxxi).

47

CHAPTER IV

COMPARING AND CONTRASTING

Puberty Ceremony

In The Gift of Changing Woman Basso did an astounding job of presenting an

ethnographic description of the ceremony itself, the ritualistic paraphernalia, and the

symbolic content. He ties the meaning of the ceremonial fiinction, not only to the

individual, but also to the Westem Apache society as a whole. Unfortimately, the same

amoimt of detail for the Chiricahua's puberty ceremony was not available. The two

ceremonies are similar in many respects. The girls run around a cane (Westem Apache)

versus a basket (Chiricahua) in Phase I and V (1966:153-156). The cane is used as a

walking stick in the woman's elder years. The basket merely held the ritual ceremonial

items, but both items symbolized longevity. There may be additional differences, but this

one seems to be the most significant.

As for the Chiricahua Apache eyewitness accounts, Eugene Chihuahua recounts

that the puberty ceremony was practiced at Mount Vemon Barracks during the

incarcerative years. He was a prisoner of war and a highly reliable source. As an older

boy when the Chiricahuas were initially incarcerated, his recall of early events at Fort

Marion, Mount Vemon Barracks, and Fort Sill have proven accurate. He was much older

than Blossom Wratten Haozous and saw more of that early internment period.

As for Cleghom's comments that the puberty ceremony was never held in

Oklahoma, that can not be the case. The likelihood is that Mrs. Haozous was referring to

the incarcerative period at Fort Sill when the puberty ceremony was held; however, by

48

the time of Cleghom's early childhood, emancipation from Fort Sill, and individual

allotments, the ceremony may have become an event of the past. With the majority of

Chiricahuas moving to the Mescalero Apache reservation in 1913, perhaps no one in the

region was knowledgeable about how to conduct the puberty ceremony and this may be

the period to which Cleghom refers.

Clans

The Western Apache have a rich social organization system that was ahered over

time by relocation of people, formation of settlements, disappearance of bands and local

groups, economic changes that took place between the gota and gowa, and loss of

connection between clan members in widely separated communities. Finally, earlier

restrictions on marriage between individuals are beginning to break down (Basso 1967;

64).

Still to be detennined is whether such an elaborate system of social organization

existed among the Chiricahua. Was it destroyed by the incarceration experience, and if

so how? From the literature about this period, there is no mention of a clan system in

place. Eugene Chihuahua emphatically denied the existence of clans (Ball et al, 1980;

43). Did anyone else besides Eugene Chihuahua remember an earlier clan system?

Grenville Goodwin conducted fieldwork with the Western Apache and recorded

that the Westem Apache "read clans into the three Chiricahua bands, asserting that these

are clans like their own" (1942; 105). The quote refers to the intermarriage that took

place between the two groups. For example, Westem Apache women married into the

49

Chiricahua, thus bringing their clans and descendants to the Chiricahua Apaches.

Goodwin also stated that marital exchange took place in the opposite direction, witii

Chiricahua women marrying Westem Apache men. He elaborated "that they and their

offspring, regardless of the Westem Apache father, are termed 'Chiricahua,' just as if this

were a clan name." He continued, "ahhough the three Chiricahua band names are

thought of as clans (by Western Apaches), in actual practice only the one term is used,

covering all Chiricahua" (1942; 106). These observations do not shed light on whether

clans did or did not actually exist among the Chiricahua Apaches, but intermarriage

between the two tribes and the introduction of clans into the lives of the intermarrying

individuals and their offspring remains an interesting adaptation.

Subsistence

The Chiricahua and Westem Apaches shared pre-reservation subsistence pattems

as they Uved on adjacent lands in the Arizona Territory, with the exception that the

Chiricahuas were not farmers. The Westem Apache lived and still reside in east-central

Arizona, The Chiricahua lived on their traditional lands to the east. When Westem

Apaches enlisted as scouts in the U.S. Army and assisted in efforts to locate renegade

Chiricahuas and other Indians that fled from the reservations, a previously amicable

status between the two tribes was severed (Basso 1986:3).

Foraging during incarceration initially was to supplement governmental rations, to

escape starvation, and to avoid taboo foods. By 1891, at Mount Vemon Barracks, the

Chiricahuas were gathering such wild foods as nuts and berries to complement their diets

50

(Guydelkon undated;2,4, Native American Files/Apaches/Prisoner of War Stattis, Ft. Sill

Archives; Haes 1997:43). In 1894 at Fort Sill, with the reintroduction of some foods

native or similar to the Chiricahuas' traditional diet, such as mesquite beans and

artichokes, subsistence was approaching fiill circle, as were the lives of the Apache in

some respects (Debo 1989:365-366; Boyer 1992:117; Scott 1928:198-199, McClung

1986:2A, Indian Files-Biography/Cleghom, Mildred/Apache, Fort Sill Archives; Opler

1983:413).

