Rhythmic Engagement With Music in Early Childhood: A

Rhythmic Engagement With Music in Early Childhood: A Replication and Extension

Author(s): Beatriz Ilari

Source: Journal of Research in Music Education , January 2015, Vol. 62, No. 4 (January 2015), pp. 332-343

Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. on behalf of MENC: The National Association for Music Education

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Short Form

Rhythmic Engagement With Music in Early Childhood: A Replication and Extension

Beatriz Ilari1

Journal of Research in Music Education 2015, Vol. 62(4) 332-343

© National Association for

Music Education 2014

Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav

DOI: 10.1177/0022429414555984

jrme.sagepub.com

(DSAGE

Abstract

The purpose of this study was to replicate and extend previous findings on spontaneous movement and rhythmic engagement with music in infancy. Using the identical stimuli and procedures from the original study, I investigated spontaneous rhythmic movements in response to music, infant-directed speech, and contrasting rhythmic patterns in 30 Brazilian infants (ages 5, I I , and 1 9 months). Findings were consistent with the original study in that more spontaneous rhythmic movements were found in response to music and metrically regular stimuli than to speech. Brazilian babies, however, showed higher means for spontaneous rhythmic movement to music than those reported in the original study. Consistent with the developmental systems approach, these results suggest that culture plays a larger role in spontaneous rhythmic engagement to music and rhythmic entrapment than previously suggested.

Keywords early childhood, spontaneous movement, development, rhythmic entrainment, culture

Music and movement are inextricably linked (Phillips-Silver, 2009). Human beings synchronize their body movements to the beat of music in a process that often has been described as coordinated rhythmic movement (Phillips-Silver, Aktipis & Bryant, 2010), or rhythmic entrainment (Merker, Madison, & Eckerdal, 2009). Broadly speaking, entrainment is "the process in which the rhythms displayed by two or more phenomena become synchronized, with one of the rhythms often being more powerful or dominant

'University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA, USA

Corresponding Author: Beatriz Ilari, Department of Music Teaching and Learning, Thornton School of Music, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, CA 90089, USA. Email: [email protected]

UIŁI National Association räTLT*! /or Music Education



Ilari 333

and capturing the rhythm of the other" (Clayton, Sager & Will, 2004, p. 10). That is, rhythmic entrainment relates to the coordination of temporally structured events through interaction (Clayton et al., 2004). This occurs, for example, when a person sings and dances while listening to a favorite song or when two or more people play chamber music or sing together in a choir. In all cases, voices and bodies are coordinated and synchronized to a common rhythmic pulse (Phillips-Silver et al., 2010). Rhythmic entrainment is at the core of collective music making (Clayton et al., 2004; Cross, 2005; Kirschner & Tomasello, 2009; Lucas, Clayton, & Leante, 2011). Cultural groups the world over engage in collective music practices that often involve dancing or movement. Although these practices range enormously in terms of who can access them, repertoire, uses of instruments, and associated meanings (e.g., Lucas et al., 2011; Turino, 2006), a common element to them is, as noted, the synchronization of voices and body movements to the pulse of a common, repetitive acoustic and/or audiovisual pattern (Clayton et al., 2004). Interestingly, recent studies suggest that there may be some associations between rhythmic entrainment, human cooperation, and social cohesion (Anshel & Kipper, 1988; Clayton, 2009; Cross, 2005; Hove & Risen, 2009; Wiltermuth & Heath, 2009). This aligns with the idea of music, and par- ticularly rhythm, as a "tie that binds."

While rhythm is often credited as the source of body movement and rhythmic entrain-

ment, it is the existence of metrical structures that actually compels humans to move in

synchrony to the musical beat (Zentner & Eerola, 2010). Frequently described as a uni- versal property of music, meter depicts an abstract hierarchical structure of music, in which there is an alternation of strong and weak beats. The processing of meter is highly complex and multilayered (see Philips-Silver et al., 2010). Through a process called beat induction, listeners extract metrical structures (e.g., the underlying beat) from the rhyth-

