Rob Dückers_The Limbourg Brothers

Th e Limbourg Brothers

Th e Limbourg Brothers

Refl ections on the Origins and the Legacy of Th ree Illuminators from Nijmegen

Edited by

Rob DückersPieter Roelofs

LEIDEN • BOSTON

Cover illustration: Th e Limbourg Brothers, January from the Très Riches Heures, /– (Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS , f. iv.) [Photo: Faksimile Verlag Luzern].

Originally published as Volume , Nos. - () of Brill’s journal Quærendo.

Th is book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Th e Limbourg brothers : refl ections on the origins and the legacy of three illuminators from Nijmegen / edited by Rob Dückers, Pieter Roelofs. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN ---- (hardback : alk. paper) . Limbourg, Herman de, ca. -ca. —Congresses. . Limbourg, Pol de, ca. -ca. —Congresses. . Limbourg, Jean de, ca. -ca. —Congresses. . Illumination of books and manuscripts, Medi-eval—Netherlands—Congresses. . Illumination of books and manuscripts, Dutch—Ex-hibitions. I. Dückers, Rob. II. Roelofs, Pieter. III. Title: Refl ections on the origins and the legacy of three illuminators from Nijmegen.

ND.LL .’—dc

ISBN

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Contents

Introduction: Th e Homecoming of the Limbourg Brothers .......... Rob Dückers and Pieter Roelofs

Some Portraits by Johan Maelwael, Painter of the Dukes of Burgundy .................................................................................

Victor M. Schmidt

Th e Belles Heures of Jean de France, Duke of Berry Manuscript and the Question of the Artists’ ‘Hands’ ..........................................

Margaret Lawson

Likeness, Loyalty, and the Life of the Court Artist: Portraiture in the Calendar Scenes of the Très Riches Heures ............................

Stephen Perkinson

A Pilgrim’s Additions. Traces of Pilgrimage in the Belles Heures of Jean de Berry ............................................................................

Hanneke van Asperen

Was kann man aus den Belles Heures über die Limburgs lernen? .... Eberhard König

Guelders-France. Another Connection around .................... Herman Th . Colenbrander

A Close Encounter? Th e Limbourg Brothers and Illumination in the Northern Netherlands in the First Half of the Fifteenth Cent ury .....................................................................

Rob Dückers

Th e Master of Guillebert de Mets, Philip the Good, and the Breviary of John the Fearless .....................................................

Gregory T. Clark

Notes on Cont ributors ................................................................. Name Index (compiled by Roderick Pelser) ......................................

Introduction:Th e Homecoming of the Limbourg Brothers

Born in Nijmegen, sometime between and , Herman, Paul, and Jean de Limbourg left for France around , where they were to develop an outstanding reputation at the prestigious court of Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy and later that of Jean, duc de Berry. Nevertheless the brothers would maintain close links with their native city throughout their lives, following the example of their uncle Johan Maelwael – court painter of Queen Isabelle of France and the duke of Burgundy. Th e Limbourgs returned from Paris and Bourges to Nijmegen and to their family on several occasions, the final visit occuring in , less than a year before their untimely death. Although Her-man, Paul and Jean de Limbourg were barely thirty years old when they sud-denly died in , they already had a formidable career behind them. Now, almost six hundred years after their creation, the colourful and highly refined miniatures in the Belles Heures and Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry still speak vividly to our imagination (illus. ).

From August th through November th, , Museum Het Valkhof in Nijmegen presented the exhibition Th e Limbourg Brothers. Nijmegen Masters at the French Court (-). Th e exhibition, inaugurated by Her Majesty Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands, was a unique cultural event in Nijmegen (illus. ). Never before had such a presentation been mounted, focussing upon the three Nijmegen brothers and their art. Th is was also the first time that original miniatures from four manuscripts by the Limbourg brothers were shown in the Netherlands. Th e exhibition proved the current popularity with a wide audience of the medieval period in general, and book illumination in particular. Within twelve weeks the museum had welcomed over , visi-tors, which made this the best visited exhibition on manuscript painting in the Netherlands to date.

Th e exhibition formed an excellent opportunity to invite prominent schol-ars to share their views on the art of the Limbourg brothers, during a two-day conference held in Nijmegen on November and , . Th is publica-tion presents in written form the conference papers delivered by some of the

2 rob dückers and pieter roelofs

. Her Majesty Queen Beatrix examining one of the exhibits.

. An impression of the crowds visiting the exhibition.

introduction 3

leading scholars in the field. In that respect, the volume acts as an addendum to the catalogue.

Th e realization of the exhibition, the catalogue and the conference owed a great deal to wide-ranging and intensive international collaboration: some museums, libraries, private collectors, churches and monasteries in Europe and the United States made a total of around masterpieces available for this special presentation. We also would like to acknowledge the contribution of the following institutions without which this project could never have been realized. We gratefully thank the Dutch Ministries of Foreign Affairs and Edu-cation, Culture and Science for the substantial support they have offered to this project in the context of the Netherlands Culture Fund, as well as the following institutions: M.A.O.C. Countess van Bylandt Foundation, K.F. Hein Fund, Dutch Postgraduate School for Art History, Radboud University Nijmegen and the Limburg Brothers Foundation.

Finally we thank the contributors to the conference for sharing their views, as well as the editorial board of Quærendo, especially Koert van der Horst, and Hendrik van Leusen of Brill Publishers Leiden, for having off ered the oppor-tunity to fi rst publish these conference papers as a special and richly illustrated double issue of Quærendo.

Rob Dückers

Pieter R oelofs

Th e contribution by Dr Patricia Stirnemann has not been included here, since the results of her study have already been published elsewhere; cf. Patricia Stirnemann, ‘Combien de copistes et d’artistes ont contribué aux Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry?’ in: La création artistique en France autour de , ed. É. Taburet-Delahaye (Paris ), pp. -.

Some Portraits by Johan Maelwael, Painter of the Dukes of Burgundy

Victor M. SchmidtUniversity of Groningen, Netherlands

Th e splendid exhibition on the Limbourg brothers, held in Museum Het Valkhof in Nijmegen in , not only provided a welcome occasion to reconsider their manuscript illuminations but also provided an opportunity to pay attention to the work of their uncle, Jean Malouel (or Johan Maelwael, to call him by his Dutch name), who was the painter of the Valois dukes of Burgundy in Dijon from until his death in . In his catalogue essay, Pieter Roelofs did a fine job by surveying what is actually known about the painter and his oeuvre. He and Rob Dückers gave me the opportunity to discuss in a catalogue entry a drawing in Copenhagen showing the Derision of Christ and its relation to the well-known Martyrdom of St Denis from Champmol, now in the Louvre (inv. M.I. ), which I suggest should be attributed to Maelwael as well. Th e problems surrounding the altarpiece in the Louvre are manifold, and require a more extensive discus-sion elsewhere. In this contribution, I want to consider some portraits of the dukes of Burgundy that may, or may not, have been painted by Maelwael.

According to an ingenious hypothesis put forward by Millard Meiss and Colin Eisler in , a half-length portrait of John the Fearless in prayer, lost but known through an eighteenth-century drawing (illus. ), originally formed a diptych with the Virgin and Child with Angels in Berlin, which is generally attributed to Johan Maelwael and shown as such in the exhibition in Nijmegen.

P. Roelofs, ‘Johan Maelwael, court painter in Guelders and Burgundy’, in: Th e Limbourg brothers. Nijmegen masters at the French court, 1400-1416, ed. R. Dückers and P. Roelofs (Gent ), pp. -.

Copenhagen, Statens Museum for Kunst, Kobberstiksammlung, inv. GB . V.M. Schmidt, in: Dückers and Roelofs, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -, cat. n. .

Berlin, Gemäldegalerie, inv. no. .. See M. Meiss & C. Eisler, ‘A new French primitive’, in: Burlington Magazine, (), pp. -, in part. pp. -; Dückers and Roelofs, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -, cat. no. . I will discuss this picture in a forthcoming essay in: Invention: Northern Renaissance studies in honor of Molly Faries, ed. J. Chapuis (Turnhout ).

6 victor m. schmidt

For the early history of the devotional diptych, see V.M. Schmidt, ‘Diptychs and supplicants.

i. Eighteenth-century drawing after a lost portrait of John the Fearless, duke of Bur-gundy (original after ). Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Collection de

Bourgogne, XX, f. .

Th e similar (but not identical) drapery in front of the duke is also seen in the Berlin picture. Moreover, the Child’s gesture towards the left seems to imply the presence of a pendant piece to that side. If this hypothesis is correct, we would have a spectacular early instance of a half-length devotional diptych.

some portraits by johan maelwael 7

However, some objections can easily be raised. It is not known whether the portrait was on panel or on canvas, as the Berlin Madonna. Th e text on the portrait, not identified by Meiss and Eisler, runs ‘Domine Jesu accipe spiri-tum meum, et ne statuas illis hoc peccatum’ (‘Lord Jesus, receive my spirit, and do not hold this sin against them’). Th e text is taken from the Commu-nion in the Mass for the feast of St Stephen ( December), and varies the words spoken by the protomartyr during his lapidation, commending his spirit to Christ and asking forgiveness for his murderers (Acts , -). In the portrait of John the Fearless, the text makes only sense after the murder of the duke at Montmoreau in . In fact, a portrait of the duke in Chan-tilly (illus. ) based on the same model as the drawing suppresses the prayer and adds ‘, Jean, duc de Bo(ur)g(og)ne fuc [sic] occis à Mo(n)tereau’. Th is would exclude Johan Maelwael as the painter of the original, as he was already dead by . In itself this does not need to be a problem, as it is conceivable that the portrait was added to the Berlin Madonna on a later occasion. More important, however, is the fact that the drawing, like the portrait in Chantilly, presents the duke as turned to the left instead of to the right but the inscription in readable form, so that one has to assume the unlikely situation that the draftsman, or his immediate source, had mirrored the original composition, and then flipped back the inscription. As a conse-quence, the original portrait of John the Fearless cannot have been intended as the companion piece of the Berlin Madonna.

Although Maelwael cannot be considered as the painter of the portrait of John the Fearless on which the drawing and the painted copy in Chantilly are based, it is logical to assume that he, as the court painter, executed portraits of the duke. In fact, in (modern style) Maelwael received a payment for a portrait of John the Fearless to be dispatched to King João I of Portugal; this portrait is lost. Th ere was another portrait of the duke, next to that of his

Precedents and contexts of fifteenth-century devotional diptychs’, in: Essays in context. Unfolding the diptych, ed. J. Hand & R. Spronk (Cambridge, MA ), pp. -.

Only Georg Troescher bothered to look at the text, but he could only partially decipher it: G. Troescher, Burgundische Malerei. Malerei und Malwerke um 1400 in Burgund, dem Berry mit der Auvergne und Savoyen mit ihren Quellen und Ausstrahlungen (Berlin ), p. , n. .

For the murder, see R. Vaughan, John the Fearless. Th e growth of the Burgundian state (Lon-don ), pp. -.

‘, John the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, was murdered at Montereau’. Chantilly, Musée Condé, inv. no. . See M. Comblen-Sonkes, Les musées de l’Institut de France (Les prim-itifs flamands, . Corpus de la peinture des anciens Pays-Bas méridionaux au quienzième siècle, ; Brussels ), pp. -, no. .

R. Prochno, Die Kartause von Champmol. Grablege der burgundischen Herzöge 1364-1477 (Berlin ), p. .

8 victor m. schmidt

. Copy of a lost portrait of John the Fearless, duke of Burgundy (original after ). Chantilly, Musée Condé.


father, in the cancel of the Chartreuse of Champmol. Th is portrait, too, is lost but it is known from a copy in alabaster from around , now in the Musée des Beaux-Arts in Dijon. Like the lost portrait of , it shows the duke in prayer. Precisely for that reason, the original may have been painted after the murder of John the Fearless as well.

Th ere is, however, a portrait of the duke that with good reasons can be considered a work of Maelwael. Th e portrait, known from a copy datable to the end of the th century (Musée du Louvre, inv. M.I. ), shows the duke in strict profile turned to the left, while holding with a precious gesture a ring in his right hand (illus. ). Hélène Adhémar rightly connected the stone in the ring with a balas ruby which had to be given to every new duke of Burgundy when he took possession of the duchy during an official ceremony in the abbey church of St. Bénigne in Dijon. Th e inventory of the goods and chat-tels of John the Fearless dated July mentions a ring as the first and most important item, describing it in clear fashion: ‘Premierement: ung très bon et riche annel, fait tout d’un balay très fin et net, lequel feu MS le duc Philippe, cui Dieu pardoint, ordonna par son testament estre mis ou doy des ducs de Bourgoingne ses successeurs, quand ils prendroient la possession, à saint Bénigne de Dijon, de la duchié de Bourgogne, pesant . . . XLIII karaz.’ Th e balas ruby is probably the same as the ‘beau balay de Flandres’ which figures in the testament of Philip the Bold drawn up on September . He left the balas ruby, together with a little ruby once in the possession of his father-in-law, Louis de Male, count of Flanders, to his wife Marguerite, with the stipulation that they were to be given to their oldest son, i.e. John the Fear-less, and to his successors who will be counts of Flanders. If this identification is correct, we have to assume that the balas ruby was mounted on a ring, and given a ‘Burgundian’ rather than a specifically ‘Flemish’ significance lateron.

Prochno, op. cit. (n. ), pp. and , ill. . H. Adhémar, Le musée national du Louvre, Paris, vol. (Les primitifs flamands, . Corpus

de la peinture des anciens Pays-Bas méridionaux au quinzième siècle, ; Brussels ), pp. -. I accept Mme Adhémar’s connection between the ring in the portrait and the precious stones in the possession of the dukes, but I do not think that all of her identifications of the stones in the documents she quotes (ibid., pp. -) are correct.

L. de Laborde, Les ducs de Bourgogne. Études sur les lettres, les arts et l’industrie pendant le XV e siècle. Seconde partie, vol. (Paris ), p. , no. .

‘Pareillement, demoureront à Madame compaigne, le beau balay de Flandres et un petit ruby qui fut à mon seigneur mon père, le conte de Flandres, que Dieu pardoinne, nommé le ruby du conte, lequel ruby elle connoist bien, et vueil qu’aprez mon decez et le sien, lesdits balay et ruby demourent à nostre ainsné fils et à ses successeurs qui seront contes de Flandres’. See Bernard and Henri Prost, Inventaires mobiliers et extraits des comptes des ducs de Bourgogne de la maison de Valois (1363-1477), II. Philippe le Hardi, 1378-1390 (Paris -), p. , no. .

10 victor m. schmidt

. Late fi fteenth-century copy of a lost portrait of John the Fearless, duke of Bur-gundy (original by Johan Maelwael). Paris, Musée du Louvre.

Th us, the ring held by John in his portrait very likely refers to the taking pos-session of the duchy in , and also offers an approximate date of the execu-tion of the original. Th e attribution of this original to Maelwael, which was recently defended again by Philippe Lorentz, seems obvious, because also under John the Fearless Maelwael remained the prime ducal painter in Dijon.

Typologically, the portrait represents an important development from the format of the only known French independent portrait from the fourteenth-century, that of king John the Good in the Louvre, datable to a period shortly before his access to the throne in . Th e duke’s portait is half-length, whereas that of the king is en buste. In both cases, the sitters are represented in strict profile, which may seem obvious, as a fair number of early painted

Ph. Lorentz, ‘Les peintres de Philippe le Hardi et de Jean sans Peur à Dijon’, in: L’art à la cour de Bourgogne. Le mécénat de Philippe le Hardi et de Jean sans Peur (1364-1419) (Paris ), pp. -, in part. p. . In her entry for the portrait in the same catalogue (p. , no. ), Sophie Jugie rejects the attribution of the original to Maelwael.

Musée du Louvre, inv. no. RF . See Ch. Sterling, La peinture médiévale à Paris, 1300-1500, vol. (Paris ), pp. -, no. .


portraits are represented in the same fashion. However, when such profile heads appear as pictorial elements in other contexts, such as manuscript illumina-tions, they are quite conspicuous in respect to other figures, which are usually rendered in a three-quarter profile. I suspect that many a profile head of an important contemporary figure in manuscript illuminations eventually goes back to a painted portrait, be it a portrait on panel or one on paper, such as the splendid portrait of Louis II d’Anjou in the Bibliothèque nationale de France, now attributed to Barthélemy d’Eyck. A case in point is the well-known image of Jean de Berry in the calendar page of January in the Très Riches Heures (illus. ). It has all the characteristics of a portrait ‘pasted in’: the duke’s head appears in strict profile, it is considerably larger than that of the other figures in the scene, and the way the arms are joined to the bust is slightly awkward. Interestingly, in the Gaignières Collection of the Bibliothèque nationale de France there is a drawing of a half-length portrait of the duke in profile but with a different position of the arms. Whether or not the original should be attributed to the Limbourg brothers, as Meiss suggests, the drawing does seem to reflect a contemporary portrait of the duke.

Th ere are two instances of portraits of John the Fearless in illuminated manuscripts which likewise seem to be adaptations of an existing portrait: the duke is shown in profile and with exactly the same precious gesture of the hand as in the original supposedly painted by Maelwael. Particularly the pre-sentation miniature by the Mazarine Master on f. of the Livre des mer-veilles (illus. ) demonstrates that the figure of the duke, here represented in mirror image, must have been based on the painted portrait, because the adaptation to the new context is not quite successful: the duke is holding his ring, although at the same time he is accepting a large book offered to him by Jean Hayton.

F. Avril and N. Reynaud, Les manuscrits à peintures en France, 1440-1520 (Paris ), no. ; see also M. Meiss, French painting in the time of Jean de Berry. Th e late fourteenth century and the patronage of the duke (London, etc. ), p. and ill. ; M. Meiss, Th e Limbourgs and their contemporaries (New York ), pp. , , -, and ill. .

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Cabinet des Estampes, Collection Gaignières, Oa Rés., f. . See Meiss, op. cit. (n. : ), pp. -, , and ill. ; Meiss, op. cit. (n. : ), p. , and ill. .

For the manuscript (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. ), see most recently M.-Th . Gousset, in: L’art à la cour de Bourgogne, op. cit. (n. ), p. , no. . Th e other portrait of John the Fearless with the same precious gesture, is included in the presentation miniature in a manuscript of Pierre Salmon’s Dialogues from (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. , f. ). For the manuscript, see most recently I. Villela-Petit, in: Paris 1400. Les arts sous Charles VI (Paris ), pp. -, no. ; for a colour reproduction of the miniature, see L’art à la cour de Bourgogne, op. cit., (n. ), p. .


. Limbourg Brothers, January: New Year reception of Jean, duke of Berry. Très Riches Heures. Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS , f. .

Supposing that both the attribution of the portrait of John the Fearless to Maelwael and the political meaning of the ring are correct, there is every rea-son to discuss a portrait of John’s father, Philip the Bold, in the context of Maelwael’s oeuvre as well. Th e late copy in Dijon, which is usually repro-duced, is inaccurate. Both an alabaster copy from around in the same

Dijon, Musée des Beaux-Arts, inv. no. . See M. Comblen-Sonkes, Le Musée des Beaux-Arts de Dijon, vol. (Les primitifs flamands, . Corpus de la peinture des anciens Pays-Bas méridionaux au quinzième siècle, ; Brussels ), pp. - (with bibliography); Prochno,


. Mazarine Master, Jean Hayton off ers his book to John the Fearless, duke of Burgundy. Livre des merveilles. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. ,

f. .

museum and an eighteenth-century engraving (illus. 6) show the duke hold-ing a large jewel in his right hand, in a conspicuous gesture similar to that in the portrait of his son. Th e similarity is indeed striking and cannot be coin-cidental. Th e duke is wearing the collar of the Order of the Broom-Pod (‘Ordre de la Cosse de Genêt’). Th is was not a real order of knighthood but rather a honorific pseudo-order, awarded by the duke’s nephew, king Charles VI of France. Th e costly pendant, however, does not belong to the insignia of the

op. cit. (n. ), pp. -; S. Jugie, in: L’art à la cour de Bourgogne, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -, no. (with bibliography).

Prochno, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -, and , ill. . For some notes on this order, see D’A.J.D. Boulton, Th e Knights of the Crown. Th e Monar-

chical Orders of Knighthood in Later Medieval Europe, 1325-1520 (Woodbridge ), pp. and , and D. Gordon, Making & meaning. Th e Wilton diptych (London ), p. ; L. Hablot, ‘L’ordre de la Cosse de genêt de Charles VI: mise en scène d’une devise royale’, in: Revue française d’héraldique et de sillographie, - () [], pp. -.