The Meaning of Silence

Basso shows how silence is a culturally appropriate response to social uncertainty

among the Westem Apache (1970:317). There is some indication of this pattern in the

Chiricahua experience. Tasks assigned by soldiers at Fort Pickens, Florida, to the

Apache prisoners of war were based on divisions of labor foreign to the males. Initially,

the Chiricahuas did not protest because to do so would have been labeled acts of defiance

and resistance. The cultural prescription of silence in uncertain situations thus stood

them in good stead (Basso 1970:317). Later, when the Indians were reunited with their

families, the men didn't want to appear to be ungratefiil for the kindnesses that the

soldiers extended toward them, even though most tasks would have traditionally been

performed by women within their culture (Haes 1997:25-28).

51

Place-Names or Stalking with Stories

Stalking with stories or speaking with names, the unique phenomenon known to

the Westem Apache, serve an important moral fiinction in their society. Agodzaahi

stories about historical events and tiieir geographical locations include the system of mles

and values with which Apaches expect each other to organize and regulate their lives

(Basso 1996:52). As Basso stated it was "possible only among persons who share

knowledge of the same traditional narratives; otherwise, place-names would evoke stories

for hearers that were different from those intended by speakers" (1996:157, n. 9).

We know that the Chiricahua told stories about adventures inside sacred

mountains that resulted in obtaining sacred dances and songs for posterity. Apache

leaders also used landmarks to make their way through the countryside and were

extremely familiar with their local territory. Ove's comment that the Chiricahua did not

use place names, but rather remembered the "specific meanings" of particular places,

seems to indicate the same weahh of meaning attached to particular places described by

Basso. Being separated from their lands and their sacred mountains must have been a

devastating loss. The joy expressed at seeing mountains again in Oklahoma may indicate

Chiricahua hopefulness about being in a new mountain land whose stories could be

learned.

Language as a Local Symbolic Form

The Westem Apache retained tiieir native Athabaskan tongue, whereas, in many

respects, the Chiricahua have been alienated from their language over time. Obviously,

52

there were drawbacks in learning the English language at the expense of their mother

tongue, especially when that native usage was discouraged or forbidden. People would

forget the complex system of place-names and associated communication about

geographic locations. Loss of art, music, and other expressive forms would occur, as

well as changes in cultm-al morals and values. Destmction of a language would have

many cultural ramifications (Basso 1990; 140). According to linguists Isidore Dyen and

David F. Aberle (1974; 14), the Apachean subgrouping of Athabaskan languages are all

closely related. They state that such languages as Navajo, San Carlos, Chiricahua,

Mescalero, Jicarilla, and Lipan all share 95 percent or more cognate words.

Sense of Place

Although the cuhural characteristic of sense of place is a basic premise in the

Western Apache collective whole, it is actually the property of individuals and is

experienced to varying degrees by them (Basso 1996;xv-xvi). A wealth of meaning must

have been destroyed in the Chiricahua diaspora, but perhaps new meanings were

discovered, once they reached Oklahoma,

Scouts

The Westem and Chiricahua Apaches had been like cousins until the Army

employed the Westem Apaches to locate Chiricahua renegades who had escaped from the

various reservations. Among the Chiricahua, there were two fections of scouts, those

from the reservation period and the individuals who assisted the Westem Apache scouts

53

in the location and surrender of Geronimo, It is to this second Chiricahua group that

Daklugie directed tiie following conunent; "There was just one good thing in the whole

procedure; the scouts who had betrayed their people were doomed to captivity like the

rest of us. I didn't have to be there to know that the loyal Apaches made it miserable for

the cowardly traitors" (Ball et al, 1980; 136), Were such traitors punished in some way,

or regarded as evil-doers and ostracized?

Traditional Religion

Stmggles between Christianity and traditional religion have been waged in

modem-day Western Apache society, although traditional rituals continue to be practiced.

The Chiricahua also practiced their ttaditional rituals during their incarcerative years, as

the people clung to their lifeways. The puberty ceremony continues to be held yearly

around the July 4* holiday on the Mescalero Apache Reservation in New Mexico, where

most of the Chiricahua survivors immigrated, so tradition is still very much evident

today.

The Boarding School Experience

While the Western Apache experience with boarding schools is a modem one and

the Chiricahuas' was that of the reservation period, it would seem that the students'

parents might have shared many of the same fears. They would have been concemed

about the foreign influences on their children's lives, then- morals and values and, of

course, traditions. The most important fact for either generation of elders would have

54

been that they were anxious about whether the youth would treat them differently when

they retumed, as if they were "ignorant, old-fashioned, and no longer deserving of

respect" (Basso 1970:310).

55

CHAPTER V

CONCLUSIONS

The Chiricahua Apache Indians persevered from 1886 to 1894 in the face of

many hardships, first at Forts Marion and Pickens in Florida and then Mount Vemon

Barracks in Alabama. Due to excessive mortality rates, the government responded to

public outcry on the Indians' behalf and transferred them to Fort Sill, Oklahoma, in

October 1894. This became the turning point in the Chiricahuas' incarceration, as better

heahh and acculturation became obvious objectives. Officers, such as Captain Scott, in

charge of the prisoners of war at the post, cut trade in illegal alcohol, taught ranching and

farming techniques, and allowed the Chiricahuas to once again practice traditional

lifeways. The fort overlooked War Department mles and allowed returning graduates of

Carlisle Indian Industrial School to stay with the prisoners of war. These actions and

others created an environment in which the Indians thrived and developed a sense of

permanence at the post (Haes 1997:94).

