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RESEARCH NOTES & COMMENTS SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT JOURNAL, 1985, 2, 72-76 Do High School Athletics Pay? Some Further Evidence J. Steven Picou and Virginia McCarter Texas A&M University Frank M. Howell North Carolina State University This research summary expands previous studies of the consequences of interscholastic athletic participation for socioeconomic attainment. Data from five southern states were used for applying multiple regression techniques to estimate athletic participation ef- fects. The findings suggest that white males receive substantial payoffs from athletic participation; the lack of consequences for other subgroups are briefly discussed. Research on the consequences of interscholastic athletics for socioeconomic attain- ment has provided mixed empirical findings. Substantial effects have been observed in studies by Otto and Alwin (1977), Hanks (1979), Braddock (1981), and Howell and Picou (1982). Youth who participated in interscholastic athletics manifested higher levels of educa- tional, occupational, and income achievements in these studies. On the other hand, studies by Spady (1970), Hanks and Eckland (1976), and Howell, Miracle, and Rees (1984) have failed to identify any substantial payoff in terms of socioeconomic attainments, for par- ticipation in interscholastic sport. The most recent of these studies suggests that the ef- fects of high school sports participation are more discernible for long-term consequences on income achievements (Howell, Miracle, & Rees, 1984:22). Given these mixed findings and the recent suggestion noted in this journal that long-term effects of athletic participation are more pronounced, this research summary provides an assessment of the effects of high school athletic participation on the educa- tional, occupational, and income achievements of black and white, male and female athletes 11 years after graduation from high school. From the studies addressed above we will analyze two general hypotheses. The first hypothesis states thatparticipation in high school sports is more benejcial for white athletes of both sexes (Braddock, 1981; Hanks, 1979; Picou, 1978; Warfield, 1982). The second hypothesis states thatpam'n'pation in high school sports is m r e benejcial for male athletes of both races (Hanks, 1979). Revised and expanded version of a paper presented at the annual meetings of the southwestern Sociological Association Meetings, Houston, Texas, 1983. Direct all correspondence to J. Steven Picou, Dept. of Sociology, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 77843.

RESEARCH NOTES COMMENTS by Otto and Alwin (1977), Hanks (1979), Braddock (1981), and Howell and Picou (1982). Youth who participated in interscholastic athletics manifested higher

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Page 1: RESEARCH NOTES COMMENTS by Otto and Alwin (1977), Hanks (1979), Braddock (1981), and Howell and Picou (1982). Youth who participated in interscholastic athletics manifested higher

RESEARCH NOTES & COMMENTS SOCIOLOGY OF SPORT JOURNAL, 1985, 2, 72-76

Do High School Athletics Pay? Some Further Evidence

J. Steven Picou and Virginia McCarter Texas A&M University

Frank M. Howell North Carolina State University

This research summary expands previous studies of the consequences of interscholastic athletic participation for socioeconomic attainment. Data from five southern states were used for applying multiple regression techniques to estimate athletic participation ef- fects. The findings suggest that white males receive substantial payoffs from athletic participation; the lack of consequences for other subgroups are briefly discussed.

Research on the consequences of interscholastic athletics for socioeconomic attain- ment has provided mixed empirical findings. Substantial effects have been observed in studies by Otto and Alwin (1977), Hanks (1979), Braddock (1981), and Howell and Picou (1982). Youth who participated in interscholastic athletics manifested higher levels of educa- tional, occupational, and income achievements in these studies. On the other hand, studies by Spady (1970), Hanks and Eckland (1976), and Howell, Miracle, and Rees (1984) have failed to identify any substantial payoff in terms of socioeconomic attainments, for par- ticipation in interscholastic sport. The most recent of these studies suggests that the ef- fects of high school sports participation are more discernible for long-term consequences on income achievements (Howell, Miracle, & Rees, 1984:22).

Given these mixed findings and the recent suggestion noted in this journal that long-term effects of athletic participation are more pronounced, this research summary provides an assessment of the effects of high school athletic participation on the educa- tional, occupational, and income achievements of black and white, male and female athletes 11 years after graduation from high school. From the studies addressed above we will analyze two general hypotheses. The first hypothesis states thatparticipation in high school sports is more benejcial for white athletes of both sexes (Braddock, 1981; Hanks, 1979; Picou, 1978; Warfield, 1982). The second hypothesis states thatpam'n'pation in high school sports is m r e benejcial for male athletes of both races (Hanks, 1979).

Revised and expanded version of a paper presented at the annual meetings of the southwestern Sociological Association Meetings, Houston, Texas, 1983.