6. Copy of a lost portrait of Philip the Bold, duke of Burgundy (original by Johan Maelwael). From: Dom Bernard de Montfaucon, Thrésor des antiquitez de la Couronne

de France (The Hague ).


order – nor of any other order, for that matter. Th e alabaster relief and the engraving clearly show the pendant to be a jewel with a large precious stone. It may represent the ‘large ruby’ (‘gros ruby’) Philip the Bold had acquired in for no less than , francs. Th is ruby, too, was to be preserved in St. Bénigne in Dijon and to be given to every new duke of Burgundy. If this is indeed correct, it would mean that the portrait was painted between , when the ruby was acquired, and , the year Philip died. Again, this time span coincides exactly with the activities of Maelwael as court painter.

Both portraits have been referred to Maelwael in the past, but in more recent times the arguments for doing so have been too easily dismissed. I want to emphasize again that both portraits are clearly similar in format and ico-nography. Th e iconography is political, and related to Dijon as the capital of the duchy of Burgundy. What can be more obvious than to attribute these portraits to the ducal painter resident in Dijon, Johan Maelwael?

One problem I could not solve is: what happened to the ‘large ruby’ acquired in ? It does not seem to figure among the possessions of John the Fearless inventoried in . Did it perhaps find another destination after Philip the Bold’s death? A large balas ruby called the ‘balas ruby of Flanders’ is mentioned in an inventory of Charles the Bold drawn up after his death in , but it is unlikely that the same stone is meant, since the administrators responsible for such inventories must have been able to distinguish a ruby from a balas ruby.

Although the iconography of the portrait of Philip the Bold links it to Dijon, the portrait, like that of his son, must have been known in Paris as well. A reflection of it is to be seen in a well-known miniature by the Bedford

Comblen-Sonkes, op. cit. (n. ), p. suggests a connection between the pendant and the Order of the Passion of Christ, a chevalric order created by the duke in .

Th e wording of the payment is as follows: ‘A Anthoine Gentil, marchant, demourant à Gennes, auquel a esté paié et baillié et delivré du commande et ordonnance de mondit seigneur la somme de XVM frans a leuy deue pour la vendue et delivrance d’un gros ruby, que icelle mon-seigneur fist prenre et achetter de lui ledit pois lequel ruby icell monseigneur apres son trespas a entencion d’icellui faire mettre en l’eglise de Saint Benigne en sa ville de Dijon pour le baillier au duc de Bourgoigne que apres lui succedera et aussi ensuivant chacun duc semblablement en prenre la saisine et possession de ladite duchié de Bourgoigne’. See Prochno, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Th e connection between the ruby in the portrait and the investiture of the dukes of Burgundy is also suggested by J.C. Smith, ‘Th e Chartreuse de Champmol in : the earliest visitor’s account’, in: Gazette des beaux-arts, (), pp. -, in part. p. .

‘Item, ung autre fermillet d’or, en faceon destos, deux fusilz d’or au dessus, garny d’un gros dyamant pointu à fasses, d’un gros balay appellé le balay de Flandres, une grosse perle ronde pendant embas, et deux autres longues perles en faceon de poires, pendant aux costés’. See De Laborde, op. cit. (n. ), p. , no. .


Roger S. Wieck, ‘Bibliophilic jealousy and the manuscript patronage of Jean, duc de Berry’, in: Dückers and Roelofs, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -, in part. p. . Cf. also Marcel Th omas, Th e Grandes Heures of Jean, duke of Berry, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris (New York ), pp. -.

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. , f. , reproduced in Meiss, op. cit. (n. : ), illus. ; formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, MS E.V. , p. .

‘Non enim accepistis spiritum servitutis iterum in timore, sed accepistis spiritum adoptio-nis filiorum, in quo clamamus: Abba, Pater’ (‘For you did not receive the spirit of slavery to fall back into fear, but you have received the Spirit of adoption as sons, by whom we cry, Abba! Father!’). See now Roger S. Wieck, ‘Th e offi ce of the Holy Spirit in royal French books of hours’, in: Von Kunst und Temperament: Festschrift f ür Eberhard König, ed. C. Zöhl and M. Hofmann (Turnhout ), pp. -.

Master (illus. ) in the Grandes Heures of Jean de Berry, finished in (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. , f. ). Th e miniature is often said to depict St Peter receiving Jean de Berry and others into Para-dise, but as Roger Wieck recently pointed out it rather represents St Peter admitting the converts into church. It illustrates the sext of the Office of the Holy Spirit, which explains why St Peter is shown illuminated by the Holy Spirit. Th e same subject is represented in the Petites Heures and the Savoy Hours. Th e picture cycle illustrating the Office of the Holy Spirit in these manuscripts needs closer study than can be offered here, but a major source may be the capitula or chapters from the office itself. Th at of Sext is taken from the Epistle to the Romans :, which mentions the ‘Spirit of adoption as sons’, which could have suggested an image of the converted finding a new home in the Church. In the background of the miniature in the Grandes Heures Philip the Bold appears clearly recognizable in strict profile, wearing the same hat as in Maelwael’s portrait. However, it is Jean de Berry, likewise shown in strict profile, and not the duke of Burgundy who is holding a pen-dant before his breast. I suspect that the miniature painter, rather than copy-ing a portrait of Jean de Berry with a pendant, transferred the gesture from Philip the Bold’s portrait to the duke of Berry. Th e stone is blue and may therefore represent a sapphire. Unfortunately I have been unable to find an item in the duke’s inventories as published by Jules Guiffrey that matches the representation. Nevertheless, the circumstance that copies of Philip’s portrait, as well as that of his son, circulated in Parisian illuminators’ workshops sug-gests that they were quite well known. If they were, they must have been publicly accessible, and that would tie in with their political iconography.

In this contribution, I tried to shed some light on three portraits of the first two Valois dukes of Burgundy, the originals of which are irretrievably lost. It


. Bedford Master, St Peter admitting the converts into church. Grandes Heures of Jean, duke of Berry. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. , f. .

may perhaps seem strange to spend so much effort on copies. Yet it should be pointed out that the originals represented the incunabula of the genre; more-over, the sitters belonged to the most powerful rulers of their time. Consider-ing two of the portraits in the context of Maelwael’s oeuvre helps to define not only his contribution to the genre, but also the extent of his oeuvre, which has met a fate that is inversely proportional to that of his famous nephews.

Th e Belles Heures of Jean de France, Duke of Berry Manuscript and the Question of the Artists’ ‘Hands’

Margaret Lawson*Th e Metropolitan Museum of Art, Sherman Fairchild Center for Works on Paper

and Photograph Conservation, New York, USA

Introduction

Th e extraordinarily beautiful book of hours, Th e Belles Heures of Jean de France, Duke of Berry, c. - by the Limbourg Brothers: Herman, Paul, and Jean

* Th e Belles Heures by Millard Meiss and Elizabeth Beatson, George Braziller, New York, has served as an important primary source for the conservators on Th e Belles Heures manuscript during the examination and treatment. Meiss and Beatson attributions to the three diff erent Limbourg brothers were included in our written documentation although they were not always personally understood. Undertaking digital infrared photography provided us with the opportu-nity to study the drawing hands without the distraction of color and gilding. Looking at Meiss months later, it is heartening to see that our results used similar words to describe the existence of the unique characteristics of three diff erent hands or styles. We appear to have arrived at the same place – in some ways, a starting point. Further investigation may eventually lead to more confi dent individual attributions. Th is study is submitted with tremendous gratitude and admi-ration to Meiss and Beatson for their work.

I would like to express my appreciation to Alison Gilchrest for digital infrared photography, Dr. Silvia Centeno for scientific analysis, and Marjorie Shelley and Th e Sherman Fairchild Cen-ter for Works on Paper and Photograph Conservation, with special thanks to Mary Jo Carson, Ann Baldwin, Valerie Faivre, Rachel Mustalish, and Akiko Yamazaki-Kleps for their expertise, assistance and support. Photographs are by the author, except for the digital infrared photogra-phy, which was done by Alison Gilchrest. Copyright for all of these images remains with the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

Th e original paper shared findings made following the publication of the Limbourg exhibi-tion catalogue. It focused on three areas: the experience of recreating Th e Annunciation to the Shepherds folio from the Belles Heures using historically appropriate methods and materials: the question of the artists’ hands, and areas for future investigation including unresolved issues with scribal inscriptions and materials. One year later, providing a corrected ‘Table of the Breakdown of the Quires in Th e Belles Heures’, to replace the problematic version in the exhibition catalog seems most important. As Rob Dückers presented material on making a reconstruction in the Limbourg Brothers Documentary, (best presented in visual format), the first section of the talk

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from Nijmegen, Guelders was commissioned by the Duke of Berry (-), one of the greatest collectors of all time. Belonging to the Department of Medieval Art and the Cloisters at Th e Metropolitan Museum of Art, it is one of the great treasures of the western world. What can be said about the working hands of the artists who created Th e Belles Heures of Jean de France, Duke of Berry manuscript? Absolute answers as to who drew and or painted

on the reconstruction was eliminated. I would simply urge people who are drawn to medieval materials and techniques to study treatises and try a reconstruction themselves as a most reward-ing process. See also Th e Limbourg Brothers: Nijmegen Masters at the French Court, -, ed. Rob Dückers and Pieter Roelofs (Gent ), pp. -; William D.Wixom & Margaret Law-son, Picturing the Apocalypse: ‘Illustrated Leaves from a Medieval Spanish Manuscript’, in: Th e Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin, Winter , pp. -. For information on Medieval techniques and materials. For a th century treatise read Cennino d’Andrea Cennini, Th e Crafs-man’s Handbook, “Il Libro dell’Arte”, transl. by Daniel V. Th ompson, Jr. (New York ). Con-sult bibliographies for additional treatises. For material supplies, consult Kremer Pigmente, Aichstetten, Germany and New York, NY. From: http://www.kremer-pigmente.de/englisch/home.htm. Finally, Scribal inscriptions found in the spine-fold and discussed in the third part of the talk have been found to relate to the text and rubrics.

Th e structure of the manuscript.Th e Belles Heures of Jean of France, Duke of BerryPol, Jean and Herman de Limbourg, Paris or Bourges, c. -/Th e Metropolitan Museum of Art, NYTh e Cloisters Collection,

the BELLES HEURES OF JEAN DE FRANCE, DUKE OF BERRY manuscript 21

miniatures or parts of paintings in the Belles Heures cannot be known, but it became apparent that there were three recognizable styles or artists’ hands in the miniatures when digital infra-red photographs were reviewed during the process of examination, documentation and conservation of the manuscript.

Th is preliminary investigation provides examples of the three ‘hands’ or styles recognized in digital infra-red photographs, offers examples of magnified paint-ing details to support stylistic observations, and describes problems and ques-tions related to the making and interpretation of the Belles Heures miniatures. Closer study of the digital infra-red photographs suggested that although there were three individual styles, more than one style or hand might be evident on a page and it was sometimes impossible to distinguish one from another. Th e painting techniques in the Belles Heures required more study beyond existing examination and scientific analysis of materials performed to understand the relationship between the underdrawing and the finished miniatures.

Th is investigation utilizes microscopy for careful visual observations of all the miniatures, and the documentation tools of digital infra-red photography and photomicrography, as a means to study the techniques and evidence of styles used by the Limbourg Brothers in the Belles Heures.

Medieval workshops thrived on the contributions of many artists, from scribes to gilders to illuminators, to painters. With design layout in place, one painter could finish the painting, or the task could be shared. For that matter, a more gifted artist could collaborate in a layout when a specific skill was required. In close cooperative efforts, unique contributions can come from all parties involved. Evidence of individual participation may be discernable. Th e young Limbourg Brothers, close in age, were reaching new artistic achievements in the areas of perspective, landscape painting and figural composition. While com-bined creative efforts sometimes surpass the unique in the individual and result in a completely new style or approach, the tools here may enable some observa-tions to be made. For all of us who remain cautious in defining the Limbourg brothers styles, perhaps one day ‘fingerprints’ or individual qualities of the three brothers can be more closely determined with more advanced techniques.

Dückers and Roelofs, op. cit. (n.), pp. -. Infra-red is the region of the electromagnetic spectrum, longer than visible light and shorter

than microwave. Infra-red photography allows one to see below the paint film. Photomicrography, a photograph of a magnified image, in this case the photograph is taken

through the microscope to record details as they are observed with the microscope. Such as computer enhanced analyzed fractal geometry utilizing the Mandelbrot equation

which enables the study of complex pattern characteristics, see also Richard P. Taylor, ‘Order in Pollock’s Chaos’, in: Scientific American, December , pp. -.

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Underdrawing and ‘Th e Hands’

In many miniatures, underdrawing can be seen below the existing paint layer without magnification (illus. -). Small areas of loss and unpainted designs indicate that layout methods are not consistent as examples of both metalpoint and dilute ink pen lines can be seen. To study the underdrawing, miniature paintings were documented using digital infra-red photography in the range of - nm. Th e flash with a fraction of a second exposure was preferable to the heat of tungsten lamps often used for infra-red reflectography. Infrared images permit one to see beneath the paint layer. Information in infrared images is not always clear, obvious, or easy to understand. Dilute or organic

Examples of underdrawing were submitted to in-situ X-Ray Fluorescence Spectroscopy and Raman spectroscopy for non-destructive analysis but the materials were below the detection limit of both techniques under the experimental conditions used, most likely due to the minute amounts present in available sites for study, Dr Silvia Centeno.

Digital infra-red photographs by Alison Gilchrest using a Kodak DCSIR camera and strobe flash, taken in the range of - nm.

. Folio v., photomicrograph of upper right fi gure’s head. Th e detail reveals under-drawing in the folds of the sleeve and the face. (Note: this and all photomicrographs

are with lowest power on the microscope, at ca. x.)


inks may not be visible; carbonaceous material as a component in painting materials may be mistaken for underdrawing and or may obscure underdraw-ing below. Th e digital infrared photographs showed the existence of fairly complete underdrawing for figures in some illuminations but very sketchy indications in others. Layout methods are not consistent.

An unexpected advantage of examining the infrared images was the absence of the strong unifying aspect provided by the brilliant medieval palette. Th e three different styles or ‘hands’ of the artists were noticed when looking through the infrared photographs to see if there were design changes in under-drawing.

Painting

All the miniatures were carefully studied under the microscope. To aid in evaluating the artists hands as shown by their individual painting methods, photomicrographs of painting details were taken using lowest magnification

. Folio , photomicrograph of robe, center area. The underdrawing delineation can be seen in the curving lines of the garment and the right side of the staff.

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for clarity in depth of field. Th is project has begun with about digital images including details from every quire, documenting a variety of heads, figures, hands, and landscape features. Small -/ × cm. images proved ideal for direct comparison of painted images and painting techniques. It might have been simpler to begin with a small specific category like angels, trees, or depictions of Christ, but the initial plan was to obtain an overview to study in conjunction with digital infrared photographs. Th e project has evolved as a work in progress and is by nature, a very subjective study. Th is paper reports on observations made on ‘the hands’ as expressed in both under-drawing layout and painting techniques in the Belles Heures.

Following are a selection of both digital infrared photographs of miniatures and photomicrographs of painted details that demonstrate the characteristics for the proposed styles or hands. Th e first folio described in each group is the one that epitomizes the style. Additional selections seem to confirm the results.

Th e ‘Drawing Hand’

In the underdrawing for f. v., Christ Nailed to the Cross, the artist’s hand can be characterized as being in constant motion (illus. ). Th e line keeps moving and adjusting, defining, and refining. Th ere is a struggle to position the figure in the mid-front. Th e composition is complicated. Th ere is great attention to detail: drapery folds are sketched, there are wrinkles in leggings, as well as textures, shading in the upper grass, and modulation of lights and darks. Th e detail of Christ’s crown, visible as underdrawing, shows as penti-mento in the miniature, but was not painted. Th is brother can be said to have a ‘drawing hand’. Each figure in this action scene, f. r., Th e Flagellation, is captured in a unique pose (illus. ). Arms are extended in different directions and clothing styles vary. Attention is given to distinctive details from different kinds of garments, to different kinds of whips in hands, to a variety of hats and turbans. Th e figures fill the space from left to right. Th e drama of action is captured, but the scene feels static or frozen in time. Th e information in the digital infrared photograph for f. v., Death of Christ (illus. ), looks fuzzy and rough or thin compared with other hands.

Close examination indicates the ‘drawing hand’ artist uses fine linear, engraving-like lines in painting as well as underdrawing. Th e photomicro-graph detail of f. v., Death of Christ, with Christ’s arm and head and part of the cross, shows diagonal lines shading the sky (illus. ). Diagonal strokes of flesh tone and dark blue-gray on Christ’s arm and face gives three-dimen-sionality to the outlined figure. Christ’s hair is defined with loose brown


. Folio v., digital infrared photograph. Evidence of the ‘drawing hand’ is supplied by the numerous sketched lines found throughout for placement and a great attention

to the definition of details.

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. Folio , digital infrared photograph. The scene portrays action with figures cap-tured in static positions. This and attention to details suggest the ‘drawing hand.’


. Folio v., digital infrared photograph. The general sketchiness in layout indicates the ‘drawing hand.’

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. Folio v., photomicrograph of Christ’s head. Accomplished in a linear manner (like engraving) with the brush used more as a drawing tool rather than for painting,

this miniature suggests the work of a ‘drawing hand.’

linear strokes. Th e entire image is created by lines above a dull gray-blue toned background. A detail from f. v., Martyrdom of Eleven Th ousand Vir-gins, provides different information (illus. ). Th e metal helmet and sword are painted with a blue outline. Th e interior is filled in with a lighter wash of the same with rough parallel lines to shade the armor elements, characteristic of the ‘drawing hand.’ Th e garment of the fighter, not including descriptive detail is filled with a thin field of light green. Color for this artist is not used to create forms; it is used for accent delineation.

In the small miniature f. r., David’s Enemies Destroyed, the armor is again outlined with blue (illus. ). Pink above the fallen figure is modeled with ver-tical red strokes and yellow parts are modeled with tan lines. Outlines of the armor are the strongest element. Within the armor, modeling continues with parallel strokes and some crosshatching of the outline color. Th e exposed chest of the dead knight has slightly curved parallel brown lines over the blue base to provide form to the figure. Grass is modeled with darker green diagonal strokes over lighter green. Modeling is primarily linear. Faces, in the ‘drawing hand’ with the more physically violent actions of the scenes, are often angry,


scowling or expressing uglier emotions, such as the figure from f. v., Christ Mocked (see illus. ). Th e lips are bright red lines. Th e color acts as an accent to delineate the lower face. With the same red, smaller fine red almost scrib-bled lines shade the lower cheeks.

Th e ‘Painterly Hand’

Th e approach of the artist in f. v., Th e Lamentation, is more sculptural than linear (illus. ). Figures are soft, rounded, glowing, buttery – more like the fresco painting of Giotto or Fra Angelico. Details are limited. Layout lines and contrast appear soft and there is a sense of light, mass and gentleness. Th is approach can be described as a ‘painterly hand.’ Th e white mass of figures in f. r., Entering the Grande Chartreuse (illus. ), seems sensitively carved. Th e group has a marble-like weight and substance. Th ere is a whispered quiet to the composition. Th e infrared does not show rough sketchiness, or distraction of details. Even the landscape from foreground green grass to the darker green background hills is smooth in transition and without details. Th e sense of

. Folio v., photomicrograph detail of center figure. The color is not used to create forms but to accent delineation of the armor, a characteristic of the ‘drawing hand.’

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movement is quiet, hushed, reserved. Th e figures have weight and mass as does the castle in f. r., End of the Plague (illus. ). Although there are two separate groups of figures, as in r, they are connected by the castle in the background and the extended arm from the left. Th e only linear detail added in the paint-ing is straps on the legs of the left figure. Th e centered angel in the extension above adds lightness to the weight of the composition with the castle and figures below. A variety of fluid, facile brushstrokes result in a luminous hand-ling of the garment for the figure in the foreground, f. r., End of the Plague (illus. ). Th e ‘painterly hand’ speaks with the paint and paintbrush and solidly renders surface, form and light.

Gestures can be gentle, bearings of figures is solid, and painterly effects can range from imaginative as in the image of heads burning, (illus. ) f. r., St. Catherine Confounding the Doctors to the lightness of air as seen in (illus. )

. Folio , photomicrograph detail of lower left. The definition of all parts is strongly linear and modeling is linear indicating the ‘drawing hand.’


. Folio v., digital infrared photograph. A more serene sculptural modeling with few details suggests the ‘painterly hand.’

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. Folio r., digital infrared photograph. The sense of volume, weight and substance achieved in sculptural modeling with drawing relate to the ‘painterly hand.’


. Folio , digital infrared photograph. There is a softness, roundness, and sense of volume to the complex figural groupings that feels characteristic of the ‘painterly

hand.’

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. Folio , photomicrograph detail of heads burning lower left. The simplicity of the unusual subject matter demonstrates the high level of creative brushwork displayed

by the ‘painterly hand.’

. Folio , photomicrograph detail of mid-bottom figure. The fluid brushstrokes rendering form with a glow of light are associated with the ‘painterly hand.’