The Chiricahuas had endured a devastating dislocation that shook them to the core

of their existence with their removal from their traditional homelands in 1886. In 1897,

the government had procured 27,000 acres of land from the Kiowas, Comanches, and

Kiowa-Apaches (modem-day Apache Tribe of Oklahoma) for the special use of the

Chiricahuas. Special Agent Frank C. Armstrong with the War Department's Inspector

General's Office wrote, "These Indians have been given to understand tiiat this is their

fiittire home..." (War Department, Inspector General's Office, Report of Inspection 1903;

5-6, Fort Sill, O.T., Native American Files/Apache/Prisoner of War Stattis, Ft. Sill

56

Archives). So what efforts did tiie Chiricahuas themselves make to develop pennanent

residency at Fort Sill? Twelve Apache headmen accepted a Dutch Reformed Church

proposal to build a mission and day school for young children at Fort Sill, including an

orphanage and home for the mission workers (Interview, Rev, Dr, Robert Chaat with

John A. Turcheneske, Jr. 1976, quoted in Turcheneske 1997:71-72).

In Oklahoma, the Chiricahuas practiced subsistence agricukure and also worked

on the post at tasks such as cutting grass, driving teams, policing the post, and laboring

on the roads or at the sawmills (Scott Collection 1894; Boyer et al. 1992:118; Haes

2000:34). The Chiricahuas learned how to farm and ranch. They buih storehouses, sank

wells, and fenced more than 50,000 acres of reservation lands for livestock (Scott 1928;

191-192; Haes 2000:34). They began ranching with a herd of 580 Hereford cattle and

joined the Texas Cattle Association to keep abreast of the latest technological advances

and to receive information on cross-breeding, as well as to help protect the livestock from

cattle mstlers (Captain H. M. Reeve, Acting Inspector General, Department of the

Missouri 1902:4, Native American Files/Apache/Prisoners of War Status, Ft, Sill

Archives). Forty-three Chiricahuas participated in a government experiment in

acculturation by enlisting in the Army. They rode escort for payrolls, assisted with soil

conservation projects such as digging ponds, constmcted roads, and made other range

improvements (Coppersmith 1996:172, n. 21; Spivey/Haes, 1997; Haes 2000:35).

In 1902, after the conclusion of the Spanish-American War, the Army began to

consider the location of a field artillery school at Fort Sill (Spivey/Haes, 1997; Haes

2000:33). By 1910, the United States government had noted advancements by the

57

Gennan Army in the mobilization and training of artillery units, training that far

exceeded its American counterpart. Three things sealed the Apaches' and the post's fate:

America's fear of European military supremacy. Fort Sill artillery school commandant

Dan T. Moore's training at the German Army artUlery school, and the lure of Fort Sill's

varied topography (Spivey/Haes, 1997; Haes 2000:38). The Army used Colonel Scott to

persuade the Chiricahuas that the government had provided lands at Fort Sill just for use

and occupancy rather than for their permanent settlement.

In April 1913, 183 of the 261-member Chiricahua tribe, siuvivors and

descendants of the original 515 internees, chose freedom and relocated to the Mescalero

Reservation in New Mexico, The remaining seventy-eight Apaches continued as

prisoners of war at Fort Sill until the government allotted them lands off-post from

deceased members of other neighboring tribes in 1914. Mildred Cleghom, who was bom

a prisoner of war, explained that many of the people who went to Mescalero "hated to

leave Fort Sill... There was not so much the satisfaction of receiving one's freedom as

there was the sadness of being denied the homes permanently promised them"

(Turcheneske 1978:262). Yet again, the Chiricahuas were collectively denied a sense of

place by the govemment. In Basso's terms (1996;xiii-xiv), they were adrift, dislocated in

unfamiliar surroundings that they did not care for or comprehend, unnerved, tiireatened

and, worst of all, without one another for solace.

The Westem Apache maintained their culture and traditional homelands from the

pre-reservation period to the present. For that reason, they provide valuable comparisons

into the Chiricahua Apache, a previously adjacent people. For over forty years. Basso

58

has worked with the Westem Apache people. By learning and describing their culture

through mastery of the language. Basso's research provides interesting insights into how

the Chiricahua experienced their incarceration and forced relocation to new lands.

59

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Govemment Documents

U.S. Congress, House. 1886 Report of the Secretary of the Interior, Hostile Apaches 49th Cong,,

2dsess, H.D. 1, Serial 2467.

1887 Mount Vemon Arsenal Reservation. 50th Cong,, 1st sess, H.R 2425. Serial 2604.

1895 Annual Report. Report of the Secretary of War. The Apache Indian Prisoners of War. 53rd Cong., 3d sess. H.D. 1, Part n. Vol. 4, No. 1,

1895 Annual Report. Report of the Secretary of War. The Apache Indian Prisoners. Report prepared by Hon. Daniel S. Lamont. 54th Cong., 1st sess. H.D. 2. Serial 3370.