Direct all correspondence to J. Steven Picou, Dept. of Sociology, Texas A&M University, College Station, TX 77843.

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DO HIGH SCHOOL ATHLETICS PAY?

Methods

Sample

The Southern Youth Study (SYS) is now in its fourth wave of data collection. Observations are available during the sophomore (1966) and senior years (1968), 4 years after graduation (1972), and 11 years after completing high school (1979).

In the original data collection covering six states in the Deep South, a purposive design in the selection of counties yielded a population of approximately 8,000 high school students. In the third wave follow-up, a sample stratified by gender and race was selected, resulting in a panel of n = 1,228 young adults. During 1979, these third-wave panel members were traced and a total of n = 964 were found who then participated in a mail survey for the fourth wave contact (for more information on sampling procedures see Cosby & Charner, 1978; Howell & Frese, 1981). Of these 964 SYS members, 366 are white males, 258 are white females, 159 are black males, and 181 are black females. These data provide the basis for our analysis.

Analysis and Measurements

Multiple regression techniques were used to estimate the effects of father's and mother's education, major income, earner's occupational status, and athletic participa- tion on educational attainment, occupational status, and earnings. This technique was employed for all race and gender subgroups. The homogeneity of slopes across the equa- tions was examined using analysis of covariance.

Father's (FED) and mother's education (MED) were coded into eight ordinal categories, ranging from "no school" (= 1) to "college graduate" (=8). Major income earner's occupational status (OCC) was coded according to Duncan's SEI scale. Varsity athletic participation (ATHL) during high school was determined retrospectively in the 1979 wave. SYS members were asked if they participated in varsity athletics in high school; this was coded 1 = yes, 0 = otherwise. Educational attainment (EDAT) is coded into seven ordinal categories, ranging from "less than high school" (= 1) to "Ph.D. " (=7). Occupational status (OCC) is coded according to SEI scores. Earnings are reported as "average net monthly pay" (INCOME).

Analysis

Table 1 represents the regression estimates for the effects of high school athletic participation and social origins on adult status attainment (education, occupation, and income). Athletic participation was found to be an important predictor of adult achieve- ment for white males. This group benefited the greatest from athletic participation, while black females were found to suffer negative consequences from participation.

Athletic participation had significant positive impacts on the educational attainment of white males only (beta = .150), while the educational attainment of black females was adversely affected (beta = - .165). Participation in high school athletics had a small positive effect on educational attainment for white females and a small negative effect on black males. Father's education had the greatest direct effects on education for white females and black males. Mother's education had the greatest direct effect on the educational at- tainment of white males.

Occupational status was more dependent on measures of social origin than athletic participation for all subgroups. However, having been an athlete in high school had signifi-

Page 3: RESEARCH NOTES COMMENTS by Otto and Alwin (1977), Hanks (1979), Braddock (1981), and Howell and Picou (1982). Youth who participated in interscholastic athletics manifested higher

Table 1 2 Standardized Regression Coefficients and Analysis of Covariance by Race-Sex Controls (metric in parenthesis)

Predictor variable

Dependent Variable

White males White females EDAT OCC INCOME EDAT OCC INCOME

Father's education .I14 (.080)a.C

Mother's education .227* (. 1 86)

Occupation .003 (.002)

Athletic .150* participation (.399)

Rz .132*

Black males Black females EDAT OCC INCOME EDAT OCC INCOME

9 Father's education .500* .264' .I19 .098 .321 - .004* o o

(.330)' (3.46) (27.00)' (.082) (4.74) ( - 7.83) -C

Mother's education - .076 - .041 - .004 .I12 .I35 .I55 S (- .051) ( - .543) (- 1.09) (8.04)d (1.69) (28.87)

Occupation - .026 .215* .I15 .I38 - ,984 .014 B 3

( - .002) (.259) (6.07) (1.25) (- .133) (5.95) .- .001

nl Athletic - .028 .012 .I45 - .165* - .163*

participation (- .066) (.549) (116.1) ( - .4331d ( - 7.43)d (8.60)~ 2

R2 .204* .I46 .I43 .I03 .168* .020

P = .05; Significant differences between sexes = .05 (8for whites; bfor blacks; 'for males; dfor females).

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DO HIGH SCHOOL ATHLETICS PAY? 75

cant negative effects on the occupational prestige ofblack females @eta = - .163). Con- trolling for measures of social origin, athletic participtiotl teats to lower the occupational prestige of black females by an average of approximate$ & @hits.