. Folio , photomicrograph detail of distant landscape left of center. The fresh, light-filled, almost watercolor loose brushstrokes show off the ‘painterly hand.’

f. r., Th e Annunciation to the Shepherds. Th e ‘painterly hand’ has apparent ease and total control of the paint and paintbrush. Subjects are enhanced with glowing color and light and the landscape background view is fresh and light filled. Faces can look monumentally simple. Heads are shown at many different angles, for example (illus. ) in f. v., Procession of Flagellants, the head is tipped back. Th e ‘painterly hand’ artist has an awareness and capability of using foreshortening. Hands are drawn with facility. A gesture repeated several times is the crossed arms, with hands that are graceful and protective, from f. with the Virgin, to St. Catherine, f. v., to Christ in St. John Baptizing Christ, f. v. Other examples of hands show strength of a grip or grasping arm, or the limpness of death, or consolation.

Th e ‘Elegant Hand’

In f. v., Saint Jerome’s Dream, the digital infrared image shows that forms are exaggerated and lines are lyrical (illus. ). In the underdrawing, the wings of the angels are rearranged, creating more movement. God’s seat is drawn, but not painted, and – most striking – the figures are elongated. Th e body of

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. Folio v., photomicrograph detail of figure’s head, second from right. The unusual stance with foreshortening in the position of the head and facile rich painting

strokes distinguish the ‘painterly hand.’

Jerome, dreaming at the bottom, seems to keep extending. God the Father has a very long torso and the bent figure in the upper left has an awkward mass. Th ere is a slight tension where the shapes touch the border edges, yet the overall result is refined and elegant. Th e miniature is composed of separate elements but within each part there is a feeling of movement. Separate com-ponents or disconnected elements in f. v., Th e Sick at St. Jerome’s Funeral, (illus. ), exhibit a circular movement within themselves. Figures seem to be pulled or growing out of the landscape; they elongate and extend. Th ere is an elegant line to drapery, and a general feeling of an organic rhythm and motion even in the background. Elegant, curving lines describe the figures and the landscape in f. r., St. Paul’s Soul transported by Angels (illus. ). Th e angels and mountains create a pattern of repetition. In the sparseness, there is almost a musicality to the lines. Even the shape of the boat creates a circular flow. As in other examples of the ‘elegant hand’ there are separate components in the composition and movement within elements. Th e diagonals in the composi-tion keep the eye moving.


. Folio v., digital infrared photograph. The design changes of the wings upper left creates a less static arrangement. The elongated figures, and a sense of circular

movement within the individual groupings, are characteristic of the ‘elegant hand.’

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. Folio v., digital infrared photograph. A stirred sense of motion is felt within parts of the drawing. There are separate units within the composition, and some fig-ures to the right seem to be elongated. These qualities are associated with the ‘elegant

hand.’


. Folio , digital infrared photograph. The repetition of shapes and lines, sepa-rate elements within the composition, and the elongated cloaked figure speak of the

‘elegant hand.’

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In the small miniature, f. r., St. Christopher and the Christ Child, St. Christopher’s garment is defined by changing and moving curvilinear lines. Only the Christ Child seems solid and centered on the Saint’s back. All other parts have a circular flow or feel of motion. As in the underdrawing, an elegant moving line is also incorporated in the painting technique. In the detail of the St. Jerome’s robe, f. v. St. Jerome’s Dream (illus. ), the modeling lines are not straight but flowing and refined. Gradual transitions of warm to cool tones of under color are employed below the long graceful warm brown lines. Th ese delineating brown modeling lines are not parallel but curve gently. Arms and shoulders do not always seem to fit due to exaggeration of parts of figures. Sometimes the shoulders are extremely narrow as for God on f. v. Some-times one or both sides may feel overly large as for the small miniature, f. r., St Christopher and the Christ Child (see illus. ). A detail of St Christopher’s draped shawl shows underdrawing below the surface and graceful movements to the lines that wrap the figure. Interestingly, the rose color is applied with a variety of brushstrokes: some painterly lighter strokes, more gently curved darker lines and some close vertical darker pink lines below the arm, but the resulting feeling is one of movement. Exaggerated parts of figures make for

. Folio v., photomicrograph detail of St Jerome’s garment mid-bottom. The graceful curvilinear longer lines and the gentle small strokes that softly model the form,

create a fluid sense of movement over the area, – evidence of the ‘elegant hand.’


. Folio v., photomicrograph detail mid-left. The way the arm comes out of the body is awkward and the figure seems elongated in the miniature. These are character-

istics of the ‘elegant hand.’

pleasing lines and movement but proportions sometimes feel clumsy as for example in another small miniature, f. v., David Rebuked by the Prophet Nathan (illus. ). Both arms feel awkward; the raised arm looks as if it origi-nates below the shoulder, and the other arm seems short.

Fourth Group: Others

Th e examples provided generally suggest a particular hand, but an attempt to sort all the infrared images by styles failed. Th e result was three small groups where images generally fit the described styles and a large undecided and conflicted fourth group of miniatures best characterized by mixed messages, uncertainties and or doubts. Th e problem was that even if one style was recog-nized, the miniatures often combined qualities or shared something that also suggested or made it difficult to differentiate one hand from another hand.

What provokes doubt or confusion about the artists’ hands? With repeated review the sense is that combinations of stylistic elements do exist within min-iatures. Perhaps the artists were evolving so quickly, that they were adapting

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the skills and sensitivities of each other. Th eir talents and spirits were melding. Working together for about three years on this manuscript, they were all reaching new levels of achievement. Th e brothers appear to have been posi-tively challenged by working for their patron, the Duke of Berry. Most likely they were also exposed to the finest artists and craftsmen of the time, and saw their work, providing more sources of inspiration.

Questions, Considerations and Observations

An example of how the cooperative efforts might easily be incorporated can be seen in f. r., Institution of the Great Litany, (most like the ‘painterly hand’), that suggests a fresco-like format in that it is composed of separate units simi-lar to ‘giornate’ that could each be addressed as autonomous units. Th ere is a large rounded group in the foreground that could be one ‘giornata’. Th e figures at the right edge could be another unit, and the triangular group of smaller heads that fits between these two another. Th e left arch and figures inside could form another. Focusing on individual elements within other composi-tions one begins to see how different hands could quietly contribute to a single composition. As simple as having different hands add heads or a figure or two at the edge, or the background, one creates a greater feeling of unity in the prayer-book. Th e quality of the paintings and design elements in the minia-tures exhibits a wide range of skill or finesse. Many factors contribute to the final appearance of the miniature in addition to the artists’ hands.

One must ask many questions. What if anything is the relationship between the underdrawing and the painting? Is it possible that one artist might have done the underdrawing, or parts of it and another the painting? Was it one artist for a miniature, or quire, or subject matter, or did they often combine efforts on a page? Supposing there was a model book or pre-existing design they were following and drawings were copied from this – what then about the hands? Would the Limbourg brothers lose some individual character in depicting the layout of another hand? Th is study focuses on the Belles Heures. To do a complete study, comparisons should also be made with the earlier Bible Moralisée to study the quality of underdrawing, development in skills, and to track previously used layouts for evolution in Th e Belles Heures. Simi-larly, one needs to look to the later, more completely evolved extremely fine work, Th e Très Riches Heures. Indeed many figures and compositional ele-ments in the Belles Heures, are recognizable in Th e Très Riches Heures.

Ms Fr. in the collection of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris. Ms in the collection of the Musée Condé, Chantilly.


Due to the characteristics of the parchment support, the quality of the work from the same hand might appear different depending on the side of the skin being used. Painting on the flesh, (smooth side of the skin), (illus. ) tends to look more creamy smooth or enamel-like. Miniscule details are possible with a fine brush and perfectly ground pigment on the slick surface of the flesh side support. Paintings on the nap or hair side (illus. ) have a velvety matte surface. Th e texture of the skin makes it difficult to apply a smooth glaze or delicate details overall, or to read too much detail. Limitations in linear description or modeling in no way diminish the quality or aesthetic achieve-ments of the paintings on the hair side. Th e texture of the skin often requires a thicker application of paint, creating an added three-dimensional character to the surface of the paintings that is rich, and warm.

In contemplating the issue of skin side, additional observations are worth not-ing. Some of the skins may be split skins. Also, a downside to the exquisiteness

. Folio v., photomicrograph detail of upper right figure. Painting on the flesh or smooth side of the skin yields an enamel-like surface to the miniature. Very crisp fine

line detail work is possible.

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of the painted details on the flesh side is that there are often more significant losses – perhaps because the particulate paint film has less opportunity to bond securely or to be held or embedded in the smooth parchment fibers (illus. ). Losses in significant areas like the face and eyes frustrate the com-parison of styles and interference of text from the nap side is sometimes more noticeable. Other contributing variants include action and composition, the state of the pigment mixtures and tools at the moment they were being uti-lized, and the amount of time allocated for the particular miniature. From trying to make a reconstruction of a miniature, it was learned that there is a fine balance between the wetness of the paint and its flow, the amount of binder, and the preliminary paint layer below that determine how effectively a brush stroke is applied over a previous layer. A few paintings appear to have been done under duress, hastily, yet others were worked through with such total involvement, tremendous affection and determination as to finish the painting in the most sublime manner possible. How details are depicted is another variable. Th e cloth – fabric color and fiber content for religious orders, women’s clothing, the king’s clothes, armor, all vary in construction, detail and

. Folio , photomicrograph detail of upper left figure. Painting on the textured matte side results in a velvety matte appearance. The surface has a pleasing three

dimensional quality but does not accept fine crisp brushwork easily.


. Folio , photomicrograph detail showing flaked losses to paint layer on the flesh side. Due to the slick surface, the pigment particle attachment to the parchment

support is less secure.

description and are depicted differently. Similarly, facial expressions, skin tonality, dead bodies vs. young ladies, old men, angry or gentle, vary in how they are indicated. It requires close study to determine if it is different hands that shade or model material or skin in different ways or if it is the subject matter that elicits the different approach. Color selection and sensitivity might depend partially on the scenery, background, and characters involved, but also on the individual hand. Th e choice of pigment and techniques for painting a face and various parts in manuscripts come out of tradition, but these artists were going beyond traditional ways to new levels.

One of the first observations made looking at the photomicrograph details was that f. , Th e Annunciation, looked very porcelain-like and different. Unique to this painting, both Gabriel and the Virgin have ultramarine blue eyes. From photomicrograph details, St Genevieve is the only other blue-eyed figure found in the manuscript. All the other Virgins and all other figures appear to have brown eyes. Th e abundant use of the extremely valuable pig-ment ultramarine for the eyes as well as the border, the modeling of Gabriel’s garment, and the Virgin’s robe on f. is in keeping with the great importance

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given to the event and the page. Th e original format would have made it the first page in the prayer-book. Th e blue eyes retain a harmony in the design. Th ereafter, figures could be depicted with brown eyes, which might be a money saving decision, but brown pigment was already on the paintbrush to delineate details of the face, nose and eyebrows and figural outlines. Painting brown eyes would be a natural continuation in the use of the brush and a harmonizing feature to the design in the folios that followed.

Th e more that infrared images, photomicrographs and miniature paintings are studied, the more complicated the information becomes. Looking care-fully, it is possible to see that smaller contributions are probably made consis-tently within the framework of the individual folios. Yet the recognizable spirits remain of the individual artists whispered throughout. F. r., Diocrés expounding the Scriptures, provides an example where the hand appears to change character in the midst of painting (illus. ). Th e magenta-rose cloth draping down from the shoulder and arm is well defined, modeled from light

. Folio , photomicrograph detail of second figure from lower right edge. The garment shows different painting techniques within the pink robe: linear hard edge modeling upper section, loose, soft, less defined below, and blue with fine darker lines

upper left.


. Folio , photomicrograph detail upper right, hard faced king (may be due to skin side).

to dark and strongly outlined. In the seated area below, the brushstrokes change abruptly and become soft and much less defining. Th is could be a logical solution to conveying the difference in how the fabric appears, or it could be a shared area to paint. Th ere are also examples where figures and faces are not consistent. For example, in the Catherine Cycle, f. r (illus. ), the King has a specific, hardened and disgruntled look, and r the King has a softer, kinder, more generalized quality (illus. ). Under study is the thought that contributions may have come from all the brothers on this quire with quiet variations in faces, hands, modeling and the forms of figures and back-grounds, but it is not simple.

Also interesting are the very specific faces in f. v., Th e Duke on a Journey, (illus. ) with the figure in green that looks at the king but also seems to catch the viewer’s eye. Th e circular movement in the composition with the horses speaks of the ‘elegant hand,’ and the massive, solid castles suggest the ‘paint-erly hand’.

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. Folio v., photomicrograph detail of faces upper right edge where one almost seems to question us.

. Folio , photomicrograph detail, softer faced king (may be due to skin side).


Conclusion

Obviously there are many unanswered questions. Th is is a preliminary inquiry. Th e issue of ‘hands’ is extremely complex but the details are fasci-nating. Further research is necessary and perhaps more scientific analysis, possibly by methods that we are not yet familiar with at this time. Perhaps we are not meant to know, but asking questions and making observations are important.

Most likely, the investigation process will be ongoing and challenging. Results will need refining over the years to come as scholars and laymen alike continue to both be made curious and astonished by the extraordinary work and breathtaking beauty of this treasured book of hours. One idea that has surfaced constantly during this project is that perhaps the individual ego of today is not as positive, but potentially counterproductive. We are by nature limited in how much one can accomplish. When skilled efforts are positively combined in a project, how much more is possible! Collaboration might be a better method of addressing these problems. Th e collaborative efforts of the Limbourg Brothers achieved something far greater than any one was capable of accomplishing on their own. Th e message in their work is clear. Join together, accept unique gifts in each person, and combine the best ideas (from the head, heart and hand) with the best in others. Th e gift to the world is far greater. When the journey is over, it does not really matter which brother did what at that time, but that they achieved amazing brilliance together that endures for all the ages.

Likeness, Loyalty, and the Life of the Court Artist: Portraiture in the Calendar Scenes of the

Très Riches Heures

Stephen PerkinsonBowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine, USA

Introduction: Portraiture in the Très Riches Heures

Painted by the Limbourg Brothers between 111 and 11, the calendar minia-tures of the Très Riches Heures of duke Jean de Berry have entranced both art historians and the broader public with their seeming ability to provide a trans-parent window onto daily life in the late Middle Ages.1 Recent scholarship has, of course, gently reminded us that these miniatures depict ‘daily life’ as seen from a particular point of view – that of their aristocratic patron, Jean de Berry. Nonetheless, it is easy to be captivated by these meticulously rendered images. Th e calendar sequence is extraordinary in its format and scale. Whereas the calendars of earlier Books of Hours were either unillustrated or decorated with diminutive images, the Très Riches Heures devotes entire folios to scenes for each month. But the calendar images are also exceptional in their degree of personalization. A year before he acquired the manuscript in 1, the Duke d’Aumale had already recognized the face of Jean de Berry himself in the midst of the banquet, the traditional scene for January (illus. 1). Subsequent scholars have unanimously followed his identification, and for good reason. Th e figure’s features – its blunt nose and paunchy cheeks – resemble those ascribed to the

Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS , ff. v.-v. J.J.G. Alexander, ‘Labeur and Paresse: Ideological Representations of Medieval Peasant

Labor’, in: Art Bulletin‚ (), pp. -; M. Camille, ‘Th e Très Riches Heures: An Illumi-nated Manuscript in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction’, in: Critical Inquiry‚ (), pp. -; ibid., ‘“For Our Devotion and Pleasure”: Th e Sexual Objects of Jean, Duc de Berry’, in Art History‚ (), pp. -.

Th e Duke d’Aumale, Chantilly: Le cabinet des livres: manuscrits, vol. (Paris ), p. ; quoted in translation by R. Cazelles, Illuminations of Heaven and Earth: Th e Glories of the ‘Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry’ (New York ), p. .

52 stephen perkinson

duke in other images (for instance, in a miniature that the Limbourgs painted in around 11 for insertion into his Petites Heures, illus. ). But the duke’s identity is also verified by the fact that he sits beneath a canopy emblazoned with his coat of arms and with a pair of animals that he adopted as his sym-bols: the bear and the swan. Th e same beasts also cavort atop the golden salt cellar in front of the duke.

. Th e Limbourg Brothers, January, from the Très Riches Heures, /- (Chan-tilly, Musée Condé, MS , fol. v.) [photo: Faksimile Verlag Luzern]

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. ; Th e Limbourg Brothers: Nijmegen Masters at the French Court, -, ed. R. Dückers & P. Roelofs (Gent ), cat. no. .

likeness, loyalty, and the life of the court artist 53

. Th e Limbourg Brothers, Th e Duke of Berry departing on pilgrimage, from the Petites Heures de Jean de Berry, c. (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat.

, f. v.) [photo: Faksimile Verlag Luzern])

Jean de Berry is not the only figure to receive distinctive facial features in January, however. Th e bodies in the crowd pressing toward the Duke display a vast range of facial structures and hairstyles. Th eir diversity has prompted several scholars to consider the possibility that there are additional portraits of individuals embedded within this particular scene; in recent years, these attempts to identify portraits have broadened their scope to include the figures


appearing in the three other calendar scenes with aristocratic subjects, those for April, May, and August (illus. , , and ). Perhaps significantly, these four miniatures are all painted on two bifolios of the first gathering in the manuscript, and all four have been attributed to the same artist. Millard Meiss boldly identified that artist as Jean de Limbourg, the brother to whom he ascribed illuminations displaying a predilection for shallow, almost pla-nar spatial settings and a lyrical, linear elegance. Taking a more cautious approach, Raymond Cazelles identified the painter of these scenes simply as ‘Limbourg B’.

Th e effort to identify additional portraits began in earnest with Paul Dur-rieu’s groundbreaking 1 monograph on the manuscript. Durrieu noted with approval that the Duke d’Aumale had perceived the figure of Jean de Berry in the January scene; reiterating that conlusion, he described the image as a ‘portrait pris sur le vif ’ and vouched for its ‘absolute resemblance’. But Durrieu was also particularly drawn to the figure of a man wearing a floppy gray cap who appears in the crowd to the left of the Duke. He identified the man as one of the Limbourgs, most likely Paul who was already understood to have been the artistic leader of the three brothers. Finally, he identified the prelate seen approaching the Duke as Martin Gouge, an individual closely connected to the duke who held both episcopal and political offices. Scholars soon extended the scope of proposed portrait identifications in the January image. By the time of a 1 monograph by Raymond Cazelles and Jean Lon-gnon, scholars largely took it for granted that many of the figures in the min-iature were intended as portraits that would have been recognizable to their original audience. Cazelles and Lognon, for instance, accepted most of Dur-rieu’s identifications, and added their own, suggesting that the partially obscured figure with the blue head-covering behind the supposed Paul could be his wife, Gillette de Mercier, and that another figure guzzling from a hanap might be another of the brothers, either Jean or Herman.

A few years later, Meiss was more cautious in his approach to the scene, noting with skepticism Durrieu’s proposed identification of Paul and conclud-ing that ‘[n]one of the figures around the Duke has been convincingly

M. Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: Th e Limbourgs and their Contempo-raries, vol. (New York ), pp. -.

Cazelles, op. cit (n. ), pp. -. P. Durrieu, Les Très Riches Heures de Jean de France, duc de Berry (Paris ), pp. -. R. Cazelles & J. Longnon, Th e Très Riches Heures of Jean, Duke of Berry (New York ),

commentary for Pl. .


. Th e Limbourg Brothers, April, from the Très Riches Heures, /- (Chan-tilly, Musée Condé, MS , f. v.) [photo: Faksimile Verlag Luzern]


. Th e Limbourg Brothers, May, from the Très Riches Heures, /- (Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS , f. v.) [photo: Faksimile Verlag Luzern]


. Th e Limbourg Brothers, August, from the Très Riches Heures, /- (Chan-tilly, Musée Condé, MS , f. v.) [photo: Faksimile Verlag Luzern]


identified’. But Meiss’s circumspect attitude towards the identification of figures in the January scene sets him apart from many other scholars who have investigated the book. Durrieu himself wrote of the ‘seductive’ temptation to identify further portraits amidst the faces in the calendar pages, but in the end he regretfully concluded that any such identifications would be ‘a pure hypoth-esis’.10 Nevertheless, subsequent generations of art historians were far less hesi-tant to offer their hypothetical identifications. Th ey have been particularly quick to discern portraits in the scenes for April, May, and August. More specifically, several scholars have proposed that some of these scenes served as visual records of important events in the life of the Duke. For instance, Cazelles and Lognon proposed that April (illus. ) represented the betrothal of the Duke’s eleven-year old granddaughter, Bonne d’Armagnac, to Charles d’Orléans; Meiss treated this identification as ‘plausible but not proved’.11 Cazelles and Lognon also tentatively identified the mounted figure seen from behind in a long blue robe in May (illus. ) as the Duke himself taking part in a May Day celebra-tion. Other scholars were still less cautious in their approach, and a few years later even Meiss would speak approvingly of the ‘often advanced’ proposal that the scene depicts a procession involving the Duke’s daughter Marie and her third husband, Jean de Bourbon.12

In 1, this impulse towards identification reached something of a high water mark with the publication of Saint-Jean Bourdin’s Analyses des Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry: Identifications des personages figurant dans le calen-drier.13 Evidently a self-published work, Bourdin’s book was printed by the Viard of Dourdan, a regional French printer known primarily for their attrac-tive editions of books treating wood-working techniques. Despite the rather thin scholarly credentials of this book, several subsequent scholars have been willing to entertain its author’s proposed identifications of portraits in the calendar scenes.14 Bourdin’s book offers the most comprehensive – and most tenuous – set of identifications of figures in January, April, May, and August;

Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Durrieu, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Durrieu himself began to succumb to the ‘seduction’,

ruminating briefly but inconclusively on the possibility that some of the figures in the May scene were members of the immediate royal family; ibid. pp. -.