1896 Report ofthe Secretary of War, Report by the Surgeon-General, U.S.A. Indian Prisoners. Report prepared by Brig. Gen. George M. Stemberg. 54th Cong., 2d sess. H.D. 2. Serial 5975.

1901 Removal of Certain Indians from San Carlos Reservation. Etc. 56th Cong., 2d sess, H,D, 347. Serial 4155.

1902 Lease of Lands on Fort Sill MiUtary Reservation. 57th Cong., 1st sess. H.D. 296. Serial 4337.

1912 Certain Information Relative to Certain Apache Indians at Fort Sill, Okla. 62nd Cong., 2d sess. H.R. 489. Serial 6135.

1913 Relief of Apache Indians Confined at Fort Sill Military Reservation, Okla. 62nd Cong., 3d sess. H.D. 1249. Serial 6503.

1922 Relief of Certain Apache Indians in Oklahoma. 67th Cong., 2d sess., 1922. H.R. 743. Serial 7955,

U.S. Congress. Senate. 1888 Education ofthe Apaches in Florida. 49th Cong., 2d sess, S.D. 73.

Serial 2448.

1887 Surrender of Geronimo. 49th Cong., 2d sess. S.D. 117. Serial 2449.

60

1889 Repair of Fort Marion. Saint Augustine, Fla 50th Cong 1st sess S.R. 189. Serial 2519.

1890 Apache Indians. 51st Cong., 1st sess, S.D. 35. Serial 2682.

1890 Treatment of Certain Apache Indians 51st Cong, 1st sess. SD 83 Serial 2686.

1900 Quantity. Nature, and Character ofthe Lands ofthe Kiowa. Comanche. and Apache Reservation. Etc. 56th Cong., 1st sess. S.D. 75. Serial 3850.

1910 Apache Prisoners of War. 61st Cong., 2d sess. S.D. 366. Serial 5657.

1912 Inquiry Concerning Apache Indians. 62nd Cong., 2d sess. S.D. 432. Serial 6175.

1922 ReUef of Certain Apache Indians of Oklahoma. 67th Cong., 2d sess. S.R. 709. Serial 7951.

U.S. Statutes at Large. 1911 An Act to Provide for Determining the Heirs of Deceased Indians, for the

Disposition and Sale of Allotments of Deceased Indians, for the Leasing of Allotments, and for other Purposes. 61st Cong., 2d sess. Serial 36, Part 1.

Interviews

Haozous, Mrs. Blossom. 1976 Interview by Pat O'Brien, 22 July 1976. Bicentennial Oral History Program,

transcript. Fort Sill Museum Archives, U.S. Army Field Artillery and Fort Sill Museum, Fort Sill, Oklahoma.

Spivey, Towana, Director of Fort Sill Museum. 1997 Interview by Brenda L. Haes, 18 August 1997, Fort Sill Museum, Fort Sill,

Oklahoma.

Stockel, H. Henrietta, Author. 2000 Interview by Brenda L. Haes, March 2000, Tucson, Arizona.

61

Manuscript Materials

Apache Prisoners of War Notebook. Fort Sill Museum Archives. U.S. Army Field Artillery and Fort Sill Museum Fort SiU, Oklahoma.

Apache Scouts File. Fort SiU Museum Archives. U.S. Army Field ArtiUery and Fort Sill Museum, Fort SiU, Oklahoma.

James D. Glennan Collection. Fort Sill Museum Archives. U.S. Army Field Artillery and Fort SiU Museum, Fort SiU, Oklahoma.

Griswold, Gillett. 'The Fort SiU Apaches; Their Vital Statistics, Tribal Origins, and Antecedents," Fort SUl; U.S. Army Field ArtiUery and Fort Sill Museum, 1958-1961.

Indian Files-Biography. Fort SiU Museum Archives. U.S. Army Field ArtiUery and Fort SUl Museum, Fort Sm, Oklahoma.

Murphy, PoUy Lewis. "Records of Medical History of Fort SiU, Indian Tenitory, Feb. 1873-May 1880, and of Fort Sill, Oklahoma, 1903-1913, with Indexes to Apaches Prisoners of War and to the Officers, Soldiers and CivUians Who Were at Fort SUl in Those Years." Lawton; S.W. Oklahoma Genealogical Society, 1984. Fort SUl Museum Archives, U.S. Army Field ArtUlery and Fort SUl Museum, Fort SiU, Oklahoma.

Native American FUes. Fort SUl Museum Archives. U.S. Army Field ArtUlery and Fort SUl Museum, Fort SUl, Oklahoma.

Hugh L. Scott CoUection. Fort SUl Museum Archives. U.S. Army Field ArtUlery and Fort SiU Museum, Fort SUl, Oklahoma,

Colonel Hugh L, Scott Papers, Fort SUl Museum Archives. U.S. Army Field ArtiUery and Fort SUl Museum, Fort SiU, Oklahoma.

62

General Hugh L. Scott Papers.

Fort SUl Museum Archives. U.S. Anny Field ArtUlery and Fort SUl Museum. Fort SUl, Oklahoma.

Morris Swett Papers.

Fort SUl Museum Archives. U.S. Army Field ArtiUery and Fort SUl Museum, Fort SUl, Oklahoma.