The payoff-the effect of participation in high school varsity sports on adult earn- ings-was found to be substantial for white males. For this control category the net dif- ferences between the former high school athletes and former nonathletes averaged $252 per month. Among the other subgroups, these effects were smaller. For example, black male athletes earned an additional $1 16 per month and white female athletes earned only $71 more per month. The adult earnings of black males and females were also more depen- dent upon measures of background than athletic participation. The opposite is true for white males: high school participation in athletics had more impact (beta = .156) than measures of social origin. Very little variance in the monthly income of black females was explained by the equation (RZ = .02).

In testing the homogeneity of slopes across race and sex subgroups, the results suggest there are significant differences between black and white females regarding the effects of athletic participation on status attainment. The attainment of black females received significant negative impact from athletic participation, while the achievements of white females received small positive effects. The slopes for black and white males were similar for athletic participation effects.

Discussion

The finding by previous research that interscholastic sport participation pays off in higher earnings and attainment was not supported by Howell et al. (1984). This research summary expanded the focus of this type of inquiry to include the long-term effects of athletics on female achievement. We found evidence to suggest that the payoff of high school athletic participation in enhanced earnings and higher attainments varies by subgroups. With regard to the hypotheses analyzed, the benefits appear to be greatest for white males. Black females' career achievements and earnings tend to be adversely affected.

Perhaps the failure of sports participation to benefit females is that the female athlete has suffered from the stigma of being labeled unfeminine and aggressive, which could have negative effects on achievement. Our findings tentatively suggest that this stigma could be more pronounced for black female athletes; this in turn could indicate that blacks, in general, have more traditional views of sex roles or are perceived by others in more traditional terms. More in-depth research is needed on the consequence of in- terscholastic athletics for females. With the advent of Title IX legislation and increased participation, it is possible that the effects observed in this study may be changing.

One conclusion reached by Howell et al. was that the economic payoff of sports participation found in previous research (which used regional data) is not generalizable to the nation as a whole. Howell et al. used a national sample and found no significant positive effects of athletic participation. Our study also suffers from the shortcoming of being a regional sample. More research using national data is needed to adequately assess long-term effects.

A familiar argument in support of interscholastic sports is that athletes learn skills and values that are useful in other areas of life. An enhanced self-image and the establish- ment of beneficial interpersonal networks are also cited as possible explanations of higher achievements of athletes (see Howell et al., 1984; Otto & Alwin, 1977). If these explana- tions are valid, our findings indicate that only the most dominant group, white males, are able to "cash in" on the benefits of athletic participation. The devaluation of women's

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76 Picou, McCarter, and Howell

sports in general could explain why sports do little to enhance the adult achievements of females. For black males, other factors such as background and discrimination appear to outweigh sports participation as a determination of status attainment. However, it is apparent that until very recently, the context for achievement and recognition in sport was available only for white males. This context of participation provides a necessary historical background for understanding that this subgroup benefits more than others from sport participation.

References

Braddock, Jomills Henry 1981 "Race, athletics and educational attainment: dispelling the myths." Youth and Society

12:335-350. Cosby, Arthur G. and Ivan Charner (4s.)

1978 Education and Work in Rural America. Houston: Stafford-Lowdon. Hanks, Michael

1979 "Race, sexual status, and athletics in the process of educational achievement." Social Science Quarterly 60:482-496.

Hanks, Michael P. and Bruce K. Eckland 1976 "Athletics and social participation in the educational attainment process." Sociology of

Education 49:27 1-294. Howell, Frank M., Andrew W. Miracle, and C. Roger Rees

1984 "Do high school athletics pay?: the effect of varsity participation on socioeconomic attain- ment. Sociology of Sport 1:15-25.

Howell, Frank M. and J. Steven Picou 1982 "Athletic and Income Achievements." Paper presented at the annual meeting of the

Southwestern Sociological Association, Houston (March). Howell, Frank M. and Wolfgang Frese

1981 The Southern Youth Study: 1966 to 1979. Mississippi State University: Mississippi Ag- ricultural and Forestry Experiment Station Monograph, Department of Sociology.

Otto, Luther B. and Duane F. Alwin 1977 "Athletics, aspirations and attainments." Sociology of Education 42:102-113.

Picou, J. Steven 1978 "Race, athletic achievement and educational aspiration." The Sociological Quarterly

19:429-438. Spady, W.G.

1970 "Lament for the letterman: the effects of peer status and extracurricular activities on goals and achievements." American Journal of Sociology 75:680-702.

Warfield, John 1982 "Sport and Social Mobility Research: The Role of Race." Paper presented at the annual

meeting of the Southwestern Sociological Association, Houston (March).