Cazelles & Longnon, op. cit. (n. ), commentary for Pl. ; Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Ibid. S.-J. Bourdin, Analyses des ‘Très Riches Heures’ du duc de Berry: identification des personnages

figurant dans le calendrier (Dourdan ). E.g., Cazelles, op. cit. (n. ), p. .


he believed that nearly every figure in the four scenes was intended as a recog-nizable portrait of members of the duke’s family. If these images do indeed represent particular relations of the Duke, they would not be the only late medieval images to include multiple generations of aristocratic families depicted while engaged in courtly leisure activities. Several scholars have noted that images such as the Louvre ‘fishing party’ drawing seem to include images of specific individuals in such settings (illus. ).15 But the calendar scenes would nevertheless have been the earliest such images, and it would be at least a generation before other images included as many members of a family as Bourdin perceived in the Très Riches Heures.16

. Th e Fishing Party, late th-century copy of an original of c. (Paris, Musée du Louvre; Photo: Réunion des Musées Nationaux / Art Resource, NY)

On that image, see Art from the Court of Burgundy, - (Cleveland ), cat. no. ; L. Ninane, ‘Un portrait de famille des ducs de Bavière, comte de Hollande, Zélande et Hainaut’, in: Bulletin des Musées royaux de Beaux-Arts de Belgique‚ - (-), pp. -.

Th e Louvre drawing is believed to reproduce a lost original of c. ; see Art from the Court of Burgundy, op. cit. (n. ), cat. no. . Th e earliest record of such an image – in this case, a tapestry depicting Duke John the Fearless of Burgundy (d. ) and Duchess Margaret of Bavaria – appears in the c. Burgundian ducal inventory; see L. Campbell, Renaissance Portraits: European Portrait-Painting in the 14th, 15th and 16th Centuries (New Haven ), p. .


Of course, the presence of one or more realistic portraits in the calendar pages of the Très Riches Heures demands historical explanation. But thus far, few scholars have thought carefully about this issue. When art historians confront portraits, they tend to obsess over questions of identification, trying to pin down the identities of individuals represented by the work. In doing so, they often neglect the matter of how and why an image might represent a particular person, as Georges Didi-Huberman has noted with regard to studies of Italian Renaissance images.17 To date, scholarship on the calendar scenes has offered two possible reasons why the Limbourgs may have inserted portraits in the scenes; at times, scholars argue explicitly in favor of these explanations, but just as often, one of the explanations is simply implicit in the historical account. Th e first explanation holds that the calendar of the Très Riches Heures constitutes what Bourdin termed a ‘family album’ for the duke – something akin to a modern collection of wedding photographs.18 Th is fits in with the tendency of some observers to view the duke as a warm-hearted and enlight-ened patron, whose tender feelings for his offspring mirrored our own culture’s ideals of familial bonds and parental devotion. A second explanation, favored by Panofsky and others, instead sees the portraits as the byproducts of the ris-ing tide of naturalism in the early fifteenth century. Th is account is arguably less anachronistic than the overtly sentimental causes advanced by the first explanation. But it still fails to be fully satisfactory, as it, in effect, defers the issue to be explained. By assuming that naturalism is a self-evidently superior form of art-making, this account of the portraits in the Très Riches Heures conforms to a teleological account of art history that has recently, and rightly, come under criticism.

Th is essay outlines an alternative explanation for the appearance in the Très Riches Heures of one or more naturalistic portraits. In particular, it points to

G. Didi-Huberman, ‘Th e Portrait, the Individual, and the Singular: Remarks on the Leg-acy of Aby Warburg’, in: L. Syson, Th e Image of the Individual: Portraits in the Renaissance (Lon-don ), pp. -.

Bourdin, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Similarly, Cazelles and Longnon explicitly described that possibility that the scenes depict key events in the duke’s life and members of his family as a major part of the “charm” of these miniatures; Cazelles & Longnon, op. cit. (n. ), commentary for Pl. .

E.g., Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), passim, and Bourdin, op. cit. (n. ), passim. For critiques of these tendencies, see by L.M.J. Delaissé, review of M. Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: Th e Late Fourteenth Century and the Patronage of the Duke, in: Art Bulletin‚ (), pp. -; Camille, op. cit. (n. : ); id., (n. : ).

For the most succinct statement of this interpretation, see E. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting: Its Origin and Character (Cambridge, Massachusetts ), p. .


ways in which the Limbourg Brothers may have been encouraged by their courtly environment to personalize this manuscript in this particular way. In order to do so, it focuses on ways that naturalistic portraiture formed part of a broader visual language that facilitated the representation of individuals in the late Middle Ages. In addition to naturalistic portraits, that language included what Michel Pastoureau has termed ‘para-heraldic’ signs. As Pas-toureau and others have noted, the late fourteenth century witnessed an ‘efflorescence’ of emblems, liveries, and devices. Th is essay discusses the broader context of those signs, exploring how they were used, the places they appeared, and the motivations of their makers. It concludes by pointing to ways in which that evidence can inform our understanding of the calendar scenes in the Très Riches Heures.

Th e ‘Architectural Portraits’

Scholars debate the extent to which the faces in the calendar scenes were intended to be recognizable, but they are certain that other features in those pages were meant to be identifiable to their courtly audience: the buildings that populate the scenes. Castles dominate the horizons of nine of the twelve calendar images. Th e buildings’ meticulous detail and and the distinctiveness of their architectural features suggest that the artists who painted them intended for viewers to recognize them as specific buildings. Following on those visual cues, Erwin Panofksy described them as ‘architectural portraits’. Art historians consistently agree on the identities of seven of these: the Châ-teau of Lusignan for March, the Palais de la Cité in Paris for June, the Château du Clain in Poitiers for July, the Château of Etampes in August (illus. ), the Louvre in Paris for September, and the Château of Vincennes outside Paris in December. Most scholars identify the small castle seen in April as the Château of Dourdan (illus. ), although in his most recent study of the piece Cazelles was less certain, suggesting that it might instead depict the Château of Pierrefonds. Finally, considerable uncertainty surrounds the identity of the

M. Pastoureau, ‘L’effervescence emblématique et les origines héraldiques du portrait au XIVe siècle’, in: Bulletin de la Société nationale des Antiquaires de France‚ (), pp. -.

Panofsky, op. cit. (n. ), p. . For these identifications, see Cazelles, op. cit. (n. ), pp. , , and . For this identification, see Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), p. , and, most recently, P. Stirnemann

et al., Les Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry et l’enluminure en France au début du XV e siècle (Chantilly ), p. ; cf. Cazelles, op. cit. (n.), p. .


G. Papertiant, ‘Les Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry’, in Revue des Arts‚ (), p. .

E. Morand, ‘La Ville de Riom et la fête de Mai dans les Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry’, in: Bulletin de l’Académie des Sciences, Belles-Lettres et Arts de Clermont-Ferrand, (), pp. -.

Bourdin, op. cit. (n. ), p. ; Cazelles, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Meiss explicitly rejected Morand’s thesis, and supported that of Papertiant; Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -. His prefer-ence has been widely followed, most recently by Stirnemann et al., op. cit. (n. ), p. .

Cazelles, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Ibid., p. . Ibid., p. . Ibid., p. . Alexander, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Cazelles, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -.

rooftops visible over the tops of the trees in May (illus. ). In , G. Paper-tiant proposed that the roofs were those of Paris. Two years later, Edmond Morand asserted that the skyline matched that of the town of Riom. Bour-din accepted Morand’s claim, and Cazelles’s most recent work is agnostic on the question, but most other scholars have followed Papertiant, accepting that the scene is meant to be understood as unfolding just outside of Paris. Two other distinctive structures appear elsewhere in the Très Riches Heures. Th e Château of Mehun-sur-Yevre serves as the setting for the Temptation of Christ illustrating the Mass for the first Sunday in Lent. Th e abbey at Mont Saint-Michel rises from its tidal flat while St. Michael battles a dragon in the sky above in the miniature marking the opening of the Mass for that saint’s feast day.

Nearly all of those sites were associated in some manner with Jean de Berry. Th e châteaux at Lusignan, Dourdan, Poitiers, and Etampes were owned directly by the duke (although in late and early Dourdan and Etampes were held by partisans of Berry’s rivals, the dukes of Burgundy and Guyenne). Mehun-sur-Yevre was owned by the Duke until , when he offered it as a gift to Louis de Guyenne, the dauphin. Th e sites in and around Paris – the Palais de la Cité, the Louvre, and the Château of Vincennes – were of course owned by the Duke’s royal nephew, Charles VI; if May depicts Paris, its architecture, too, would have carried predominantly royal connotations to viewers in the period. However, as Jonathan Alexander has pointed out, even though the structures of June (the Palais de la Cité) and October (the Louvre) were the king’s possessions, the miniatures present them from roughly the vantage point of Jean de Berry’s principal Parisian residence, the Hôtel de Nesle on the Left Bank. Th e Château of Vincennes also had a personal rele-vance to the Duke, in that he was born within its walls in . Of the


châteaux, September’s Saumur has the most distant ducal connection; it was owned by his nephew, Duke Louis II of Anjou. Th e link between the Duke and Mont St-Michel is also indistinct. Th e monument was a popular pilgrim-age site, and was renowned as a symbol of French resistance against the Eng-lish, but Berry was hardly alone in his interest in the site, and it appears in a handful of other luxurious Books of Hours of the period.

Complicating matters, recent scholarship has called into question the Lim-bourgs’ authorship of several of the calendar pages that display ‘architectural portraits’. In , Luciano Bellosi suggested that a mid fifteenth-century painter was responsible for much if not all of several scenes: March, June, Sep-tember, October, and December. While specialists continue to debate the identity of the artist in question, many perceptive scholars have agreed with his proposition. If, as some have suggested, this later artist was indeed entirely responsible for the decision to represent the Palais de la Cité, the Louvre, and the châteaux of Saumur and Vincennes, it would solve the problem presented by those monuments’ tenuous ducal connections. As Catherine Reynolds has recently noted, all of the possibly added buildings were affiliated with King Charles VII, and evidence suggests that he or a member of his immediate circle may have owned the Très Riches Heures in the late ’s and early ’s. But whether the mid fifteenth-century painter executed illuminations that were entirely of his own design or completed images sketched out on the page by the Limbourgs, no one has questioned the attribution to the Limbourgs of the four courtly scenes that concern us – January, April, May, and August. Further-more, the identification of Etampes in the August page is particularly compel-ling, as its distinctive poly-lobed donjon has survived to the present day. Th is allows us to say that in at least one case the Limbourgs incorporated references

Ibid. Ibid., pp. and . L. Bellosi, ‘I Limbourg precursori di Van Eyck? Nuove osservationi sui “Mesi” di Chan-

tilly’, in: Prospettiva, () pp. -. E. König, ‘Le peintre de l’Octobre des “Très Riches Heures du duc de Berry,”’ in: Le dossier

de l’archéologie, () pp. -; Cazelles, op. cit. (n. ), pp. , , , and ; Stirne-mann et al., op. cit. (n. ), pp. -.

For the most recent discussion of the dating of these additions, see C. Reynolds, ‘Th e “Très Riches Heures,” the Bedford Workshop, and Barthélmy d’Eyck’, in: Th e Burlington Maga-zine, (), pp. -. Lusignan represents a case in which the castle would have been appropriate for either Jean de Berry or a later patron in the circle of Charles VII, as it became the latter’s property in ; see Cazelles, op. cit. (n. ), p. .

See Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), vol. , illus. .


to a specific building that was affiliated with the Duke into one of the calendar scenes; they may have done so in several instances.

While scholars have devoted a great deal of attention to the identification of the buildings, they have spent less time considering why the Limbourgs would have included recognizable buildings in the calendar scenes. For Panof-sky, the ‘architectural portraits’ provided a means of inserting the Limbourgs into an art historical narrative in which leading artists strive to achieve a per-fect degree of ‘sharp-eyed observant naturalism’. For Meiss, too, these ‘true architectural portraits’ were evidence of a broad-based impulse towards artistic naturalism. ‘It is not surprising’, he wrote, ‘that they appear around the same time as portraits of persons’. Meiss also remarked upon another possible source of pleasure for the Duke in viewing these pictures, noting that the Duke only rarely left Paris after , and suggesting that the sight of his castles scattered throughout the calendar pages might therefore have ‘aroused nostalgia’ in him. More recently, Jonathan Alexander has pointed to a less emotive rationale for the decision to include references to the buildings, writ-ing that their appearance in the scenes had the effect of ‘repeatedly calling attention to his [the Duke’s] enormous landed wealth and the military power necessary to protect it . . .’. While Alexander’s arguments avoid the teleologi-cal view of history implicit in the earlier accounts, it still does not fully answer the question of why someone – the artists, a court advisor, or the Duke him-self – would have made the decision to include these references to particular monuments in the calendar pages. To answer that question, we need to exam-ine the ‘architectural portraits’ within the broader network of references to the identity of the Duke – and, perhaps, his immediate circle – in the calendar scenes.

Filling the ‘Family Album’: Proposed Identifications of Figures in April, May, and August

As we have seen, the scholarly search for portraits in the Très Riches Heures quickly expanded beyond the January page to include three other scenes involving courtly pursuits. Many scholars have suggested that April (illus. )

Panofsky, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Ibid., p. . Alexander, op. cit. (n. ), p. .


shows the betrothal of one of Jean de Berry’s offspring. Cazelles, Longnon and Meiss all identified the couple as the duke’s eleven-year-old granddaughter, Bonne, and Charles of Orléans, who were engaged in . For Bourdin and, most recently, Patricia Stirnemann, the scene depicts the engagement of the duke’s daughter, Marie, with Jean de Bourbon, an event that took place in the year .

Numerous scholars have suggested that the next image, the scene for May (illus. ), features the same couple that Bourdin and Stirnemann perceived in April: the duke’s daughter, Marie, and Jean de Bourbon. Cazelles and Log-non also suggested that one of the equestrian figures is a royal prince, as his tricolor red, white and black livery was associated with Charles VI. Meiss buttressed the identification of Marie and Jean de Bourbon as the principal figures by stating that the bosses on the horses’ harnesses resemble a motif worn by members of the retinue of Jean de Bourbon’s father, Louis (II) de Bourbon as a symbol of their loyalty to him (as we will see, however, there are problems with this claim). Furthermore, Laurent Hablot recently pointed out that the gold badges worn by the heralds are similar to the device of the Order of the ‘Écu d’Or’ founded by Louis de Bourbon in .

Beginning with Bourdin’s work of , scholars turned their attention to discerning portraits embedded in the August scene (illus. ). Bourdin’s identifications are often implausible (for instance, he offered the rather odd suggestion that the figure alone on the white horse is duke Jean de Berry himself, despite the fact that that figure is seen riding sidesaddle and wearing a woman’s clothes). Two years later, Cazelles more plausibly suggested that the figure on the white horse could be the duke’s granddaughter Bonne d’Armagnac. Stirnemann, on the other hand, pointed to similarities between the costume of the solitary woman in August and that worn by male figures in April and May,

Cazelles & Longnon, op. cit. (n. ), commentary for Pl. ; Meiss, op. cit. (n.), pp. -. Bourdin, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -; Stirnemann et al., op. cit. (n.), pp. -. Morand, op. cit. (n. ); Morand was followed by F. Lehoux, Jean de France, duc de Berri:

Sa vie, son action politique, 1340-1416, vols. (Paris, -), vol. , p. , n. and, most recently, Stirnemann et al., op. cit. (n. ), p. .

Bourdin pursued a different direction, identifying the key figures as Jean de Berry’s grand-daughter Bonne and her betrothed Charles d’Orléans; see Bourdin, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -.

Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -. L. Hablot, ‘La ceinture ESPERENCE et les devises des ducs de Bourbon’, in: ESPER-

ENCE: le mécénat religiuex des princes de Bourbon au XVe siècle, ed. F. Perrot (Souvigny ), pp. -, esp. p. ; Stirnemann et al., op. cit. (n. ), p. .

Bourdin, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -.


both of whom she had tentatively identified as Jean de Bourbon. Th is would in turn suggest that the solitary woman of August was the duke’s daughter, Marie, now married and wearing clothes similar to her husband’s.

Of the various attempts to identify the figures in these four scenes, the most compelling are those that, like Stirnemann’s, pay close attention to details of costume, particularly as they pertain to the broad language of heraldry, devices, and liveries that plays so central a role in late medieval fashion. But on this score, the results of our efforts thus far remain problematic. For example, Meiss supported his contention that the harness bosses of April are a Bourbon motif by pointing to similarities between the items visible in the Très Riches Heures and jewelry worn by members of Louis de Bourbon’s entourage in the Hommages of the Count of Clermont of c. . But to illustrate the compari-son, Meiss reproduced a black and white eighteenth-century engraved copy of fourteenth-century manuscript (illus. ). When one compares the bosses in the April scene to the jewelry in the full color seventeenth-century version, the contention that the images depict identical badges is less convincing (illus. ). Th ere, it becomes evident that the jewelry consisted of light colored circular objects – pearls, perhaps – set against a blue or red disk; it also becomes clear that the number of circular elements varied widely, with some of the pieces appearing to feature ten or more of them.

Th ere are problems with other purportedly heraldic elements in these scenes as well. Th e word ‘vie’, perceived by Stirnemann on the harness of the figure at the left, is not known to have been part of a device favored by any of the individuals in question. Th e ‘Écu d’Or’ that Hablot noticed in the April scene is not known to have been used as a Bourbon emblem after the ’s, with the c. Hommages manuscript being the latest instance in which they appear. Th e word associated with the motif, ‘Allen’, also seems to have fallen

Stirnemann et al., op. cit. (n. ), p. . Cf. C. Sterling, La peinture médiévale à Paris, -, vol. (Paris ), illus. . Stirnemann et al., op. cit. (n. ), p. ; Hablot, op. cit. (n. ), p. . Hablot, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -; Hablot also notes the badge’s appearance in the Très

Riches Heures, seeing this as a sign that it remained in use, but he cites no further late examples of it. D’Arcy Jonathan Dacre Boulton, who appears to have been unaware of the date of the Hommages manuscript, reports that he found no concrete evidence after c. ; D’A.J.D. Boul-ton, Th e Knights of the Crown: Th e Monarchical Orders of Knighthood in Later Medieval Europe, - (Woodbridge ), pp. -. It should be noted that the badges seen in the Hom-mages manuscript lack the circular frames witnessed in the Très Riches Heures; cf. Sterling, op. cit. (n. ).


. Detail from Montfaucon’s Monumens de la monarchie françoise (-), appear-ing in M. Meiss, French Painting Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: Th e Limbourgs

and their Contemporaries (New York ), vol. , fi g. .

into disuse before the fi fteenth century, appearing on the ducal seal as late as . Finally, the supposedly royal tricolor livery on the central figure was not worn after , when it was replaced with a four color scheme that also included green.

In short, the identities of these figures – if indeed they were meant to be recognized as particular people – remain exasperatingly equivocal today. But in fact, our frustration stems largely from the very nature of the late medieval system of signs of personal identity. Th at system employed a wide array of signs to denote the identity of an individual. Some of these were relatively accessible to a broad cross-section of late medieval society – for instance, the color codes employed in liveries were at times echoed by ordinary townsfolk who wished to

Hablot, op. cit. (n. ), p. . See the table in Paris : Les arts sous Charles VI, ed. E. Taburet-Delahaye et al. (Paris

), pp. - .


demonstrate their loyalty to a lord. But other parts of the system were more opaque, even to contemporary audiences. Th is obscurity was intentional. For example, in order to decipher the full meaning of the single word or fragmen-tary phrase that formed part of a device, a courtier had to be intimately familiar with details of his or her lord’s public and private personae. Signs like these thus served as a test of iconographic knowledge, allowing members of a court to gauge each other’s degree of access to their lord’s identity.

For an excellent, lucid discussion of the use of devices, see L. Hablot, ‘Les signes de l’entente: Le role des devises et des ordres dans les relations diplomatiques entre les ducs de Bourgogne et les princes étrangers de à ’, in: Revue du Nord, (), pp. -.