Published Sources

Adams, David Wallace. 1995 Education for Extinction: American Indians and the Boarding School

Experience. 1875-1928. Lawrence; University of Kansas.

Ball, Eve.

1965 "The Apache Scouts; A Chiricahua Appraisal." Arizona and the West 7 (Winter); 315-328.

BaU, Eve, Nora Henn, and Lynda A. Sanchez, eds. 1980 Indeh; An Apache Odvssey. Salt Lake City; Brigham Young University

Press.

1971 "Interpreter for the Apaches," Tme West 23 (November-December); 26-27, 36,

Basso, Keith H, 1986 The Cibecue Apache, Prospect Heights; Waveland Press, Inc,

1966 The Gift of Changing Woman, Washington; US, Govemment Printing Office, 113-173, Anthropological papers, Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, no, 76,

1986 '"StaUcing with Stories'; Names, Places, and Moral Narratives Among the Westem Apache." On Nature. New York; Ecco Press; 95-116.

1970 'To Give Up On Words: SUence in Westem Apache Culttire." Southwestem Journal of Anthropology 26 (3), Autumn, 213-230.

1990 Westem Apache Language and Culture; Essavs in Linguistic Anthropology. Tucson; University of Arizona Press.

63

AEache. Albuquerque; Umversity^f New Mexico Press

Bean, WUUam B., M,D,

1982 WaherReedi^^iography. CharlottesviUe: University of Virginia.

Betzinez, Jason.

1987 LFoughLWitfc^eroni^ Edited by WUbur Stiirtevant Nye. Hanisburg,

Press *'"'^^'''' ^^^^''^P™t'Lincoln; University of Nebraska

Bourke, John G.

^^ ' An Apache Campaign in th^ Sjerra Madre An Account ofthe Expedition in Pursuit ofthe Hostile Chiricahua Apaches in the Spring ^f 1883. New York: Scribner's Sons, 1886; reprint, Lincoln; University of Nebraska Press.

^^^9 On the Border with Crook New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1891; reprint, Glorieta, New Mexico; The Rio Grande Press, Inc.

Boyer, Ruth McDonald and Narcissus Duffy Gayton. 1992 Apache Mothers and Daughters: Four Generations of a Family

Norman; University of Oklahoma Press.

Buchanan, Kimberiy Moore. 1986 Apache Women Warriors. Southwest Studies Series, #79. El Paso;

Univeraty of Texas at El Paso.

CaUoway, Cohn G. 1991 "The Vermont Secretary and the Apache POWS; Redfield Proctor and tiie

Case of the Chiricahua Apaches." Vermont History 59; 166-179.

Carpenter, John A. 1964 Sword and the Olive Branch; Oliver Otis Howard. Pittsburgh;

University of Pittsburgh Press.

Castetter, Edward F. and M. E. Opler. 1936 "The Ethnobiology of the Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache." BuUetin of

the University of New Mexico. Biological Series IV, No. 5.

ChUdress, David T. 1989 "Mount Vemon Bartacks; The Blue, The Gray, and tiie Red."

The Alabama Review 2. 125-135.

64

Clum, Woodworth. ^ ' ^ Apache Agent; The Storv nf Tnhn P rinm New York; Houghton-Mifflin

Company, 1936; reprint, Lincobi; University of Nebraska Press.

Coppersmith, Clifford P. 1996 "Indians in the Anny Professional Advocacy and the Regularization of

IndianMUitary Service, 1889-1897." MUitarv History ofthe West 26 158-185. '

Crook, George. I960 General George Crook: His Autobiography Edited by Martin F.

Schmitt. Norman; University of Oklahoma Press, 1946; reprint.

Davis, Britton. 1975 The Tmth About Geronimo New Haven; Yale University Press, 1929;

reprint, Lincoln; UniversUy of Nebraska Press.

Davis, Jerry A. 1999 "Apache Prisoners of War at Alabama's Mount Vemon Barracks, 1887-

1894" The Alabama Review 4. 243-266

Debo, Angle. 1975 "Apaches as Southeastern Indians." In Indians ofthe Lower South; Past

and Present, ed. John K. Mahon, 143-158. Pensacola; Gulf Coast History and Humanities Conference.

1988 Geronimo; The Man, His Time. His Place. The CiviUzation of the American Indian Series. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1976; reprint.

1970 A History ofthe Indians ofthe United States. Norman; University of Oklahoma Press.

Descendants ofthe Apache Prisoners. 1982 A Historical Trip Covering the Joumey of Chiricahua Apache Imprisonment.

1886-1913. Mescalero; Mescalero Apache Reservation.

Dyen, Isidore and David F. Aberle. 1974 Lexical Reconstmction; The Case ofthe Proto-Athapaskan Kinship System.

London; Cambridge University Press.

65

Eggan, Fred.

1983 "Comparative Social Organization." Handbook of North American Indians 10; 723-742.

Ford, Richard I. 1983 "Inter-Indian Exchange in the Southwest." Handbook of North

American Indians 10; 711-722.

Gatewood, Charles B, 1931 'The Surrender of Geronimo." Arizona Historical Review 4, 33-44

Geronimo. 1996 Geronimo His Ovm Story; The Autobiography of a Great Patriot Warrior.