mic patterns that they perceive, even when the pulse is not explicit (see Honing, 2011; Patel, 2008). Beat induction is necessary for rhythmic entrainment to occur. A network of sensory modalities, including the auditory, the visual, and the vestibular, is also impli- cated in rhythmic entrainment, involving a combination of (a) perception, (b) production, (c) integration, and (d) adjustment of body movements in response to perceived rhythmic and metric structures (Phillips-Silver et al., 2010; Phillips-Silver & Trainor, 2005). These "building blocks" play a central role in the way humans - children and adults alike - entrain to the musical beat (Phillips-Silver et al., 2010). Early in life, babies can perceive violations to rhythmic and metric structures (Bergeson & Trehub, 2006; Thorpe & Trehub, 1989; Trehub & Thorpe, 1989; Winkler, Háden, Ladinig, Sziller, & Honing, 2009), tell contrasting meters apart (Hannon & Trehub, 2005), and transfer information from "body movements to the auditory encod- ing of a musical beat" (Phillips-Silver et al., 2010, p. 5), as when they show attentional biases for a meter to which they were bounced a few minutes prior to testing (Philips- Silver & Trainor, 2005). Babies, however, are not able to synchronize fully their bodies to the musical pulse. Bodily responses to music are said to be involuntary in the beginning of life and become gradually more robust, voluntarily controlled, and synchronized as children develop and grow. That is, the ability to entrain to the musical beat does not appear to emerge until children are well into the preschool years



334 Journal of Research in Music Education 62(4)

(Kirschner & Tomasello, 2009; Provasi & Bobin-Bègue, 2003). While age has been identified as an important factor in young children's responses to the musical beat (Drake, Jones, & Baruch, 2000; Rainbow, 1981), it should not be viewed as completely deterministic, as marked individual differences also have been found in several studies (e.g., Kirschner & Tomasello, 2009). These findings suggest that musical entrainment takes time to fully mature and may be affected by several other factors, including types of tasks and specific demands (i.e., tapping, vocalizing, marching), stimuli tempi (Rose, Fisher, & Shewmaker, 2012), music training (Drake et al., 2000), culture (Kirschner & Ilari, 2014), and social context (Eerola, Luck, & Toiviainen, 2006; Kirschner & Tomasello, 2009; Rainbow, 1981; Schieuter & Schieuter, 1985), to name a few.

While scholars seem to agree on the importance of rhythmic entrainment in music learning and collective music making, its origins are still contested. There is much debate as to whether the ability to rhythmically entrain to music is a learned behavior or a consequence of human predispositions to respond to music and sounds with a regular pulse (see Clayton, 2009; Drake et al., 2000; Honing, 2011). Along with examina- tions of electrophysiological brain activity (Winkler et al., 2009) and measurements of attentional biases in young children (e.g., Trehub & Hannon, 2006; Phillips-Silver & Trainor, 2005), studies on spontaneous responses to musical and nonmusical sounds, with regular and irregular pulse, also may provide some insight into this question. In a recent study, 5- to 24-month-olds displayed more spontaneous rhythmic movements to recorded music with regular pulse and metrically regular stimuli than to speech sounds (Zentner & Eerola, 2010). The authors interpreted these findings as human predispositions for metrically regular stimuli. Yet, their sample was composed of Swiss and Finish children, who were likely to be exposed primarily to Western musical structures, in which regular meters are most common. The study raises the question as to whether culture may play a role in children's spontaneous movement responses to rhythmic regularities in musical and speech sounds. Would similar results hold if children from a very different cultural background underwent the same testing procedures?

The purpose of the present study was to replicate and extend Zentner and Eerola's (2010) study in a non-European sample. Using the identical procedures and stimuli from the original study, I investigated spontaneous rhythmic movements in response to varied auditory stimuli, namely, music, infant-directed speech, and rhythmic patterns, in Brazilian babies. Findings from this study are relevant for music education, as they shed some light on important issues, such as the origins of meter perception and metrical understanding in music (see Bamberger, 1991) and their relationship to culture (for a discussion, see Morrison & Demorest, 2009).

Method

Sample

Forty-three healthy Brazilian infants ages 5, 11, and 19 months took part in the study. They were recruited by means of flyers placed on the murals of two universities and



Ilari 335

several early childhood enrichment programs in a large city in southern Brazil. All children came from middle-class families as locally articulated, and 40% were attending different early childhood music programs at the time of data collection. Data from 13 infants were excluded from the final analysis due to restlessness {n = 3), equipment failure (n = 2), parental interference or excessive amount of engagement with child during the experiment (n = 4), and posterior report of hearing impairment, cold, or ear infection at the time of testing (n = 4). The final sample was composed of 30 infants, with an equal number of children and an equivalent number of boys and girls distrib- uted in each of the three age groups. Demographic information, parental music background, and uses of music in the home were investigated by means of a semistructured interview (see Ilari, Moura, & Bourscheidt, 201 1), which was administered prior to the listening test and right after consent forms were read and signed.