. Charles V Receiving the Homage of Louis II, Duke of Bourbon, from the Homages of the Count of Clermont, c. (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, Est. Oa. ,

f. ) [Photo: Bibliothèque nationale de France]


Among these signs of personal identity were some that worked by referring in some way to the physical body of the person they represented. Scholars have been particularly fascinated by naturalistic portraits, in which artists represented the bodies of specific people by mimetically depicting their facial features. But it was even more common for representations of individuals to rely on what we have been calling the para-heraldic language. Th e viewers of late medieval art – the artists themselves, their patrons, and their immediate social circles – were intensely aware of the importance of emblems, orders, devices, and liveries, whose symbolic messages served to articulate and reinforce political allegiances and social hierarchies. One example of this is found in the frontispiece that Christine de Pizan attached to a collection of her own works which she probably presented to the French queen Isabelle of Bavaria in January of (illus. ). As Sandra Hindman has demonstrated, the scene is saturated with para-heraldic information, all of which reinforces the viewer’s ability to identify the woman receiving the book as the queen. Even the clothing worn by the queen’s hand-maidens precisely matches garments described in the records of the queen’s household from the period. Th is image is of course not a record of the actual moment in which Christine gave the book to the Queen; after all, it was exe-cuted before the presentation that it depicts. In that sense, it is a proleptic image. It did not depict a real event, but rather Christine’s desires.

Underlying this scholarly interest is the fact that naturalistic portraiture is often taken as a visual symptom of the Renaissance, with the result that portraits are often pointed to with nationalistic pride as proof of a particular nation’s priority in launching the Renaissance; see S. Perkinson, ‘From Curious to Canonical: Jehan Roy de France and the Origins of the French School’, in Art Bulletin, (), pp. -. It should be noted that medieval artists and patrons also learned to represent an individual’s body without recourse to visual mimesis. For instance, in the period around the year , it was quite common for wealthy patrons to com-mission votive images fashioned from expensive material – precious metals or even wax – to be placed before altars. Th ese votive images represented their subjects by sharing one of their bodily attributes: their weight. Th e duke and duchess of Burgundy, for example, made several such gifts in the late fourteenth century, even including votive images in the weight of favorite hunting dogs; see E. Picard, ‘La Dévotion de Philippe le Hardi et de Marguerite de Flandre’, in: Memoires de la Commission des antiquites du department de la Cote-d’Or, (-), pp. -.

See Pastoureau, op. cit. (n. ); Hablot, op. cit. (n. ). London, British Library, Harley MS , f. r.; see Paris , op. cit. (n.), cat. no. ,

and J. Laidlaw, ‘Th e Date of the Queen’s Manuscript (London, British Library, Harley MS )’ online at http://www.pizan.lib.ed.ac.uk/harleydate.pdf.

S. Hindman, ‘Th e Iconography of Queen Isabeau de Bavière (c. -): An Essay in Method’, in: Gazette des Beaux-Arts, (), pp. -.


Likeness and the Courtly Gift

It is not surprising that presentation scenes – charged with the hopes, dreams, and needs of their makers – were replete with references of the identity of the individuals who received such books. Th e inclusion of such references offered the individual presenting the book a means of improving the likelihood that his or her efforts in creating it would be remembered by its recipient; this, in turn, increased the chances that the recipient would reward the presenter in the future. Furthermore, such scenes could encourage future audiences to see the book as proof of a close bond of loyalty between the presenter and the recipient, between courtier and sovereign. Th e desire to manifest and memo-rialize such relationships was undoubtedly powerful when the book was com-missioned, but it was an even more pressing concern in cases of books given as gifts. From the time of the groundbreaking studies of Marcel Mauss and Bron-islaw Malinowski, scholars have recognized that gift-giving implicates both

. Christine de Pizan presenting her book to Queen Isabelle, from the Collected Works of Christine de Pizan, c. (London, British Library, MS Harley , f. ) [Photo:

British Library]


donor and recipient in a relationship of mutual obligation. When a donor is of a lower social status than the recipient, the gift serves as an expression of loyalty and subservience to the superior figure; at the same time, the donor generally expects both tangible and intangible benefits in return, ranging from objects of value to protection and security.

Two impressive recent studies by Brigitte Buettner and Jan Hirschbiegel have highlighted the extent to which gift giving was central to late medieval material culture. Both focus on the ‘étrennes’ exchanges that took place around the New Year, but many of their basic conclusions are applicable to the broader gift economy. By the early fifteenth century, ritualistic gift exchanges of this sort were the focus of elaborate ceremonies in which political alliances and social status were performed before a courtly audience. No visual records of the étrennes exist, but as Buettner notes they may have been choreographed in ways similar to presentation scenes appearing in manuscripts of the period (illus. and ).

Th e objects at the center of such gift exchanges were unfailingly constructed of costly materials, including parchment, metalwork, carved gemstones, and even relics, all of which were combined in striking, and often startling, ways. Buettner notes that in the Livre des Trois Vertus (), Christine de Pizan pro-vides a succinct discussion of courtly gifts that can help us in understanding the strategies that underlay the fabrication of these items. Christine uses several terms to describe gifts that she feels are particularly meritorious. She speaks of ‘joyaux’ and ‘belles choses’ that are worthy gifts to a high-ranking individual. She also speaks of the need to reward a member of the lower classes (‘povre ou simple personne’) who offers gifts manifesting ‘value ou bonté ou beauté ou estrangeté’.

M. Mauss, Essai sur le don: Forme et raison de l’échange dans les sociétés archaiques (Paris ); B. Malinoswki, Argonauts of the Western Pacific: An Account of Native Enterprise and Adventure in the Archipelagoes of Melanesian New Guinea (London ).

B. Buettner, ‘Past Presents: New Year’s Gifts at the Valois Courts, ca. ’, in: Art Bulle-tin, (), pp. -.

Indeed, recent scholarship has suggested that Harley was in fact an étrenne offered by Christine to Queen Isabelle; see Paris , op. cit. (n. ), cat. no. , and Laidlaw, op. cit. (n. ).

Buettner, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -; J. Hirschbiegel, Etrennes. Untersuchungen zum höfischen Geschenkverkehr im spätmittelalterlichen Frankreich der Zeit König Karls VI. (-) (Munich ).

Christine de Pizan, Le Livre des trois vertus, eds. C.C. Willard & E. Hicks (Paris ), pp. -; Christine de Pizan, Th e Treasure of the City of Ladies, trans. S. Lawson (rev. ed., New York ), p. .


. Presentation of precious stones and jewels, from a manuscript of the Livre des proprié-tés des choses, Paris, c. (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. ,

f. v.) [Photo: Bibliothèque nationale de France]

While the first three of those terms have been retained by post-medieval dis-courses of desire and commodity, the last of the four – ‘estrangeté’, or else-where in the text, ‘chose estrange’ – might strike a modern reader as unfamiliar. It is perhaps best translated as ‘marvelous’ or ‘rare’ and likely refers to certain ineffable qualities that made the gift memorable: its unusual use of material, for instance, or its clever invocations of courtly interests and conventions.

Aside from their precious materials, objects given to powerful lords by their underlings almost always had another feature in common: each generally dis-played one or more sign of the identity of its intended recipient. Most fre-quently these signs were para-heraldic in nature. For instance, the Duke of

One example of this is particularly telling for our purposes: the ‘counterfeit book’ offered by the Limbourgs to Jean de Berry as an étrenne in ; see Buettner, op. cit. (n. ), p. , and J. Guiffrey, Inventaire de Jean, duc de Berry (-), vol. (Paris, ), no. . Th is sense of the term is partially retained by modern usage in several languages. Th e modern French noun, ‘étranger’, or ‘foreign’, for instance, carrying a sense of the exoticism of the foreign that links it to ‘étrange’, or ‘strange’ – an English word itself etymologically derived from the Old French ‘estrange’. Similarly, the modern Dutch word ‘raar’, etymologically akin to ‘rare’, means ‘strange.’ I am grateful to Rob Dückers and Pieter Roelofs for calling the latter example to my attention.


Berry received rings of gold and gemstones carved with his coat of arms from Louis of Anjou in and from another lesser nobleman in . In the duke’s widowed daughter-in-law, Anne de Bourbon, offered him a golden container for fragrant oil in the shape of his family insignia, the fleur-de-lys, hanging on a delicate golden chain. Other times, the signs of identity were more obscure. Th e duke’s daughter Marie gave him a jewel-encrusted perfume container in the form of a bear in , for example, while her husband, Jean de Bourbon, gave the duke a ring featuring a swan in . Th at same year, Louis of Anjou offered the duke a ring with diamonds carved into the initials ‘E’ and ‘V’. Th e French words for the bear and the swan may have been part of a rebus for the name of the duke’s mistress, perhaps a woman named Ursine, or for one of his patron saints, St. Ursin. Likewise, scholars have alternately proposed that the initials ‘E’ and ‘V’ stood in for a phrase that served as the duke’s motto, ‘en vous’, perhaps, or as the first and last letters of the name ‘Ursine’. Not surprisingly, all of those symbols appear throughout the Très Riches Heures (illus. and ). For our purposes, their most notable appear-ance occurs in the January scene (illus. ), where they are inserted in a conve-niently natural way into the very fabric of the image.

Courtly gifts created in the early years of the fifteenth century began for the first time to use naturalistic portraiture as a sign of identity. In , Queen Isabelle gave her husband Charles VI the spectacular piece known as the ‘Goldene Rössl ’ as an étrenne (illus. ). Art historians generally assume that the topography of the enameled face of the king’s image refers to the actual features of the king himself (illus. ). A handful of references to images in the duke of Berry’s inventories back up that assumption, proving that some gifts were understood by their original audiences as incorporating naturalistic portraits. For example, Jean de Berry’s inventories tell us that in his son in

Guiffrey, op. cit. (n. ), vol. , nos. and . Ibid., no. . Ibid., nos. and . Ibid., no. . Cazelles, op. cit. (n. ), p. ; Guiffrey, op. cit. (n. ), vol. , p. cxxx and vol. , p. . M. Th omas, Th e Grandes Heures of Jean, Duke of Berry, trans. V. Benedict & B. Eisler

(New York ), see esp. the notes to Pl. . Duke d’Aumale, op. cit. (n. ), p. ; Cazelles, op. cit. (n. ), p. . For attributions of these pages, see Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -. For the Goldene Rössl, see Das goldene Rössl: ein Meisterwerk der Parisier Hofkunst um ,

ed. R. Baumstark et al. (Munich ); Buettner, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -.


. Th e Limbourg Brothers, Th e Annunciation, from the Très Riches Heures, /- (Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS , f. ) [photo: Faksimile Verlag Luzern]


. Th e Limbourg Brothers, Th e Zodiacal Man, from the Très Riches Heures, /- (Chantilly, Musée Condé, MS , f. v.) [photo: Faksimile Verlag Luzern]


. Th e “Goldene Rössl,” Paris, c. (Altöting Abbey, Altöting, Austria) [Photo: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, NY]


. Detail of Th e “Goldene Rössl,” Paris, c. (Altöting Abbey, Altöting, Austria) [Photo: Erich Lessing / Art Resource, NY]


law, Jean de Bourbon, offered him a ring bearing gems shaped into ‘the likeness of the face of the duke’. Likewise, in the duke’s grandson presented him with ‘a gold ring on which the face of the duke is counterfeited in a cameo’. While these precious objects are now lost, they must have resembled a ring of about that today is in the Louvre (illus. ). It represents Jean de Ber-ry’s nephew, Duke John the Fearless of Burgundy, with features and costume identical to those found in other representations of him, like the one in Th e Book of Marvels, dated around (illus. ). Th e references to the Duke’s identity continue on the interior surface of the band, which displays a carpen-ter’s plane, an object which he had adopted as his device.

At the same time, the evidence of archival sources demonstrates that natu-ralistic portraiture was not automatically preferred over other methods of rep-resentation. We have seen, for instance, that in Jean de Bourbon offered his father-in-law, the duke, a ring with a stone carved in the ‘likeness’ of the duke’s face, while the next year his wife, the duke’s daughter Marie, offered her father a perfume container in the shape of a bear. Th is indicates that patrons did not necessarily favor naturalistic portraiture over other, more symbolic forms of representation. Th us whereas modern scholars tend to see the intro-duction of naturalistic portraits into images as marking a sharp break with previous traditions, early fifteenth-century audiences saw naturalistic portrai-ture as a supplement to, rather than a replacement for, established representa-tional systems.

Moreover, all of these examples call into question the degree to which patrons can be credited with the willful introduction of their own physiognomic like-nesses into imagery. In the case of gifts incorporating naturalistic portraits – the rings given to Jean de Berry and the Goldene Rössl given to Charles VI, for instance – the images represent their recipients, and not the person who com-missioned them. Th e social positions of the gift-givers were of course highly

Guiffrey, op. cit. (n . ), vol. , no. . Ibid., no. . Elsewhere I’ve shown that the Old French term ‘counterfeit’ – contrefait –

specifically implies that the representation involved the replication of visible features; these rings were therefore perceived by their original audiences as physiognomic likenesses. See S. Perkin-son, ‘Portraits and Counterfeits: Villard de Honnecourt and Th irteenth-Century Th eories of Representation’, in: Excavating the Medieval Image: Manuscripts, Artists, Audiences – Essays in Honor of Sandra Hindman, ed. N.A. Rowe and D. Areford, eds. (Aldershot ), pp. -.

Paris , op. cit. (n. ), no. ; and Art from the Court of Burgundy, op. cit. (n. ), no. .

Paris, Bibliothèque nationale, MS fr. , f. r.; Art from the Court of Burgundy, op. cit. (n. ), no. .


. Ring with the profi le of John the Fearless, France, early th century (Paris, Musée du Louvre) [Photo: Réunion des Musées Nationaux / Art Resource, NY]


. Presentation of the book to John the Fearless, from the Book of Marvels, Paris, c. (Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. , f. ) [Photo: Bibliothèque

nationale de France]


dependent upon public perceptions of their loyalty to, and intimacy with, the gifts’ recipients. Th is was even the case when the donor was someone as seem-ingly powerful as the queen. Queen Isabelle found herself torn between vari-ous factions during her husband’s periodic bouts of insanity, and charges of infidelity were leveled against her as a form of political pressure; the attacks on her came to a head in the year , at roughly the same time as she was offering the Goldene Rössl to her husband.

Th ese patrons’ keenly felt obligation to demonstrate intense loyalty may well have driven them to include references to their lords’ faces in such gifts. In other words, because of its ability to connote close access to, and strong memories of, individual people, naturalistic portraiture may have been intro-duced as a means of displaying the loyalty and devotion of courtiers to their powerful overlords. Th is would include artists, who may have taken it upon themselves to insert naturalistic references into the images they were charged with producing, just as Jean de Bourbon would insert the features of his father-in-law, the Duke, into an étrenne.

Conclusion: ‘estrangeté ’ in the Très Riches Heures

So what does all of this mean for the calendar pages of the Très Riches Heures? First and foremost, it means that it remains plausible that the figures in the scenes were meant to be recognized as particular individuals. While this recog-nition may have depended in part on the artists’ endowing the figures with naturalistic portraits, such verism would have been unnecessary. In the case of female figures, it may even have been undesirable. It is perhaps significant that the ruggedly individualized features of images of several male figures in the scenes, particular those of Jean de Berry, contrast sharply with the more blandly generic bodies of the women in the miniatures. Now that we recog-nize that naturalistic portraiture was supplemental to, rather than required for, the representation of individuals, an explanation of these women’s elegantly calligraphic bodies presents itself: their features may simply visualize the ideals of courtly beauty, rather than representing the actual appearance of specific individuals’ bodies.

Indeed, whether or not naturalistic portraiture is present in any of these figures, the artists would likely have relied heavily on the use of para-heraldic signs associated with the individuals in question to identify them. Th e fact that

F. A utrand, Charles VI (Paris ), pp. - and passim.


present-day scholars have difficulty identifying those individuals may result from the nature of that system of personal signs: it was designed to be fully accessible only to members of the court’s inner circle, of which we are quite clearly not a part. None of this proves that these figures were intended to be recognizable, however. Until conclusive proof emerges, we must remain open to the possibility that they were simply generic scenes of courtly pleasures.

But we can be confident that the face of Jean de Berry in the January scene was meant to be seen as a naturalistic, mimetic likeness. Th is is not to say that it was unequivocally a ‘portrait’ in the sense implied by early modern mem-bers of that genre. Th rough a combination of obsessive attention to detail and the addition of textual inscriptions (e.g., the convention of adding a legend bearing the words ‘aetatis suae’ followed by the sitter’s age), those later images insist on being understood as precise replicas of an individual’s appear-ance on a particular day. Jean de Berry’s face in the January scene is instead an instance of his personal iconography, in which corporeal likeness serves as an adjunct to other signs of identity. Nevertheless, this particular iconographic formation – this combination of visual signs of identity and its invocation in an exceptionally lavish sequence of calendar illustrations – was unprecedented at the time of its creation, and would undoubtedly have been remarked by the Duke and others who examined the results of the Limbourgs’ labors. Th ese elaborate references to ducal identity can perhaps be understood in part as forms of visual surplus inserted into the images by the Limbourgs. To adopt the language of the courtly gift, those references to identity would be what endowed the images with ‘estrangeté’ as well as ‘value’, ‘goodness’, and ‘beauty’. Such references allowed the Limbourgs to flatter their patron by demonstrat-ing their familiarity with the visual codes associated with him and, perhaps, his family.

Th is in turn means that we might be wise to spend less time worrying about which specific historical moment the calendar scenes represent, and instead consider the events as, at most, generalizing, broad references to important events in the Duke’s life. If the Limbourgs really did seek to repre-sent a past event like the engagement of the duke’s daughter, Marie, in , they would have undoubtedly been at least somewhat unfamiliar with the details of that event. After all, at the time of the engagement in April of that year, Herman and Jean were in prison miles away, and the brothers would not enter the service of Jean de Berry until four or five years after the event. Th ey may, however, have sought to endow the scenes with the aura of history by deploying what was, by the time they had begun decorating the Très Riches Heures, an archaic set of heraldic devices. Th is could explain why the figures


Th e Limbourgs would likely have seen at least a few of the old ‘Écu d’Or’ emblems, as Hablot notes that the gold shields were still visible as late as the eighteenth century in castles that had been owned by Louis II de Bourbon; Hablot, op. cit. (n. ), p. .

Durrieu, op. cit. (n. ), p. .

in April appear to wear the outdated livery of Charles VI and the old ‘écus d’or’ of Louis de Bourbon. Historians today believe that these symbols would no longer have been actively employed by , but the Limbourgs may have simply perceived them as ‘old’, without being fully cognizant of the dates of their use.

If we ever are able to identify the figures in these scenes convincingly, those identifications are likely to be the result of extensive archival research that would allow us to match the costumes worn by the figures with clothing known to have been owned by particular individuals. At the same time, given the paucity of surviving records from this period, it remains entirely possible that we will never be able to identify these figures with any degree of certainty. It is also possible that the figures were never meant to be identified in the first place; as Durrieu wrote a century ago, each scene may be nothing more than ‘fantasy’. But again, we can be certain that at least one of these faces was meant to resemble the appearance of a specific individual: that of Jean de Berry himself. And we can also address the question of why it would have been desirable for these particular artists to include those particular features in this particular manuscript. Th e answers to that question can be found in the con-text of the lives led by these artists at the court, with its thirst for visual ‘estr-angeté’ and its demand for the incessant demonstration of loyalty.

A Pilgrim’s Additions. Traces of Pilgrimage in the Belles Heures of Jean de Berry

Hanneke van AsperenRadboud University, Nijmegen, Netherlands

Th e names of Jean de Berry and the Limbourg brothers are inextricably bound up with the Belles Heures. After all, both the commissioner and the makers left their personal mark on the manuscript. Because the names of the talented brothers and the bibliophile duke arouse everyone’s curiosity and admiration, scholars pay less attention to the afterlife of the manuscript book of hours. Th e book must have been read and admired, after the duke passed away and the book changed hands. Notably however, in the manuscript itself there are no indications of its subsequent owners. Actually, very few traces of wear and tear inform us of the way the manuscript was used after it left the residence of the duke of Berry. Until the reader reaches f. 21. On this blank folio without any text or miniature, there are two imprints of small pilgrims’ souvenirs.

Th e blank page with the impressions of the badges is the starting point of this contribution. From studying comparable imprints in books, it is possible to deduce when the badges must have been sewn in. More fascinating than the exact moment the badges were added to the book, is the question why. What was the motivation? Did the owner at the time look at the contents of the codex when he applied the badges or is their location arbitrary? In other words, is there a direct relationship between the badges and the book? As a comparison with a book of hours of duke Philip the Good of Burgundy will show, the Belles Heures are not an isolated example of a devotional manuscript with traces of pilgrimage souvenirs. Th e owners firmly embedded the badges (and so their pilgrimage) into their religious life. Th e location of the badges sheds some light on the reasons of the pilgrim to add the badges and conse-quently on the way the book of hours and its pictures or picture cycles were conceived.