Translated by Asa Daklugie, edited by S. M. Banett. New York; Duflfield Press, 1906; reprint. New Yoric; Meridian.

Goodwin, Grenville. 1942 The Social Organization ofthe Westem Apache. Chicago; The

University of Chicago Press.

Gurmerson, James H. 1983 "Southem Athapaskan Archeology." Handbook of North American Indians

9: 162-169.

Haes, Brenda L. 1999 "Adaptations and Forced AcciUturations; GUmpses into the Chiricahua

Apache Incarcerative Past." N.P., 1999, 1-97.

2000 "Fort SUl, the Chiricahua Apaches, and the Government's Promise of Permanent Residence." The Chronicles of Oklahoma 1 (Spring 2000); 28-43.

1993 "Geronimo, the Apache Resistance, and the CWricahua ^ a c h e Indians at Fort Marion, Fort Pickens, and Mount Vemon Barracks: A Portrait of Survival (1886-1894)." N.P., 1-35.

2002 "Keith Basso and Wisdom Sits in Places: Landscape and Language Among the Westem Apache." N.P., 1-5.

1997 "A Portrait of Survival; The United States Government's Incarceration of the Chiricahua Apaches at Fort SiU, Indian Tenitory, 1894-1914." N.P., 1-31.

66

Hagan, WUham T. 1980 Indian Police and Judges; Experiments in Acculturation and Control.

New Haven; Yale University Press, 1966; reprint, Lincoki; University of Nebraska Press.

1984 The Indian Rights Association; The Herbert Welsh Years. 1882-1904. Tucson; University of Arizona Press.

Hale, Kenneth and David Harris. 1983 "Historical Linguistics and Archeology." Handbook of North American

Indians 9; 170-177.

Haley, James L. 1981 Apaches; A History and Culture Portrait. New York: Doubleday&

Co., Inc.

Harper, Richard H, 1940 'The Missionary Work ofthe Reformed (Dutch) Church in America,

in Oklahoma, Part Il-Comanches and Apaches," The Chronicles of Oklahoma 18; 328-347.

HiU, Edward E. 1981 Guide to Records in the National Archives ofthe United States Relating

to American Indians. Washington, D C ; National Archives and Records Service.

Hoijer,Harry. , . ,^T U 1938 Chiricahua and Mescalero Apache Texts with Ethnological Notes by

Morris Edward Qpler. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Howard,OUver Otis. ,TT • j 1907 Autobiography of Oliver Otis Howard: Mamr General United

States Arniv. Vol . I&H. New York; The Baker and Taylor Company

Hurtado, Albert L. and Peter Iverson, ed. . • ^ r» r w«ct>, ,nH 1994 Major Problems J" American Indian History. Lexmgton; D. C. Heatii and

Co.

Hutton, Paul Andrew. .... , ^ . ^ 1986 Phil <;heriHan and His Arniy. Lincobi; University of Nebraska

Press, 1985; reprint.

67

Indian Rights Association. 1912 "The Case ofthe Apache Prisoners of War." Annual Report

ofthe Executive Committee ofthe Indian Rights Association 68; 49-53.

1975 Indian Rights Association Papers; A Guide to the Microfilm Edition. 1864-1973. Glen Rock, N.J.: Microfilming Corporation of America.

Jorgensen, Joseph G. 1983 "Comparative Traditional Economics and Ecological

Adaptations." Handbook of North American Indians 10: 684-710.

Jozhe, Benedict. 1961-1962 "A BriefHistory ofthe Fort SUl Apache Tribe." The Chronicles of

Oklahoma 39; 427-432.

JuUco, VaiUant, 1890 "Geronimo's Alabama Camp." New York Times. 10.

Kanseah, Jasper, and Eve BaU. 1955 'The Last of Geronimo's Warriors." New Mexico Magazine 33; 17,42-

43.

Kaywaykla, James. 1994 In the Days of Victorio; RecoUections of a Warm Springs Apache.

Edited by Eve BaU. Tucson; Universityof Arizona Press, 1970; reprint.

Kennon, Lyman. 1890 'Thf ^"^S'' ^f^^^ rhirir-ahiias " North American Review CLI; 251-253.

Kenoi, Samuel E. 1938 "A Chiricahua Apache's Account ofthe Geronimo Campaign of 1886."

Edited by Monis E. Opler. New Mexico Historical Review 13: 360-386.

1990 "A Chiricahua Apache's Account ofthe Geronimo Campaign of 1886." Recorded by Monis E. Opler. In Geronimo and the End ofthe Apache Wars, ed. by C. L. Sonnichsen, 71-90. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1986; reprint.

Lamphere, Louise. 1983 "Southwestem Ceremonialism. Handbook of North Amencan

Indians 10; 743-763.

68

Lockwood, Frank C.

1987 The Apache Indians. New York; MacmiUan and Co., 1938; reprint, Lincobi: University of Nebraska Press.

Magee, Sharon S. 1995 'The SeUing of Geronimo." Arizona Highways 71 12-19.