Procedures

As in the original study (Zentner & Eerola, 2010), infants were seated comfortably on their caregiver's lap facing a 17-inch Dell computer screen, which was placed at eye level and approximately 5 feet 10 inches away from the infant-parent dyad. Two loud- speakers were mounted to each side of the computer screen, playing six different stimuli at comfortable levels, in six different orders. Still images of colored shapes were presented on the computer screen and changed every 10 s to keep children on task. A high-definition Sony video camera was placed on top of the computer monitor and captured the full body image of the child for subsequent analyses. Parents and caregiv- ers were instructed to sit as still as possible while holding the child in their lap and directing their attention to the screen. Parents also wore tight-fitting earphones with masking stories and music to prevent any interference with children's responses. The entire test lasted approximately 12 min. Children received a small gift and an "Infant Scientist" certificate as a token of appreciation for their participation.

Mus/c Excerpts

The exact same stimuli from Zentner and Eerola (2010) were used in the present study. In total, six different stimuli from the original study were presented to infants, includ-

ing (Stimulus 1) a fast paced, Finnish children's song; (Stimulus 2) a sample of motherese (infant-directed speech) in English; (Stimulus 3) an isochronous, regular beat rhythmic pattern in 4/4 (428-ms inter-onset interval), played by a drum set and with a timbre change about halfway into the excerpt; and (Stimuli 4 to 6) three different ver- sions taken from the beginning of the finale from Saint-Säens's "Carnaval des ani- maux" orchestral suite. These included the original orchestral version of the Saint-Säens finale (Stimulus 4); a version of the same excerpt with added ritardandos and accele- randosi here called "Saint-Säens fluctuating" (Stimulus 5); and a rhythmic version displaying only the figurai and metric structures of the music excerpt, here called "Saint-Säens skeleton" (Stimulus 6). To prevent order effects, stimuli were presented in six different orders. Each stimulus was 1 min 42 s in duration. Ten seconds of




silence followed the presentation of each stimulus (for more information and to listen to the stimuli, please refer to the appendix found in Zentner & Eerola, 2010).

Results

Following the original study (Zentner & Eerola, 2010), body movements were coded manually and subsequently were analyzed. Three independent observers, who were completely blind to the aims and hypotheses of the study, coded infant spontaneous movements by watching all videos without their corresponding soundtracks. Movements of limbs, heads, and full body were taken into account if they were "repeated in the same form at least three times at regular short intervals" (Thelen, 1979, cited in Zentner & Eerola, 2010, p. 1). Interobserver reliability was computed at .92.

A mixed-design ANOVA with duration of movement in response to six different stimuli as the within-subject factor and age as the between-subject factor was computed. Mauchly's test indicated that the assumption of sphericity had been violated, X2(14) = 59.57 p < .001 , therefore degrees of freedom were corrected using Greenhouse- Geisser estimates of sphericity, 8 = 0.48. The analysis revealed main effects of stimulus, F(2.4, 65.8) = 9.064, p < .001, r|2 = .25 1, and no interaction effects, F(4.88, 65.8) = .976, p = .438, Tļ2 = .006 ( ns ). Additionally, the two stimuli that generated the largest amount of periodic movements were the Saint-Säens original and the Finnish tune, yet there were no statistically significant differences between them, ¿(29) =1.185,/? = .246 (ns). Following the original study, these two scores were collapsed and averaged into a music composite score, which was compared with scores for rhythmic pattern and motherese speech. Post hoc t tests with the Bonferroni adjustment suggested that there were statistically significant differences for the following pairs: (a) music composite and motherese speech, ¿(29) = 4.832,/? < .001, and (b) rhythmic pattern and motherese speech, ¿(29) = 4.333,/? < .001. Figure 1 depicts mean rhythmic duration movement (in seconds) for each type of musical stimulus and music composite.