86 hanneke van asperen

Th e Scholarly Literature

Th e imprints of the badges appear in the upper right hand corner of f. 21 (illus. 1). Th is is a blank page without text or miniature, without lining or marginal decoration. Th e page is part of a bifolium, together with f. 29, added to protect the pages containing the gospel lessons (ff. 22-28). Th e imprints are faint, they show very few details. Th e offets just give an indication of the outer edge and some of the protruding parts of the badges.1 Th e two medals must have measured about 28 and 31 mm, but their imagery remains a mystery.

In an article in the Gatherings in honor of Dorothy Miner, John Plummer already mentions the circular offsets.2 In his contribution, Plummer discusses the missing miniature that once preceded the gospel of Saint John. When he depicts the verso of f. 21 to show the offset of the missing miniature, he tells us

. Imprints of two pilgrim’s badges, f. r. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Th e Cloisters Collection, acc.no. ...

1 At this point, I would like to thank Margaret Lawson who was kind enough to observe ff. 20 and 21 in detail for any traces that the badges might have left. Unfortunately, the traces of the offset material are too faint to establish what metal the badges were made of. Margaret Law-son informed me that the parchment itself has offset pigments and dirt overall. Th is makes it difficult to obtain an accurate measure of the parchment as a background reading.

2 John Plummer, ‘A blank page in the Belles Heures’, in: Gatherings in honor of Dorothy E. Miner, ed. Ursula E. McCracken (Baltimore 1974), p. 197.

traces of pilgrimage in the BELLES HEURES of jean de berry 87

to disregard ‘the two dark rings in the upper left and the dark spots they encir-cle, for these are stains showing through from the preceding page’. For Plum-mer’s research on the miniature of Saint John, a further identification of the offsets is not relevant.

It is not until recently that scholarly attention has turned towards these traces of pilgrimage souvenirs. Since John Plummer described the folio in the Belles Heures, some scholars have dedicated themselves to the custom of attach-ing badges to manuscripts. Kurt Köster, for example, describes several manu-scripts with badges and offsets in two articles that were published in 1965 and 1979 (seven manuscripts in total).3 In 1998, Denis Bruna has added a few man-uscripts and one incunable with badges and devotional pictures in them (nine manuscripts).4 Th ese publications with the description of sixteen different manuscripts are a perfect base for further study of badges and imprints.

Th e books with badges are almost exclusively books of hours and some prayer-books. Apparently, pilgrims liked adding their souvenirs to devotional texts. Furthermore, almost all manuscripts are books of everyday use. Th ey show many traces of wear and tear. Finally, traces of badges in manuscripts are not unique and, as was to be expected, many manuscripts with traces of badges can be added to the rough inventory of Köster and Bruna.5

Slowly, scholars are starting to recognize the imprints that adorn many devotional books, as illustrated by the recent publications on the Belles Heures. In the volume that accompanies the new facsimile of the Belles Heures (2004), Eberhard König mentions the imprints as well, identifying them as pilgrims’ badges. ‘Jean de Berry selbst wird das Buch eine gewisse Zeitlang als Gebet-buch benutzt haben. Die auffälligste Spur fromme Gebrauchs mag erklären, warum ausgerechnet eine Bildervita der heiligen Katharina (ff. 15-20) als

3 Kurt Köster, ‘Religiöse Medaillen und Wallfahrts-Devotionalien in der flämischen Buchma-lerei des 15. und frühen 16. Jhs. Zur Kenntnis gemalter und wirklicher Kollektionen in spät-mittelalterlichen Gebetbüchern’, in: Buch und Welt. Gustav Hofmann zum 65. Geburtstag dargebracht, eds. H. Striedl & J. Wieder (Wiesbaden 1965), pp. 459-504 and Kurt Köster, ‘Kollektionen metallener Wallfahrts-Devotionalien und kleiner Andachtsbilder eingenäht in spätmittelalterliche Gebetbuch-Handschriften’, in: Erlesenes aus der Welt des Buches. Gedanke, Betrachtungen, For-schungen, ed. Bertram Haller (Wiesbaden 1979), pp. 77-130.

4 Denis Bruna, ‘Témoins de dévotions dans les livres d’heures a la fin du Moyen Age’, in: Revue Mabillon, 9, t. 70 (1998), pp. 127-61.

5 See for example A.M. Koldeweij, ‘Pelgrimsinsignes in het getijdenboek “D’Oiselet”’, in: Heilig en Profaan. 1000 Laatmiddeleeuwse Insignes uit de collectie H.J.E. van Beuningen, eds. H.J.E. van Beuningen & A.M. Koldeweij (Cothen 1993), pp. 46-8, and Brian W. Spencer, Medieval finds from excavations in London, VII: Pilgrim souvenirs and secular badges (Southampton 1998), p. 20, illus. 10.


Erkennungszeichen dienen konnte. Direkt im Anschluß daran erkennt man auf fol. 21 zwei runde Abdrucke; sie stammen offenbar von Abzeichen, wie sie Pilger heimbrachten’.6 König did not just identify the impressions, he also recognized their value in understanding the devotional usage of the book. His suggestion that Jean de Berry himself might have added the pilgrimage souve-nirs to the book, needs some further investigation. Th e fact that the duke commissioned the book does not necessarily imply that he was the only one to ever use it. Yolande of Aragon and the owners after her could have taken up the manuscript as well, even applying it for their devotions.

Th e Practice to Attach Badges to Books

Th e practice to add badges to devotional books only seems to have become popular during the second half of the fifteenth century. Th e origins can be connected with the development of a new type of badge: the punched medal. From the twelfth century onwards, pilgrims’ badges for the most part were cast. Th e liquid metal, usually pewter, was poured into a mould of slate or sandstone. During the fifteenth-century, a new technique to make pilgrimage souvenirs came into use besides the usual casting. An image was punched into a wafer-thin sheet of metal with a die of iron leaving a negative imprint on the back of the badge. Because the metal is so flimsy, the badge is light, with a tendency to break or tear. Th is technique was used mainly for badges of a cop-per alloy or silver, more precious materials than pewter. Th e silver badges could even be gilded, for a more demanding clientele.

Th e stamped badges differed fundamentally from their cast relatives. Th ey are usually very small, about 20-30 mm in diameter, and extremely light (they generally weigh less than one gram). Th e images were sometimes provided with punched holes, so that the objects could be attached to a background with needle and thread. Th e different characteristics gave rise to new applica-tions: the badges could be hung on a rosary or sewn onto the pages of a manuscript. Th e light badges were extremely suitable for an attachment to the parchment, because they didn’t tear the page.

Th e technique was used for the production of clothing ornaments. During the reign of Philip the Bold (1342-1404) for example, courtiers wore trinkets on their clothing that were stamped out of thin pieces of gold and silver. Th e technique of these ornaments corresponds to the stamped badges, even though

6 Eberhard König, Die Belles Heures des Duc de Berry. Sternstunden der Buchkunst (Luzern 2004), p. 13.


the objects had another usage. For workers in precious metals, it was a small step to translate this familiar technique to pilgrims’ badges that could be worn on clothing as well. Th e stamped souvenirs however were only produced on a large scale from the second half of the fifteenth century.7 Most of the books with (traces of ) badges, published by Köster and Bruna, date from the end of the fifteenth century or beginning of the sixteenth century. Th e practice to add pilgrimage souvenirs to devotional books apparently became popular dur-ing the final decades of the fifteenth century, during the final years of the reign of duke Philip the Good of Burgundy (who died in 1467) and after. During this period, stamped medals were available at every pilgrimage site, often as an expensive(-looking) alternative for the pewter badges.

In different books of prayer that once belonged to Philip the Good, imprints of badges show up.8 In the Grandes Heures of Philip the Good (Brussels, Bib-liothèque Royale de Belgique, MS 11 035-37 and Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS III-1954), more than fourty-six metal badges once adorned the pages.9 Th e book originally belonged to Philip the Bold, but the badges were not attached to the parchment until after 1440, when the memoriae were added to the manuscript.10 Other badges accompany prayers that were written by Jean Miélot; these prayer texts were not added to the manuscript until 1451 (ff. 7r. and 87v.) providing a terminus post quem.11

7 Kurt Köster, ‘Mittelalterliche Pilgerzeichen und Wallfahrtsdevotionalien’, in: Rhein und Maas. Kunst und Kultur 800-1400 (Cologne 1972), pp. 146-60 (p. 148) and Brian W. Spencer, op. cit. (n. 5), p. 20.

8 Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale, MS 11 035-37, Cambridge, Fitzwilliam, MS III-1954 and Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 1800. See Köster, art. cit. (n. 3: 1965), Köster, art. cit. (n. 3: 1979) and Bruna, art. cit. (n. 4), p. 146, no. I.

9 On the badges in the Grandes Heures, see Köster, art. cit. (n. 3: 1979), pp. 87-103 and Bruna, art. cit. (n. 4), p. 146. Th e manuscript in Cambridge contained 25 badges, the book in Brussels 21.

10 Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, MS III-1954, ff. 226-75. Alain Arnould & Jean Michel Massing, Splendours of Flanders (Cambridge 1993), p. 144. On the complex history of the manu-script hours, see Anne Hagiopan van Buren, ‘Dreux Jehan and the Grandes Heures of Philip the Bold’, in: Als ich can, eds. Bert Cardon, Jan Van der Stock et al. (Paris 2002), pp. 1377-414 and Bernard Bousmanne, Céline Van Hoorebeeck & Alain Arnould, La Librairie des Ducs de Bour-gogne. Manuscrits conservés à la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique, vol. 1: Textes liturgiques, ascétiques, théologiques, philosophiques et moraux (Turnhout 2000), pp. 264-72.

11 Claudine Lemaire identified the writer of the prayer to the Virgin on ff. 87v.-90r. as Jean Miélot. Lemaire identified the writer of the four prayers against the temptation of the flesh that were added to the miniature of the Apocalyptic Virgin (f. 7r.), as ‘Main B’. Bousmanne, Hoore-beeck, Arnould, op. cit. (n. 10), p. 268. According to Anne Hagiopan van Buren, Jean Miélot wrote the prayers against the temptations of the flesh as well. Hagiopan van Buren, art.cit. (n. 10), p. 1388.


Th e badges must have been attached to the parchment during the second half of the fifteenth century or shortly after, perhaps by Philip the Good him-self who certainly had cause and opportunity to purchase the souvenirs. In fact, Philip the Good was a passionate collector of pilgrimage souvenirs.12 Philip the Good certainly used the book on a regular basis. In the commission to Dreux Jean of 1451, the book is called ‘les grandes heures cotidienne’, para-phrased ‘the large hours for daily usage’.13 Th e omission of the book from the list of objects in his library that was made up after his death, could mean that the book was kept in the private chapel of the duke in Dijon that was left out of this inventory.14 Philip the Good had the means and the oppurtunity to add the badges to the book. Because the owner of the book after the death of the duke is uncertain, it is tempting to point to Philip as the pilgrim to collect the badges. However, the badges could have been added after Philip’s death as well. Th e practice to attach the souvenirs to pages of a manuscript prayer book remained in use until into the sixteenth century.

Th e badges in the Belles Heures must have been added during the second half of the fifteenth century or the beginning of the sixteenth century as well, when the mass production of the stamped badges and the practice to add them to books were well established. Unfortunately, the identity of the owner at the time remains a mystery. After the death of the duke in 1416, the manu-script prayer book was sold. It remained within the hands of family. It was purchased from the estate of the duke by Yolande of Aragon (1383-1443) who was a great-niece of Jean de Berry, and a niece by matrimonial bond.15 She wed a nephew of the duke, Louis II of Anjou. Th ey had several children, among who Marie (1404-63), the future wife of Charles VII who was crowned king of France in 1429. Another one of their children was René of Anjou (1408-80), who became known as René the Good, titular king of Naples, Jerusalem and Aragon. Yolande died in 1443. Th e book could have been part of her library for

12 On the purchase of badges by Philip the Good, see Comte De Laborde, Les ducs de Bour-gogne. Études sur les Lettres, les Arts et l’Industrie pendant le XV e siècle et plus particulièrement dans les Pays-Bas et le Duché de Bourgogne, 3 vols. (Paris 1849-52) and De la Fons-Mélicoq, ‘Documents pour servir a l’histoire des médailles’, in: Revue de la Numismatique Belge, 24 (1868), pp. 75-81.

13 Hagiopan van Buren, art. cit. (n. 10), p. 1381, n. 28 and Bousmanne, Hoorebeeck, Arnould, op. cit. (n. 10), p. 271.

14 Bousmanne, Hoorebeeck, Arnould, op. cit. (n. 10), p. 271. 15 Jean Lebourne, secretary and guardian of the estate, took the book into his custody when

Jean de Berry died. Th e then estimated value was 875 livres tournois. Yolande bought it for 300 livres. König, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 13, and Paul Durrieu, ‘Les “Belles Heures” de Jean de France Duc de Berry’, in: Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 48, pér. 3, tome 35 (1906), pp. 265-92 (p. 267).


some time. Whether the manuscript book stayed in the possession of her fam-ily, perhaps one of her children, is uncertain.

Only in 1880, the manuscript resurfaced as part of the collection of the French noble family D’Ailly, perhaps owned – according to the Metropolitan Museum – by the baron d’Ailly, when it was acquired by baron Edmond de Rothschild.16 In all probability, the manuscript stayed within the hands of French nobility after it left the residence of Yolande of Aragon.

Th e Motivation of the Pilgrim

Th e person to add the badges to a book had several reasons to do so. Of course, the manuscript protected the fragile badge from loss and damage. Th is way, the memory of the pilgrimage was preserved. Pilgrimage souvenirs were tangible relics of a devotional journey and, as such, a suitable addition to a book containing devotional texts for personal use.

Within the context of the book, the owner could vary the locations of the badges, dependant on the available locations and the personal preferences of the book owner. Th e owner of the Belles Heures did not apply the badges to a fly leaf of the manuscript hours. Th e prints appear on f. 21. Th ese imprints are offsets of the front side of the badges. Sewing holes are missing and the char-acteristics of the imprints also indicate that the badges must have been attached to the preceding page. On f. 20 however, no traces of badges are visible at all, and no sewing-holes. Th e page shows only a few slight dimples in the top corner, not nearly enough to establish the presence of badges on that page. Th is means, there must have been another support for the badges – between the current ff. 20 and 21 – that is now missing. Th e collation affirms this assumption. Presumably, f. 14 – now a singleton – was once part of a bifolium, protecting the quire with the picture cycle of Saint Catherine, as the blank bifolium around the gospel lessons.17 Apparently, the two badges were part of the miniature cycle of Saint Catherine before they were removed together with their original support.

16 Cristopher De Hamel, Th e Rothschilds and their Collections of Illuminated Manuscripts (London 2005), p. 26. See also Léopold Delisle, Mélanges de paléographie et bibliographie (Paris 1880), pp. 283-93 and Durrieu, op. cit. (n. 15), p. 267.

17 For the collation, see Plummer, art. cit. (n. 2), p. 194 and the revised table of the break-down of the quires in Th e Belles Heures, illus. 28 in the contribution of Margaret Lawson to this volume.


Th e Image of Mary in the Grandes Heures

Th e Grandes Heures, once in the possession of duke Philip the Good, provides another example of badges that were added to an illumination. Th e then owner of this book of hours added dozens of badges to the manuscript. Th e pilgrim-owner carefully studied the contents of the book before sewing the objects to the pages. For example, a badge of Saint Sebastian accompanies a prayer to Saint Sebastian (f. 226v.), a badge of Nicholas is set alongside a memoria to that saint (f. 246v.), etc.18 Five badges, undoubtedly with a depic-tion of Mary, accompany prayers to the Virgin (f. 7r.). Apparently, the badges provided the devotee with a suitable image when he recited the text at hand. One time, the owner of the Grandes Heures selected a miniature as a suitable location (illus. 2).

Th e miniature of the Virgin and Child, obviously trimmed along the sides, probably used to be part of a larger manuscript or circulated as a single leaf before it became part of the Grandes Heures. For the major part, the imprints of the badges remain within the outlines of the page indicating the objects were added after the miniature joined the Grandes Heures, probably in 1451 when the book was subdivided and rebound.19 Th e objects partially even over-lap the precious picture. Judging from the few readible imprints, the badges did not (just) show images of Mary, they depict other saints, such as Adrian who was venerated in Geraardsbergen.20 Th e badges around the miniature apparently comprised various figures of saints and relics.

Th e answer to the question why the badges were added to the miniature of Mary lies in the image itself. In the Grandes Heures, the Virgin is depicted on the crescent. Th is imagery is derived from the Apocalypse (12:1): ‘And a great sign appeared in heaven: A woman clothed with the sun, and the moon under her feet, and on her head a crown of twelve stars.’ Even though the figure is not ‘clothed with the sun’, the image follows the general description of the Bible verse. Th e crescent below Mary is surrounded by angels and two of them place the crown studded with stars on her head. Th e illuminator combined the iconographical theme of the Apocalyptic Virgin with that of the Virgo Lactans, meaning the Virgin is suckling the Child that is lying in her arms.

18 Köster, art. cit. (n. 3: 1979), pp. 96-103. 19 Th e miniature of the Apocalyptic Virgin, even though it is obviously older than the prayers

that go with it, was added to the manuscript at the same time, around 1450. Hagiopan van Buren, art. cit. (n. 10), p. 1384.

20 Köster, art. cit. (n. 3: 1979), pp. 88-92.


. Master of the Breviary of John the Fearless, miniature of the Apocalyptic Virgin, Grandes Heures, f. 6v. Brussels, Bilbiothèque Royale de Belgique, MS -.


Th e miniature used to be attributed to the Limbourg brothers.21 Today, the illuminator from the surroundings of the brothers-illuminators is usually referred to as the Master of the Breviary of John the Fearless.22 Th e former confusion with the Limbourgs is not entirely surprising, since there are many resemblances with Limbourg miniatures, especially with an illumination from the Belles Heures (illus. 3). Similarities do not just appear in small details such as the half-closed eyes, the drooping corners of the mouth and the intimate relationship between mother and child; the Virgin is depicted in an almost identical fashion. She is wearing a similar blue garment that partly covers her wavy blond hair. Draperies and folds carefully cover up the fact that the lower part of Mary’s body is missing. Th e Virgin holds the child close to her chest and even though she is not suckling it, the position of the child and that of her hands is analogous. In both images, Seraphim – the highest in the hierarchy of angels – are holding up a crown. Th e six-winged angels in the Belles Heures however are not crowning the Virgin, as they are in the Grandes Heures; they crown God the father. Seraphim usually appear around the heavenly throne. Th e Master of the Breviary of John the Fearless probably copied the angelic figures from the Limbourg illumination without adjusting their place in the hierarchy to their changed duties.

Of course, there are many differences between the miniatures of Mary, the most eye-catching being the many figures that surround the Virgin and Child in the Belles Heures. Mary is depicted in the company of saints and the Trinity. God appears in the upper part of the miniature, with John the Apostle and John the Baptist on both sides, and the dove of the Holy Spirit below, com-pleting the Trinity. Below them is a multitude of saints. Th e major part of the figures is not even recognizable as they are partially obscured by the large aure-oles. Immediately flanking the Virgin are undoubtedly the Saints Paul and Peter. Paul carries the sword, but Peter lacks his attribute. He is recognizable because of his robe, bolding head, short grey beard and his position opposite to Paul. In front of Mary looking up to her are popular female saints such as Catherine, Dorothy, Margaret, Barbara and Apollonia with the pincers. All of the figures face the Virgin and Child and some of them fold their hands in prayer, as if the figures of the Virgin and Child are some sort of apparition.

21 Fréderic Lyna, ‘Un livre de prières inconnu de Philippe le Hardi (Bruxelles, MS 11035-37)’, in: Mélanges Hulin de Loo (Brussels, etc. 1931), pp. 249-59 (pp. 254-9).

22 Hagiopan van Buren, art. cit. (n. 10), p. 1384, Bousmanne, Hoorebeeck, Arnould, op. cit. (n. 10), p. 270 and Millard Meiss, French painting in the time of Jean de Berry. Th e Limbourgs and their contemporaries (New York 1974), pp. 236-7.


. Limbourg brothers, miniature of the Virgin surrounded by saints, Belles Heures, f. r. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Th e Cloisters Collection, acc.

no. ...


Th e spatial organization of the saints encircling Mary accentuates this idea of a vision. On the side of the onlooker, the saints open up the circle to impart the viewer to the vision of heaven.

Th e Master of the Breviary of John the Fearless left the saints out of his ver-sion of the miniature, for he was depicting a vision of the Apocalyptic Virgin, rather than a vision of Paradise. Th e saints were only added at a later stage when the owner attached the badges to the book. In applying the badges, the owner of the book changed the iconography of the image drasticly, partially obscuring the angels around the crescent. He pictured Mary in the heavenly realm surrounded by the community of saints, not unlike the miniature in the Belles Heures. Perhaps, the owner actually knew the image from the book of hours that once belonged to Jean de Berry. More likely, the owner knew com-parable images of Mary in the company of saints.