Mahon, John K., ed. 1975 Indians ofthe Lower South: Past and Present Pensacola; Gulf

Coast History and Humanities Conference.

MaUs, Thomas E. 1974 The People CaUed Apache. Englewood CUffs; Prentice-Hall, Inc.

Malone, Michael P. and Richard W. Etulain. 1990 The American West; A Twentieth-Centiorv History. Lincobi; Universityof

Nebraska Press, 1989; reprint.

Meniam-Webster, Incorporated. 1996 Merriam-Webster's Collegiate Dictionary. lO"' edition.

Springfield, Massachusetts: Meniam-Webster, Incorporated.

Kfiles, Nelson A. 1969 Personal RecoUections and Observations of General Nelson A. Miles.

Chicago; Werner Press, 1896; reprint. New York; Da Capo Press.

1971 Serving the RepubUc; Memoirs ofthe Civil and MUitarv Life of Nelson A. Miles. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1911; reprint, Freeport, New York: Books for Libraries Press.

Nye, Colonel W. S. 1974 Carbine and Lance; The Storv of Old Fort SiU. Norman; University

of Oklahoma Press, 1937; reprint.

Opler, Morris E. 1983 "The Apachean Culture Pattern and its Origins." Handbook of North

American Indians 10; 368-392.

1965 An Apache Life-Wav: The Economic Social, and ReUeious Instittitions of the Chiricahua Indians. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941; reprint.

1983 "Cbirifahna Apap.he " Handbook ofNorth American Indians 10: 401-418,

69

1938 "A Chiricahua Apache's Account ofthe Geronimo Campaign of 1886, by Samuel Kenoi." New Mexico Fri«itorical Review 1V ' fiO- Sfi

1936 "An Interpretation of Ambivalence of Two American Indian Tribes." Journal of Social Psychology VTT 82-116.

1983 "Mescalero Apache." Handbook ofNorth American Indians 10: 419-439.

1994 Myths and Tales ofthe Chiricahua Apache Indians. New York; American Folk-Lore Society, 1942; reprint, Lincobi: University of Nebraska Press.

Ove, Rev. Robert S. and H. Henrietta Stockel. 1997 Geronimo's Kids; A Teacher's Lesson on the Apache Reservation.

College Station; Texas A&M University Press.

Parman, Donald L. 1994 Indians and the American West in the Twentieth Century.

Bloommgton; Indiana University Press.

Perry, Richard J. 1991 Westem Apache Heritage; People ofthe Mountain Corridor.

Austin: University of Texas Press.

Petersen, Karen Daniels. 1971 Plams Indian Art from Fort Marion. Norman; Universityof

Oklahoma Press.

Pohanka, Brian C, ed. 1985 Nelson A. MUes: A Documentary Biography of His Military

Career. 1861-1903. Glendale, CA.; The Arthur H. Clark Co

Porter, Joseph C. 1986 Paper Medicine Man; John Gregory Bourke and His American West.

Norman; University of Oklahoma Press.

Pratt, Richard Henry. 1964 Battlefield and Classroom: Four Decades with the American Indian,

1867-1904. Robert M. Utiey, ed. New Haven; Yale University Press.

Reed, Walter. 1890 "Geronimo and His Waniors in Captivity." The Illustrated Amencan;

231-235.

70

Riverside Indian School.

^^^^ Riverside Indian School lOOthYear. Anadarko, Oklahoma Riverside Indian School.

Roberts, David.

^^^"^ Once They Moved Like the Wind. New York; Srnion and Schuster 1993; reprint. New York; Touchstone.

Robinson, Sherry. 2000 Apache Voices: Their Stories of Survival as Told to Fve Rail

Albuquerque; University of New Mexico Press,

Roe, Walter C.,M,D. 1912 "Another Apache Atrocity." The Southem Workman 209-218.

Santee, Ross. 1947 Apache Lands. New York; Charles Scribner's Sons.

Scott, Hugh Lenox. 1928 Some Memories of a Soldier New York; The Century Co.

Shannon, Ruby W. 1971 Friends for the Indians; One Hundred Years of Education at

Riverside Indian School. Anadarko. Oklahoma. Anadarko; Riverside Indian School.

Sheridan, P. H. 1888 Personal Memoirs of P. H. Sheridan. General United States Army. Vol. I

& II. New York; Charles L. Webster and Company.

Sherman, W. T. 1892 Memoirs of Gen. W. T. Sherman. Written By Himself with an Appendbc

Bringing His Life Down to its Closing Scenes, also a Personal Tribute and Critique ofthe Memoirs by Hon. James G. Blaine. Vol. I & II. New York; Charles L. Webster and Company, 1890; reprint.

Shorto, Russell. 1989 Geronimo; And the Stmggle for Apache Freedom. Alvm Josephy's

Biography Series of American Indians. Englewood CUffs, N.J.: Silver Burdett Press.

71

Silver City Enterprise. 1968 Apache Raids; News About Indian Activity in the Southwest as

Reported in The Silver City Enterprise. November 1882 through August 1886. Silver City, New Mexico; W. M. H. MuUane.

Skinner, Woodward B. 1987 The Apache Rock Cmmbles; The Captivity of Geronimo's

People. Pensacola: Skinner Publications.