Discussion

On the basis of an earlier work by Zentner and Eerola (2010), I examined spontaneous movements in response to music, infant-directed speech, and rhythmic patterns in Brazilian babies. Findings from the current study were in many ways similar to those from the original one (Zentner & Eerola, 2010). First, it was noteworthy that no significant age differences or trends in spontaneous responses to auditory stimuli were found for this particular group of babies. This is somewhat in accordance with Zentner and Eerola (2010), who found only marginal effects of age for one of their samples, and in full agreement with previous studies that reported individual differences in children's rhythmic synchronization skills and accuracy (Eerola et al., 2006; Kirschner & Tomasello, 2009). While dissimilarities in the development of motor coordination and control may explain these individual differences, one should not rule out the influence of enculturation on children's spontaneous movements to auditory stimuli (see



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25

14.883 16 158 20 -r-

13.607 -r- T

Ih. Li MUSIC SSOriginal SSFIuctuating SSSkeleton Finnish Song Motherese Metronome

COMPOSITE

Figure I . Mean rhythmic movement duration (in seconds), per excerpt (error bars show SD).

Hannon & Trainor, 2007; Phillips-Silver & Trainor, 2005). Music engagement in families with babies and young children varies considerably (Young & Ilari, 2012), and affordances in the home environment are known to impact motor development in both infancy and toddlerhood (Miquelote, Santos, Caçola, Montebelo, & Gabbard, 2012). Therefore, it is possible that some participating babies were encouraged comparatively more to move to music than were others. Because music engagement in participating families was described in more qualitative than quantitative terms in the semistructured interviews (Ilari et al., 2011), this question cannot be answered by this study alone.

Of particular interest to this study was a comparison between spontaneous movements to music and motherese speech. Participating infants showed more spontaneous periodic movements in response to music than to motherese speech. This finding not only is consistent with the original study (Zentner & Eerola, 2010) but also aligns with previous studies suggesting differential responses to music and speech in babyhood (e.g., Reigado, Rocha, & Rodrigues, 2011). Apart from possible overlaps between music and speech in early life, like analogous, communicative functions of motherese speech and infant-directed singing (Brandt, Gebrian, & Sieve, 2012; McMullen & Saffran, 2003; Trainor, 1996; Trehub & Trainor, 1993), these two forms of human communication through sounds are also acoustically different. One important distinc- tion refers to the fact that music "relies on analysis over longer time windows" (Brandt et al., 2012, p. 4). The existence of a clear, repetitive, and regular pulse underlying the acoustic signal is arguably more prominent in music that commonly is presented to infants (e.g., lullabies, children's songs, folk tunes) than in motherese speech. In other words, it is likely that stimulus properties played a role in children's rhythmic attending and motor responses (see Drake et al., 2000). Alternatively, it is also possible that even the youngest children in the sample (i.e., 5-month-olds) already had learned com-




municative and social functions associated with both music and speech, thus respond- ing differently to each of them. This is a question that merits further study.

It was also interesting that the Saint-Säens fluctuating version generated some spontaneous movement in participating infants, as occurred among European infants. In their study, Zentner and Eerola (2010) explained this unexpected finding as the experimenters' "failure to produce a truly irregular stimulus" (p. 4). They also added that slowing down and speeding up is a characteristic of folk music that also has been shown to produce entrainment (Zentner & Eerola, 2010). Given that the repertoire of early childhood music in Brazil is driven largely by folk music (Ilari, 2009), it is possible that children simply were displaying behaviors that were part of their upbringing and culture as they moved in response to the Saint-Säens fluctuating version. This obviously ties in with the idea of enculturation processes, as described earlier.

Even if the current study did not examine rhythmic coordination with music directly (see Zentner & Eerola, 2010, Experiment 2), the quantification of spontaneous, periodic movements to music and other auditory stimuli in these 30 babies generated some interesting findings. On the one hand, the fact that this study replicated the original one, or that Brazilian babies moved in similar ways as their European peers, somewhat reinforces the notion that humans may be predisposed to metrically regular auditory stimuli. On the other hand, it was interesting to note that Brazilian babies showed higher means for spontaneous rhythmic movements to music (music composite = approximately 14 s) than their European counterparts (music composite = approximately 7 s), which suggests some cultural variation (see Phillips-Silver & Trainor, 2005). These findings are not in complete opposition to one another. Rather, their integration is consistent with the developmental systems approach (Gottlieb, 2007). According to this view, there is a false dichotomy between culture and biology, as the development of any organism is the result of interactions between four complex levels, namely (a) genetic activity, (b) neural activity, (c) behavior, and (d) environment (i.e., physical, social, and cultural aspects; Gottlieb, 1991, 2007). Thus, it is possible that humans come into the world predisposed and equipped, to some extent, to engage with metrically organized auditory stimuli (Zentner & Eerola, 2010) and that, as they develop and grow, the interactions between these predispositions, culture, age, and experience result in different levels of rhythmic entrainment. This aligns with works conducted with school-age children (e.g., Rohwer, 1998) and comparative studies (Hattori, Tomonaga, & Matsuzawa, 2013).