With the badges, the owner added a personal note to the miniature of Mary. After all, the saints that surround Mary in the Grandes Heures have a special meaning to the owner of the manuscript. He probably visited a lot of the cult sites and gave his offerings to the saints that are represented in the manuscript prayer book through their images. Conceivably, the devotee hoped for a spe-cial treatment from the saints whom he had shown his deference. In adding the badges to the miniature of Mary, he did not just paint an arbitrary picture of the heavenly realm; he created a desirable image of heaven where the saints would be well-disposed towards him.

Th e Picture Cycle of Saint Catherine in the Belles Heures

Th e owner of the Belles Heures added similar stamped badges to his book of hours, also to a miniature. Th ere are several differences. Th e subject of the illumination was not Mary, but Saint Catherine of Alexandria. Moreover, the pilgrim-owner did not add the badges to one miniature in particular. Th e badges follow a cycle of miniatures depicting the life of the saint. Th e reasons to add badges to the Belles Heures were different.

In the manuscript as a whole, pilgrimage plays a special role. Th e themes of journey and pilgrimage recur several times. Some saints are depicted as pil-grims, for example Saint Jerome visiting the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem (f. 185v.) and Saint James (f. 160v.). In the latter miniature, the illuminator did not just represent the apostle, like the miniatures of the other saints and angels. Instead, he painted the interior of a chapel or church by placing the saint upon an altar. In front of the altar, two pilgrims kneel down to venerate the statue


of the apostle. In adding the pilgrims, the illuminator created a view of a pil-grimage site of Saint James. Eberhard König recognized a pilgrim in one of the four figures kneeling in front of the golden cross.23 Also the texts refer to trav-els. Th e final text of the manuscript hours is a prayer to read before going on a journey (f. 223v.).

Th e badges were once attached to a blank folio after the picture cycle of Saint Catherine, more specifically following the miniature with the translation of her relics to Mount Sinai (illus. 4). One reason for the owner to attach the badges to this folio, could have been the connection of this image of Catherine with pilgrimage. Th e miniature does not just show the miraculous translation, it also depicts the monastery where the relics were kept after their discovery. In the foreground, a group of pilgrims approach with the intention to venerate and touch the remains of the saint.

Th e pilgrims and the monastery building formed part of the miniature from the outset. Th e text below the miniature does not mention the monas-tery, but it relates of the oil that flows from Catherine’s body healing the sick. Like the other captions in the miniature cycle, it was taken from the Golden Legend.24 Th is miraculous oil that was widely known, attracted many pilgrims from all over the Christian world to the site of the relics of Saint Catherine on Mount Sinai. Possibly, the Limbourgs added the monastery to illustrate the passage on the miraculous oil. Perhaps, the brothers met the demands of the duke when they added the building. As Millard Meiss already stated, ‘the French court felt a close connection to the convent’.25 Charles VI donated a precious chalice in 1411 with the royal fleurs-de-lis of France. Both Jean de Berry and his brother Charles V kept amongst their relics some splinters of the tomb of the saint. Jean’s son-in-law Philip of Artois (1358-97) actually visited the monastery of Saint Catherine in 1389 after his emprisonment in Cairo.26

Th e stamp of the duke’s personality also shines through in other parts of the manuscript, especially in places where the Limbourgs depicted existing sites and buildings, such as the Grande Chartreuse in the Life of Bruno (illus. 5). Th e miniature shows the mother convent that was founded by the saint. Th e duke was an important benefactor of the carthusian monastery which is probably

23 König, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 114. 24 Jacobus de Voragine. Th e Golden Legend. Readings on the Saints, vol. II, ed. and transl. Wil-

liam Granger Ryan (Princeton, N.J. 1992) p. 339. 25 Millard Meiss & Elizabeth H. Beatson, De Belles Heures van Jean, Duc de Berry (Utrecht,

etc. 1975), p. 24. 26 König, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 61 and Millard, Beatson, op. cit. (n. 25), no. 24.


. Limbourg brothers, miniature with the translation of Catherine’s body to Mount Sinai, Belles Heures, f. r. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Th e Cloisters

Collection, acc.no. ...


. Limbourg brothers, miniature with the Grande Chartreuse, Belles Heures, f. v. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Th e Cloisters Collection, acc.no. ...


why it takes up such an important place in the picture cycle and why it is depicted in such detail. Th e monastery of Saint Catherine also had personal meaning for Jean de Berry. Th erefore, the building on Mount Sinai could have been a special request of the duke as well.

Commissioned or not, the monastery of Saint Catherine was clearly recog-nizable to the beholder. Th e miniature shows some of the basic elements of the monastery: the almost square groundplan and the thick walls with few win-dows. In fifteenth-century journals, pilgrims describe the closed exterior of the cloister that is so impressive. Joos van Ghistele for example, who undertook a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1480’s, pictures the exterior of the monastery as ‘a square place with high strong thick walls with only a couple of windows, and it has only two doors that are not very big’.27

Th e Limbourg brothers did not just depict the building as it appeared to contemporary pilgrims, they also depicted the characteristics of its surround-ings with the bare and extremely steep mountains (illus. 6). ‘Th e monastery’, says Anselm Adornes who visited the cult site in 1470-71, ‘is situated at the foot of Mount Sinai amidst mountains at the extremity of a narrow plane; it also finds itself surrounded on three sides by very large mountains.’28 In fact, the mountains around the monastery are so steep, reports another pilgrim, that if a person should stand in front of the building and look up, it would seem like the mountains round it would fall on it.29

Th e illuminators also depicted the pilgrimage route along dangerous pas-sage ways. Journals describe this route, the only way to reach the cloister, relat-ing how the pilgrims had to cross a narrow pass in the mountain, until they reached a plane – surrounded by the above-mentioned high mountains – where they would finally descry the monastery. Th e pilgrims in the miniature are just entering such a gorge on their long way to the cult site.

Th e Limbourg brothers must have known and used drawings and other models of the building and its surroundings when they painted the miniature. Still, the image was never intended to be an actual portrait of the monastery with a clear depiction of the different parts of the building. It does not show every detail. Th e edifice is relatively small in comparison to the Grande Char-treuse for example (illus. 4 and 5). A large part of the building remains hidden behind a large mountain in the foreground. Th e Limbourgs rather depicted the essence of the site. Th ey accentuated the austere exterior and the desolated

27 Ambrosius Z eebout, Tvoyage van Mher Joos van Ghistele (Hilversum 1998), p. 242. 28 Anselme Adornes, Itinéraire d’Anselme Adorno en Terre Sainte (1470-1471), eds. Jacques

Heers & Georgette de Groer (Paris 1978), p. 225. 29 Malcolm L etts, Th e pilgrimage of Arnold von Harff knight (Wiesbaden 1967), p. 140.


. Le portrait du Mont Sinai, print from the edition Les observations de plusieurs singularitez, . From: Mahfouz Labib, Pèlerins et voyageurs au Mont Sinaï (Caire

), pl. VI.

atmosphere of the monastery that is described in contemporary pilgrim’s jour-nals. Th e miniature shows its desolateness and secludedness instead of its splendor and grandeur. By keeping the monastery small and partially disguised by the mountains, the Limbourg brothers stressed the inaccessabilty of the building and the toughness of the pilgrimage route. Th e object of the minia-ture is not topographical accuracy, but the labour of pilgrimage.

Most of the time, scholars stress the novelty and the extravagance of the elaborate picture cycles with minimal text in the Belles Heures. Undoubtedly, the duke and later owners enjoyed their beauty. Th is doesn’t alter the fact that the cycle has a devotional value as well. Th e picture cycle presents Catherine as an exempla, a role model for a pious life. Th e cycle gives the viewer the opportunity to follow Catherine’s example and contemplate the virtues of the saint by studying the events that leaded up to her death. Pilgrims who visited the monastery on Mount Sinai usually came from the city of Alexandria where they visited the locations where Catherine lived, where she was held prisoner, tortured and eventually beheaded. When the pilgrims left for Mount Sinai they actually followed the path that Catherine covered when the angels moved


her body to Mount Sinai. Th e devotee, looking at the picture cycle, could contemplate the same events of Catherine’s Life and Passion leading up to the translation of her relics.

In the miniature cycle, the physical pilgrimage and the contemplations of the devotee are intertwined. Both ways lead to the same high point: Mount Sinai. Th e final miniature gives the pious beholder the opportunity to join in his mind the group of pilgrims moving towards the monastery with the relics, in order to venerate Saint Catherine. Pilgrimage obviously plays an essential role in the picture cycle. Th e pilgrims in the last picture are not just another life-like detail, that makes the work of the Limbourg brothers so pleasing. By adding the pilgrims and the monastery, the illuminators accentuated the theme of pilgrimage, linking the spiritual contemplations on the Life and Pas-sion of Saint Catherine with the physical pilgrimage to Mount Sinai.

Badges of Saint Catherine

Th e later owner elaborated on the element of pilgrimage by the addition of badges. It is tempting to insinuate here that the pilgrims’ badges must have originated from a cult site of Saint Catherine, Mount Sinai even. Pilgrims could buy souvenirs there. At first, this were mainly small flasks with healing oil that came from the relics of Catherine, mentioned in the caption of the miniature. Later, pilgrims could obtain pieces of silk that had been in contact with the relics.30 Many travellers brought their own rosaries, jewelry, and crosses with the same purpose, to touch the relics hoping that some of the miraculous powers were transferred to the objects.31 Other sources mention badges from the monastery of Saint Catherine. In Pier’s Ploughman’s Vision for example, a pilgrim is introduced wearing ‘signes of Synay’ on his hat.32

Of course, Catherine was not just venerated on Mount Sinai. Her popular-ity spread rapidly. In the eleventh century, a monk of Sinai brought a fragment

30 Adornes, op. cit. (n. 28), p. 227. 31 Adornes, op. cit. (n. 28), p. 227 and Letts, op. cit. (n. 29), p. 142. 32 Charles Roach Smith, ‘On pilgrims’ signes and leaden tokens’, in: Journal of the British

Archaeological Association, 1 (1846), pp. 201-2, Paul Perdrizet, ‘De la Véronique et de Sainte Véro-nique’, in: Seminarium Kondakovianum (Recueil d’Etudes. Archéologie, histoire de l’art, études byzantines, 5; Prague 1932), pp. 1-15 (p. 5), and Robert W. Lightbown, Mediaeval European Jewel-lery with a catalogue of the collection in the Victoria & Albert Museum (London 1992), p. 194. Dee Dyas read ‘signes of Syse’ meaning Assisi. Dee Dyas, Pilgrimage in medieval English literature (Cambridge 2001), p. 155.


of the relics to Rouen as a gift to the duke of Normandy.33 Th e sanctuary there eventually took the name of the saint: the convent of Sainte-Catherine-du-Mont. Situated on a hill, the design undoubtedly referred to Mount Sinai. Another famous pilgrimage site was Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois (near Tours). Pilgrims came flocking in 1375 when a man was miraculously cured after being paralyzed for seven years. Naturally, this incident gave rise to other marvels. Th e miracle book of the cult site describes over two hundred miraculous sto-ries that happened at Fierbois through the intercession of Saint Catherine.

Th e saint was often called upon for help during battle and invoked by pris-oners, probably because of her most important attribute: the sword. Philip of Artois went to Mount Sinai after his emprisonment in Cairo to thank Cather-ine for his release. Philip the Bold (d. 1404) visited Fierbois to thank Catherine after his victory at the Flemish town of Westrozebeke in 1382. Like Mount Sinai, Fierbois was popular with knights and other people of high social stand-ing, as Saint Catherine was thought to be of a noble family. In 1450, Isabelle of Portugal, duchess of Burgundy, ordered an expensive golden badge of Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois, of twenty five sols.34 Also René of Anjou, Yolande of Aragon’s son, visited Saint Catherine of Fierbois, probably more than once. On 20 July 1451, he bought a number of gold and silver badges from Jehan Juliot, a goldsmith in Sainte-Catherine, at a price of ten livres.35 René bought three large gold badges for himself, his wife and their daughter Yolande, six small ones for his chamberlains, a silver ‘burlette’ – that is a small pendant – with the Life of Saint Catherine. On top of this, he bought two dozen large silver badges to give the gentlemen and ladies of the household and four dozen small ones to give to the officers.

Th e owner of the Belles Heures could have been one of the visitors of Fierbois, so popular with the French nobility. However, pilgrimage sites of Catherine were manifold. Even though a badge of Catherine – from Mount Sinai, Sainte-Catherine-du-Mont or Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois or some other cult of Catherine – would seem an appropriate addition to the manuscript, the images in the Belles Heures are unrecognizable. Th e badges cannot be attributed to a specific pilgrimage site. Any badge would have been appropriate, because of the association of the miniatures with pilgrims and pilgrimage.

33 Jacobus de Voragine, op. cit. (n. 24), p. 339, Denis Bruna, Enseignes de pèlerinage et enseignes profanes (Paris 1996), pp. 123-4 and Katherine J. Lewis, ‘Pilgrimage and the Cult of St. Katherine of Alexandria in Late Medieval England’, in: Pilgrimage Explored, ed. J. Stopford (York 1999) pp. 146-8.

34 Comte De Laborde, op. cit. (n. 12), vol. 3: 3, p. 354, no. 6737. 35 Arnaud D’ Agnel, Comptes du roi René, vol. 1 (Paris 1910), p. 286.


Traces of Devotion

In the Grandes Heures as in the Belles Heures, the owner chose a miniature to add the badges to. In both cases, the miniatures are devotional images rather than illustrations of a text, they were incentives for contemplation. Th e mini-ature of the Apocalyptic Virgin in the Grandes Heures is a single-leaf image. Th e smudges and discolorations left by touch indicate its value as an instru-ment for contemplation. Th e image does not just illustrate the text at hand. On the contrary, the prayer texts were written to accompany the precious image of the Virgin. Th e miniature cycle in the Belles Heures on the other hand serves as an incentive for the contemplative thoughts on the Life and Passion of Saint Catherine. Here also, the text supports the image, not the other way around.

With the addition of the badges, the owners elaborated on the iconography and accentuated elements of own choice to give the book a personal slant. In the Grandes Heures, the devotee introduced a community of saints around the image of the Madonna, creating a vision of Paradise. In the Belles Heures, the owner-pilgrim elaborated and expanded on the element of pilgrimage that is firmly embedded in the picture cycle of Saint Catherine. Th e miniatures give the devout reader the opportunity to follow in Catherine’s footsteps and con-template the events of her life and death, not unlike a pilgrim visiting the sites where Catherine lived and had died. Reflecting the exemplary journey of the pilgrims in the final miniature, the owner of the Belles Heures added the mem-ory of an individual pilgrimage, adding a private and individual chapter to the book. In a way, the owner joined the travellers in the miniature of the Lim-bourg brothers.

Many things remain uncertain about the whereabouts and users of the Belles Heures (as well as the Grandes Heures for that matter) and many things are left to guesswork: the identity of the person who added the badges (possibly a member of a French noble family), the images on the badges (perhaps Cath-erine), and, a related problem, the site of pilgrimage where the badges must have originated (Mount Sinai, Sainte-Catherine-du-Mont, Fierbois or another place even?). But even without an identification, the imprints are a fine exam-ple of the devotional practice to attach badges to books of hours. Th e owner used the badges to give a personal twist to the images of the book, so that it fitted his pious intentions even better. Th e imprints illustrate the purpose of the book as an instrument of devotion rather than a precious object intended solely for admiration.

Was kann man aus den Belles Heures über die Limburgs lernen?1

Eberhard KönigFreie Universität Berlin, Germany

Nach der publikumswirksamen Ausstellung im Museum het Valkhof in Nim-wegen 20052 und den Publikationen vor allem der beiden vorausgehenden Jahre,3 liegen die Belles Heures vor uns so offen wie noch nie. Dabei war das Buch, nachdem es vor dem Zweiten Weltkrieg kaum einmal eingesehen wer-den durfte und nicht einmal in Abbildungen verfügbar war,4 vor allem durch die ausgezeichnete Publikation von Jean Porcher aus dem Jahre 1953 schon gut bekannt.5 Gefeiert wurde mit ihr, dass das Werk nicht durch die deutschen Besatzer zerstört war, und vielleicht auch verschleiert, dass das Manuskript die gesamte schlimme Zeit über in der Pariser Nationalbibliothek gelegen haben mag.6 Porchers originalgroße Reproduktionen halfen Frankreich und Europa

1 Mein Beitrag wird hier nicht in der Fassung gedruckt, die ich beim Kolloquium vorgetragen habe; gerade die Begegnung mit den beiden Machern der Nimwegener Ausstellung hat Reflexionen in Gang gebracht, die zugleich zeigen, wie wir doch auch in der Lage sind, Dinge in neuem Licht zu sehen. Für Anregungen und Hilfe sei Laura Schmidt gedankt.

2 De Gebroeders Van Limburg. Nijmeegse Meesters aan het Franse Hof 1400-1416, hrsg. von Rob Dückers & Pieter Roelofs (Ausst. Nimwegen, Museum het Valkhof, 28. August-20. November 2005; Nimwegen 2005).

3 Siehe zuletzt: Eberhard König, Les Belles Heures du Duc de Berry. Acc.No.54.1.1. Metropolitan Museum of Art. Th e Cloisters Collection, New York (Begleitband zur Faksimile-Edition; Luzern 2003); sowie ders., Die Belles Heures des Duc de Berry (Stuttgart 2004).

4 Christopher de Hamel, Th e Rothschilds and Th eir Collections of Illuminated Manuscripts (London 2005), S. 38ff., berichtet, dass Millard Meiss im Jahre 1936 bei den Pariser Rothschilds gleichsam heraus geworfen wurde, als er nach Besichtigung der Handschriftenbestände um Pho-toerlaubnis bat.

5 Jean P orcher, Les Belles Heures de Jean de France, Duc de Berry (Paris 1953). 6 Das vermutet zumindest Christopher de Hamel, op. cit (Anm. 4), S. 53. Die deutschen

Besatzer sollen bei der Beschlagnahme von Kunstgütern den nationalen französischen Institutio-nen (so auch dem Louvre) jeweils einen Bruchteil der Beute überlassen haben (was nach dem Kriege nicht in jedem Fall offen gelegt wurde).

106 eberhard könig

zugleich, den bevorstehenden Export in die Vereinigten Staaten besser zu ver-schmerzen, wo das New Yorker Metropolitan Musem mit dem Geld der Rok-kefeller den Schatz erwarb.

Der vollständigen Wiedergabe in Schwarzweiß folgte das mit ordentlichen Farbabbildungen versehene Teilfaksimile, das Millard Meiss mit Elisabeth Beatson 1973 kommentiert hat und in dem John Plummer eine technische Analyse des Kodex beisteuerte, die beeindruckt, weil der Band doch recht eng gebunden war und deshalb die Kollationierung erschwerte.7 Das Original war in New York nie leicht zu studieren, von den wechselnden Doppelseiten abge-sehen, die Besucher in einer Vitrine zu Gesicht bekamen. Die Cloisters an der Nordspitze von Manhattan sind schließlich keine Bibliothek; und schon das Buch aus der Vitrine zu holen, war nie einfach. So bot die Ausbreitung von zehn Doppelblättern in Nimwegen auch für die meisten Kenner der Materie eine seltene Chance, Malereien der Belles Heures zu sehen.8

Da es hier darum gehen soll, was man aus dem Stundenbuch in New York über die Limburgs lernen kann, ist nur kurz auf die grundlegenden Einwände einzugehen, die Herman Colenbrander seit 1989 wiederholt und nun auch in seiner umfangreichen Dissertation vorgebracht hat.9 Die Belles Heures spielen nämlich bei ihm kaum eine Rolle, weil er sich in seinem Kampf gegen die Zuweisung der Très Riches Heures an die historisch verbürgten Brüder Lim-burg aus Nimwegen auf das Manuskript in Chantilly konzentriert. Unter

7 Millard Meiss & Elisabeth H. Beatson, Th e Belles Heures de Jean Duc de Berry in the Cloisters New York (New York 1974); siehe auch ders., Th e Limbourgs and Th eir Contemporaries, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry, Bd. 3 (New York, etc. 1974).

8 Zuvor hatte man sich im Jahr 2004 bei den französischen Ausstellungen zur Kunst um 1400 bereits einige Blätter anschauen können: Paris 1400. Les arts sous Charles VI, hrsg. von Elisabeth Taburet-Delahaye mit François Avril (Ausst. Paris, Louvre, 22. März-12. Juli 2004), Nr. 188; L’art à la cour de Bourgogne. Le mécénat de Philippe le Hardi et de Jean sans Peur (1364-1419), hrsg. von Stephen N. Fliegel & Sophie Jugie (Ausst. Dijon, Musée des Beaux-Arts, 28. Mai-15. September 2004; Cleveland, Museum of Art, 24. Oktober 2004-9. Januar 2005), Nr. 12; siehe auch Eberhard König, ‘Frankreich feiert das Mittelalter’, in: Kunstchronik, 2005, S. 88-105.