1981 Gerommo at Fort Pickens. Pensacola; Skinner PubUcations.

Sonnichsen, C. L., ed. 1990 Geronimo and the End ofthe Apache Wars. Tucson; Arizona

Historical Society, 1986; reprint, Lincoln: Univeraty of Nebraska Press.

Stockel, H. Henrietta. 2000 Chiricahua Apache Women and Children: Safekeepers ofthe

Heritage. College Station; Texas A&M University Press.

1993 Survival ofthe Spirit: Chiricahua Apaches in Captivity. Reno; University of Nevada Press, 1993.

1991 Women ofthe Apache Nation; Voices of Tmth. Reno: Universityof

Nevada Press.

^^^^^'l972 rreneral Crook ar-^ ^^'^ "^'-^^ Madre Adventtire. Nomian; Universityof Oklahoma Press.

Turcheneske, John Anthony, Jr. c^^ cm 18Q4 1914 Niwof 1997 The Chiricahua Apar.be Pnsoners of War; Fort Sill. 1894-1914. iMiwot.

University of Colorado.

1977 "'It is Right That They Should Set Us Free': ^^I'^^'^^'^'J^'^'^Q^

Interior Departments in the Release ofthe Apache Pnsoners of War, 1909-1913" tted River Val ^y historical Review 4: 4-32.

1976 "The United States Congress and the Release ofthe Apac^e Prisoners of War at Fort SiU " Ih^Chmmcl^.ofadahoma 54; 199-226.

Utley, Robert M. ^ , /. ^o ^i 1992 "Geronimo." MilitMyiiistoQLQuarterly4; 42-M.

72

Weems, John Edward. 1976 Death Song; The Last ofthe Indian Wars Garden City: Doubleday

Welsh, Herisert. 1887 The Apache Prisoners in Fort Marion. St. Augustine. Florida

Philadelphia; Office of tiie Indian Rights Association.

Whitney, Everett C. 1887 History and Capture of Geronimo and Apache Indians. Prisoners m

Fort Marion, St, Augustine. Fla,. 1887. St. Augustine; E. C. and T. H. Whitney.

Worcester, Donald E. 1992 The Apaches; Eagles ofthe Southwest. The Civilization of the

American Indian Series. Norman; University of Oklahoma Press, 1979; reprint.

Wratten, Albert E. 1990 "George Wratten: Friend ofthe Apaches." In Geronuno and the End

ofthe Apache Wars, ed. by C. L. Sonnichsen, 91-124. Lincobi; University of Nebraska Press, 1986; reprint.

1986 "George Wratten: Friend ofthe Apaches." The Journal of Arizona History 27: 91-124.

Young, Robert W. 1983 "Apachean Languages." Handbook ofNorth American Indians 10;

393-400,

Theses and Dissertations

Basso, Keith H. 1967 "Heavy with Hatred; An Ethnographic Sttidy of Westem Apache

Witchcraft." Ph.D. diss., Stanford University.

Goodman, David Michael. 1968 "Apaches as Prisoners of War, 1886-1894." PhD, diss., Texas

Christian University.

Haes, Brenda L. . ^ 1997 "The Incarceration ofthe Chiricahua Apaches. 1886-1914; A Portrait of

Survival." Master's Thesis, Texas Tech University.

73

Harper, James WilUam.

1980 "Hugh Lenox Scott; Soldier Diplomat, 1876-1917." PhD, diss.. University of Vu-ginia.

Kalesnik, Frank Lewis.

1992 "Caged Tigers; Native American Prisoners in Florida, 1875-1888." Ph.D. diss., Florida State University.

Opler, Morris Edward. 1933 "An Analysis of Mescalero and Chiricahua Apache Social Organization

m the Light of Their Systems of Relationship." Ph.D. diss.. University of Chicago.

Turcheneske, John Anthony, Jr. 1976 'The Apache Prisoners of War at Fort SUl, 1894-1914." Ph.D. diss.,

University of New Mexico.

Videocassette

Arts & Entertainment's "Biography" Series. 1994 Geronimo; The Last Renegade. A & E Television Networks, 60 mm.

Videocassette.

Discovery's "How the West Was Lost" Series. 1994 Always the Enemy. Discovery Channel, 60 min. Videocassette.

PBS's "American Experience" Series. 1990 Geronimo and the Apache Resistance. Alexandria; Peace River FUms and

WGBH Education Foundation, 60 min, Videocassette.

74

PERMISSION TO COPY

In presenting tins thesis m pan.al fulfillment ofthe requirements for a master-

degree at Texas Tech University or Texas Tech University Health Sciences Center. 1

agree tiiat tiie Library and my major department shaU make it freely avaUable for

research purposes. Pennission to copy this thesis for scholariy purposes may be

granted by tiie Director of tiie Library or my major professor. It is understood tiiat

any copymg or publication of this thesis for financial gam shaU not be aUowed

witiiout my ftirther wntten pennission and tiiat any user may be liable for copyright

infringement.

Agree (Permission is granted.)

" ::r Smdent Signature Date

Disagree (Permission is not granted.)

Smdent Signature Date