Finally, there is reason to believe that early childhood music programs may impact rhythmic enculturation in infants (Gerry, Faux, & Trainor, 2010; Trainor, Marie, Gerry, Whiskin, & Unrau, 2012), including where spontaneous movements are concerned. However, Zentner and Eerola (2010) found no significant correlations between the two. Given the sample size and the large variance in terms of attendance and time spent in music classes, it was not possible to determine the association between spontaneous movements and participation in early childhood music education programs in the current study. Yet, this finding is worthy of further investigation as it has clear implications for practice. Authors of future research should attempt to control for both quantity and quality of time spent in early childhood music programs, as participation



Ilari

is often of a transient nature, and curricula and teaching approaches vary considerably. Additionally, the current study was carried out in a laboratory setting, which leaves one to wonder about the nature of young children's spontaneous movements in natu- ralistic settings (e.g., home) and less constrained conditions. Using longitudinal designs, therefore, researchers could examine correlations between the quantification of spontaneous movements and the degree of rhythmic synchronization in children from different age groups, cultures, and early childhood music programs, in and out of research laboratories.

Conclusion

Movement is an integral part of early childhood music education. Early in life, young children shake, rock, bounce, and move in response to the music that they hear. Unsurprisingly, the building blocks that later will enable children to synchronize to the beat of music appear to be present very early in life. The rudiments of beat induction already are seen in newborns (Winkler et al., 2009), and babies show responses to the musical beat by moving their bodies and limbs, often in quasiperiodic ways (Zentner & Eerola, 2010), even in an artificial laboratory setting like the one created for the purpose of the present study. Outside of research laboratories, teachers and parents have long witnessed the richness of young children's spontaneous movements, including "unintentional" attempts to synchronize to the beat from very early on. In spite of many important discussions concerning the development of rhythmic, pulse, and metric understanding, the field of early childhood music education has not embraced fully the concept of rhythmic entrainment. Yet there are many reasons as to why it is relevant for both researchers and practitioners working with young children.

The study of rhythmic entrainment and its developmental course has much to con- tribute to music education in that it offers new ways to conceptualize music perception, production, and learning. Through the lens of entrainment, these processes can be understood as integrated, embodied, and interactive (Clayton et al., 2004). After all, "sound is perceived not only in terms of the auditory signal, but also in terms of the intentional, hierarchically organized sequences of expressive motor acts behind the signal" (Overy & Molnar-Szakacs, 2009, p. 492).

Unsurprisingly, interaction is a key feature of rhythmic entrainment, especially when it involves more than one individual. According to Cross, Laurence, and Rabinowitch (2012), when two or more people entrain to the same musical beat, their breathing rates, heartbeat, brain waves, attention, and movements become coordinated, which, in turn, may result in a sense of "togetherness" and may promote the emergence of empathy, human cooperation, and social cohesion (see also Kirschner & Tomasello, 2010). Perhaps it does not come as a surprise that children as young as 4 show higher synchronization accuracy when invited to drum with a partner as opposed to with a machine playing isochronous sounds (Kirschner & Tomasello, 2009). This finding not only is consistent with practices in early childhood music education, which tend to be both collective and participatory, but also raises questions about the ratio- nale for and ways of teaching steady beat to young children (see Bennett, 2012).




Arguably, studies on the development of rhythmic entrainment may provide some clues into these long-standing questions, as they extend beyond rhythmic education or steady-beat perception and production. By understanding how humans engage with musical sounds from very early on, we also are granted opportunities to understand why, as a species, we are compelled to do so.

Acknowledgments The author would like to thank all participating families, Dr. Marcel Zentner (The University of York, UK), and Dr. Tuomas Eerola (University of Jyväskylä, Finland) for sharing their stimuli and expertise.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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Author Biography Beatriz Ilari is assistant professor of music education at the University of Southern California. Her research interests include music in childhood, musical development, culture, and the social psychology of music.

Submitted April 1, 2013; accepted January 31, 2014.



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Rhythmic Engagement With Music in Early Childhood: A