9 Herman Th . Colenbrander, Op zoek naar de Gebroeders Limburg. De Très Riches Heures in het Musée Condé in Chantilly, Het Wapenboek Gelre in de Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I in Brus-sel en Jan Maelwael en zijn neefj es Polequin, Jehannequin en Herman van Limburg (Amsterdam 2006; Proefschrift, Amsterdam); siehe zuvor ders., ‘Th e Limbourg Brothers, the Miniaturists of the Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry?’, in: Masters and Miniatures, Proceedings of the Congress in Medieval Manuscript Illumination in the Northern Netherlands, Utrecht 10-13 December 1989, hrsg. von Koert van der Horst & Johann Chr. Klamt, Doornspijk 1991, S. 109-16, und bei weite-ren Gelegenheiten. Für die Überlassung der Proefschrift und von Sonderdrucken seiner Arbeiten sei Herrn Colenbrander hier herzlich gedankt.

was kann man aus den BELLES HEURES über die limburgs lernen? 107

dem Vorbehalt von Colembranders Forschungen müsste man dennoch so lange von den so genannten Limburgs oder von den Meistern von Chantilly ms. 65 sprechen, bis die Angelegenheit geklärt ist. Gegen ihre geldrische Herkunft führt der holländische Kollege den hohen Anteil des Italienischen im Œuvre jener Maler, die man allgemein als die Limburgs akzeptiert, ins Feld. Gerade die große Kunst aber war in jener Zeit erstaunlich international ausgerichtet, sprechen wir doch sogar weltweit von der Internationalen Gotik um 1400.10 Spitzfindig könnte es immerhin heißen: Was kann man aus den Belles Heures über die Meister der Trés Riches Heures lernen? Die aber hätten, wenn sie aus Italien stammten, erstaunlich viel Nördliches in ihre Kunst auf-genommen.

Der Randschmuck zwischen Norden und Süden

Zunächst einmal sollte nachgeholt werden, was in meinen Publikationen zur Faksimilierung ebenso wie im Katalog zur Nimwegener Ausstellung versäumt wurde: Allen Farber wäre zu nennen gewesen, weil er sich wie kein anderer mit den Dornblattranken auseinandersetzte. Dieser amerikanische Kollege hat Verknüpfungen mit anderen Handschriften aufzeigen können und damit der Einordnung der Belles Heures ein solideres Fundament gegeben.11 Ihm gelang es, Hände innerhalb des Randschmucks zu scheiden; im Ergebnis aber hat Farber nur noch bessere Gründe für die schon vorher allgemein akzep-tierte Datierung um 1408 beigesteuert.12

Über die Frage, wie sich die Limburgs als Bildermaler, also ‘historieurs’, zu den ‘enlumineurs’ des New Yorker Kodex verhalten, müsste weiter nachgedacht

10 In meiner sicher nicht glücklichen Rezension der Nimwegener Ausstellung, die den Orga-nisatoren wohl doch nicht gerecht wird, spielt dieser Aspekt im Zusammenspiel der Meinungen von Colenbrander und Victor M. Schmidt eine gewisse Rolle, cf. Eberhard König‚ ‘Die Belles Heures des Herzogs von Berry, Probleme und Kontroversen. Aus Anlaß der Ausstellung De Gebroeders Van Limburg. Nijmeegse Meesters aan het Franse Hof (1400-1416), Nijmegen: Museum het Valkhof 2005. Katalog hrsg. von Rob Dückers und Pieter Roelofs’, in: Kunstchronik, 2006, S. 225-37.

11 Unter anderem: Allen S. Farber, ‘Considering a Marginal Master: Th e Work of an Early Fifteenth Century Parisian Manuscript Decorator’, in: Gesta 32, 1 (1993), S. 21-39; auf die For-schungen dieses amerikanischen Kollegen hat nur François Avril regelmäßig hingewiesen.

12 Diese Datierung haben Millard Meiss und Sharon Off erarbeitet (‘Th e Bookkeeping of Robinet d’Estampes and the Chronology of Jean de Berry’s Manuscripts’, in: Art Bulletin 73 (1971), S. 225-35, bes. S. 228 und 233; das auch wiederholt in Meiss op. cit. (Anm. 7), sowie Meiss & Beatson op. cit. (Anm. 7)).

108 eberhard könig

werden. Dabei enthält die Chronologie des Buchschmucks ihre Tücken: Die Belles Heures bieten ein Novum, sind sie doch das älteste datierte Beispiel für geschlossene Teppichwirkung des in Blattgold ausgeführten Dornblatts, das bei den einfachen Textseiten ohne Farben auskommt.13 Im gleichen Zeitraum, gerade um die Jahre 1408/09 aber entstanden Handschriften ganz anderer Prägung: Der buntfarbige Blattschmuck, den man in nicht ganz zutreffender Terminologie Akanthus nennt, war aus Italien über Prag gerade in jenen Jah-ren endlich doch in die französische Hauptstadt gelangt, die sich zu jener Zeit im Ornamentalen erstaunlich konservativ zeigte.14 Akanthus setzte sich 1408 zum ersten Mal in einem Pariser Stundenbuch triumphal durch: Douce 144 der Oxforder Bodleian Library.15 Gleichzeitig aber ließ der Herzog von Berry in seinen Grandes Heures,16 dem größten bekannten Stundenbuch, einen schon drei Generationen alten Schriftdekor aus einem der kleinsten, dem Stunden-buch der Jeanne d’Evreux, die neben den Belles Heures in den Cloisters liegen, nachahmen. Dazu ließ er um die Textfelder der mit spaltenbreiten Bildern ver-sehenen Seiten herum Bordüren malen, wie sie schon vor 1402/03 im Brüsseler Stundenbuch vorkommen, dort aber nur um die textlosen Bildseiten.17

13 Zu den Ausnahmen gehören die einzelnen Horenanfänge im Marien-Offizium (mit Aus-nahme der Matutin) und Seiten wie die Eröffnung der Horen des Heiligen Kreuzes , f. 80; dort beweisen die Limburgs ihre Fremdheit zum Pariser Brauch, indem sie eine eher altmodische Form zur Auszeichnung der Inicipits vor die moderne der einfachen Textseiten stellen. Eine Sonderrolle spielen auch die Seiten mit leer gebliebenen Aussparungen; auf einer von ihnen, f. 27, konnte Margaret Lawson die Vorzeichnung eines Engels nachweisen.

14 Man denke nur an die Pariser Zurückhaltung, was die Einführung des von den Parlern in Prag entwickelten Flamboyant in gebauter Architektur und in der Zierarchitektur von Klein-kunst und Bildern betrifft – siehe die Anstöße zu entschiedener Spätdatierung bei Philippe Pla-gnieux im Paris 1400, op. cit. (Anm. 8), S. 80f.

15 Paris 1400, op. cit. (Anm. 8), Nr. 185 mit weiterer Lit. vor allem Millard Meiss, Th e Bouci-caut Master (French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry II; London etc. 1968), passim, und Charles Sterling, La peinture médiévale à Paris, 1 (Paris 1987), S. 346 ff., sowie Gabriele Bartz, Der Boucicaut-Meister. Ein unbekanntes Stundenbuch (Illuminationen. Studien und Monographien, hrsg. von Heribert Tenschert, 1; Ramsen etc. 1999), S. 121, und Albert Châtelet, L’Âge d’or du manuscrit à peintures en France au temps de Charles VI et les Heures du maréchal Boucicaut, (Paris und Dijon 2000), S. 162,164.

16 Paris, BnF, Ms latin 919 – das Blatt mit der Kreuztragung war in Nimwegen die Nr. 111. 17 Siehe meinen Beitrag ‘Archaïsme et Innovation dans les livres d’heures du duc de Berry’,

in: Actes du colloque Charles VI, Paris und Dijon 2004 (Paris 2006), S. 21-40; abweichend von der communis opinio wird das Brüsseler Stundenbuch datiert von Gerhard Schmidt, in: Heures de Bruxelles. Ms. 11060-61. Bibliothèque Royale Albert Ier. Bruxelles, hrsg. von Bernard Bousmanne u.a. (Luzern 1996), S. 61-132, bes. S. 107-8.


Die Chronologie lässt sich in dieser Zusammenschau aus den Jahren 1408/09 nicht mit kennerschaftlichem Datieren begreifen. Man meint ja allgemein, Dornblattdekor gehe dem Akanthus voraus; die Reinheit in den Belles Heures aber markiert mit den einfachen Tintenlinien und der vereinheitlichten Form eine neue Stufe der Entwicklung und nimmt in ihr nur einen extrem kurzen Moment ein; denn schon im Boucicaut-Stundenbuch, das Millard Meiss und ihm folgend Inés Villela-Petit um 1407 bzw. um 1408 datieren, gibt es in den Ecken Akanthus.18 Dabei tragen die Limburgs in der New Yorker Handschrift selbst zur Verwirrung bei, bieten sie doch mit der Bordüre auf f. 30, ein ganz entgegen gesetztes Novum: den ältesten rechteckig gerahmten vollfarbigen Randschmuck nördlich der Alpen. Inspiriert von der Porta della Mandorla des Florentiner Doms,19 ersetzt das Blattwerk um das Verkündigungsbild einen zunächst ausgeführten Dornblattschmuck. Einer der Limburgs verrät damit eine frische Inspiration aus Italien, die während der Illuminierung des Buches die Limburgs erreichte und eher Einblick in die Pläne oder die laufende Arbeit als das Studium dieses erst 1414 vollendeten Monuments verrät. In schöner Paradoxie bildet diese Anleihe aus Italien den Ausgangspunkt für die berühm-ten Bordüren, die in den Niederlanden den Meister von 1482 und die Maler um Maria von Burgund berühmt machen sollten.20

Im niederländischen Kontext sieht die Forschung solche Bordüren zum Teil auch nur deshalb als etwas einzigartig Neues, weil man die französischen Vor-stufen wie das Stundenbuch der Marguerite d’Orléans, das seinerseits an die Belles Heures anschließt, nicht zur Kenntnis genommen hat.21

Die drei Brüder Limburg brachten also Bewegung in das künstlerische Geschehen ihrer Zeit: Sie waren in Paris und in der Buchmalerei fremd; das machte sie frei, verschiedene Aspekte genial zu verbinden: Den Goldranken

18 Paris, Musée Jacquemart-André, Ms. 2: Meiss 1968 (wie Anm. 15), passim; Villela-Petit in: Paris 1400, op. cit. (Anm. 8), Nr. 172. Die Verwendung des Akanthus bietet einen von mehreren Gründen, die Datierung der Handschrift noch einmal neu zu überdenken!

19 Darauf hat zum ersten Mal Friedrich Winkler hingewiesen, ‘Paul de Limbourg in Florence’, in: Burlington Magazine 56 (1930), S. 95f.

20 Siehe zuletzt, Illuminating the Renaissance, hrsg. von Th omas Kren & Scot McKendrick (Ausst.-kat.; London 2003), passim; sowie, dort nicht recht benutzt, Eberhard König (mit Bei-trägen von Fedja Anzelewsky, Bodo Brinkmann und Frauke Steenbock), Das Berliner Stunden-buch der Maria von Burgund und Kaiser Maximilians (Lachen am Zürichsee 1998), passim.

21 Paris, BnF, Ms latin 1156B: Eberhard König, Les Heures de Marguerite d’Orléans, übersetzt von François Boespflug (Paris 1991); ders., Das Provost-Stundenbuch. Der Meister der Marguerite d’Orléans und die Buchmalerei in Angers (Illuminationen. Studien und Monographien, hrsg. von Heribert Tenschert, 4; Ramsen etc. 2002).

110 eberhard könig

wie auch dem Einsatz der Metalle in den Bildern muss die Ausbildung bei einem Pariser Goldschmied zugute gekommen sein, die wenigstens zwei der Brüder zeitweise erhielten. Mit Italien mag sie zunächst nur jugendliche Neu-gier verbunden haben. Für Millard Meiss stand angesichts der Anleihen, die er im Œuvre fand, fest, dass wenigstens einen von ihnen – er denkt an Paul – eine Reise dorthin führte. Selbst wenn Victor Schmidt im Nimwegener Kata-log gegen eine Reise über die Alpen argumentiert, kommt auch er nicht umhin, noch einen neuen Hinweis auf Vertrautheit mit dem Trecento zu lie-fern: ein Täfelchen von Ambrogio Lorenzetti, das die Martinsminiatur in den Belles Heures (f. 169) vorzubereiten scheint.22 Italien also war in den Köpfen der Brüder aus Nimwegen – als Kunde von einem fernen Land, aus dem sie Zeichnungen und Objekte kannten, oder gar aus persönlicher Erfahrung. Dafür spräche insbesondere die Veränderung ausgerechnet der Hauptminia-tur in den Belles Heures.

Ästhetische Qualität im Widerspruch zu verlässlicher Arbeit

Zum Studium des Textes blieb bisher aus den genannten konservatorischen Gründen kaum Zeit. Er ist, wie in Prachthandschriften üblich, nicht von der besten Qualität; die Schreiber haben zuweilen, um den Zeilenausgleich zu erreichen, Buchstaben wie i, n und m eingefügt, um sie sogleich durchzustrei-chen. Wegen der Verwechselbarkeit der Zeichen wirkt es dann oft so, als stehe das durchgestrichene i als Kürzel für das lateinische Wort et, wo nur ein Füllsel gemeint ist.

Das hat mit den Limburgs nicht viel zu tun; denn deren Aufgabe lag sicher nicht darin, das mürbe Latein eines Schreibers zu prüfen. Doch mag es mehr als ein Zufall sein, dass auch dessen Arbeit offenbar an der Schönheit und nicht an der Korrektheit gemessen wurde. Deshalb hat er nur selten vorsichtig einen Buchstaben, aber so gut wie nie ein ganzes Wort korrigiert.23 Für die Limburgs interessanter wird es, wenn man zu Beginn der Suffragien auf Par-tien stößt, die nachgerade unsinnig sind; so heißt es gleich zu Beginn des Tri-nitäts-Suffragiums am Seitenwechsel von f. 155 Recto zu Verso ‘O Beata et benedicta trini/riosa trinitas’. Im Gebet folgt die Formel ‘Omnipote(n)s sem-

22 Victor M. Schmidt, ‘Th e Limbourgs and Italian Art’, in: De Gebroeders Van Limburg, op. cit. (Anm. 2), S. 179-207, bes. S. 184f. mit Abb. 10-11; die farblich allerdings völlig abweichende Tafel befindet sich in der Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven.

23 Selbst beim Lesen fallen solche Korrekturen wie zum Beispiel im falschen Plural edebant, f. 153v. links, 3. Zeile, der zum Singular edebat gemacht wird, kaum auf.


piterne deus qui dedisti famulis et famulabus tuis . . . inpotenciam maiestatis adorare’. Nach dem Schreibfehler, bei dem vergessen wurde, dass auf Recto schon der Wortbeginn von trinitas statt der Anfangsbuchstaben von gloriosa steht, wirkt die Aufforderung an den allmächtigen ewigen Gott, der seinen Die-nern und Dienerinnen (deren Femininum grammatikalisch kühn bezeichnet wird!) gegeben habe, die Ohnmacht oder Machtlosigkeit der Majestät anzubeten, geradezu wie ein Hohn. Tatsächlich findet sich eine korrekte Version dessel-ben Gebets in der Messe zu Trinitatis auf f. 204v.: Da lautet die Wortfolge ‘in potentia maiestatis adorare unitatem’, also ‘in der Macht der Majestät die Ein-heit anzubeten’.

Angesichts der Fehler auf f. 155v. verwundert es nicht, dass auch das fol-gende Gebet alles andere als korrekt abgeschrieben ist; denn dort heißt es erst im Präsens wir loben dich, dann im Perfekt wir haben dich gepriesen, und der Anschluss von Gloria in Ewigkeit will auch dem Lateiner nicht so recht gefal-len. Schließlich beweist der Schluss dieser Passage, wo die Bitte lautet, dass wir, die wir durch die Last unserer Sünden niedergedrückt werden, Erlass der Sünden zu erhalten verdienen: ‘ut q(ui) pec(cat)orum n(ost)roru(m) pond(er)e premimur scelera indulgencia consequi mereamur’. Wie da die Sünden scelera und der Plural für Erlass indulgencia grammatikalisch gleich gestellt sind, kann nur erstaunen.24

Nicht nur diese Häufung von Fehlern fällt am Beginn der Suffragien auf. John Plummer, dessen Kollationierung sonst so verlässlich ist, war an dieser Stelle entgangen, dass ein ganzes Blatt weggefallen ist. Es muss Suffragien zu den ersten beiden Personen der Trinität enthalten haben, also zu Vater und Sohn, war vielleicht sogar schon von den Limburgs bemalt worden. Doch mag der Verlust bereits auf die Entstehungszeit zurückgeführt werden; er mag auf unrettbare Fehler des Schreibers zurückgeführt werden.

Dem Schreiber ist sonst offenbar alles verziehen worden; die Limburgs aber waren offenbar in einer Weise als Genies geschätzt, dass bei ihnen auch der grobe Fehler durchging: Wie wenig sie von den Grundlagen der Bebilderung eines Stundenbuchs verstanden haben, wird hingegen erst langsam deutlich. Engel und Stier haben sie in den Belles Heures bei Lukas und Matthäus ver-tauscht, während ihnen der Adler des Johannes vertraut und der Markuslöwe möglicherweise aus Venedig geläufig war. Ihr kurzes Leben lang konnten sie

24 Siehe Eberhard König & Gabriele Bartz, Les Belles Heures du Duc de Berry. Acc.No.54.1.1. Metropolitan Museum of Art. Th e Cloisters Collection, New York, Transkription und Übersetzung (Luzern 2006).

112 eberhard könig

. Belles Heures, fol. : Marienverkündigung


. Très Riches Heures, fol. : Marienverkündigung

114 eberhard könig

sich nicht einmal merken, welches Attribut welchem Evangelisten zukommt; denn noch in den Très Riches Heures sollten sie die Fehler wiederholen.

Eine andere Fertigkeit, die man bei Buchmalern sicher stillschweigend vor-aussetzte, fehlte den jungen Leuten aus Nimwegen ebenso: Sie waren unsäg-liche Heraldiker, wenn sie den Herzog von Berry auf f. 91 mit fleurs-de-lis auf grünem Grund ausstatteten, wo doch gleichsam jedes Kind wusste, dass die goldenen Zeichen des französischen Königshauses auf azur zu erscheinen haben. Das verwundert umso mehr, als technisch dafür eine besonders wertvolle Farbe erforderlich war. Zugleich erstaunt die Fremdheit der Heraldik, weil anders als im Französischen schon in ihrer Heimatsprache die Schilde ebenso wie die Schildereien zum schilderen, also zum Beruf der Maler gehörten.

Die Unterzeichnungen und die Probleme der Händescheidung

Einen wesentlichen Beitrag zur Frage, was die New Yorker Belles Heures zum Verständnis der Limburgs oder eben der Meister von Chantilly Ms. 65 beitragen, bieten Untersuchungen in der Restaurierungswerkstatt des Metropolitan Muse-ums, zu der die Faksimilierung Anlass gab. Erste Ergebnisse machte die verant-wortliche Restauratorin Margaret Lawson im Katalog von Nimwegen publik.25

Der systematischen Forschung stehen nun Infrarot-Reflektographien zur Verfügung, in denen das Verhältnis von Zeichnung und Ausführung deutlich zu Tage tritt.26 Doch deren wichtigstes Ergebnis ermutigt nicht: Zwischen den nun lesbaren Zeichnungen und den Oberflächen der Miniaturen besteht näm-lich in aller Regel eine geradezu erstaunliche Übereinstimmung. Geschichts-schreibung aber lebt von Distanz und Differenz; Wer Kunstgeschichte schreibt, ist darauf aus, Brüche in der Konzeption und Pentimenti aufzudecken. Wenige Reuezüge in den Belles Heures erkannte man schon mit dem bloßen Auge; sie sind im Faksimile selbstverständlich zu sehen und stellen sich nach allem tech-nischen Aufwand als die entscheidenden heraus: Bei der Marter des Apostels Bartholomäus (f. 161) hat man beispielsweise einzelne Figuren verändert; eine Dornenkrone wurde auf f. 141v vorgezeichnet, blieb dann aber unter dem Grün des Grases verborgen, weil sie eine Doppelung im Bild wäre; denn Christus

25 Margaret Lawson, ‘Th e Belles Heures of Jean, Duc de Berry. Th e Materials and Techniques of the Limbourg Brothers’, in: De Gebroeders Van Limburg, op. cit. (Anm. 2), S. 148-63, bes. Abb. 19-20 auf S. 162f.

26 Hiermit danke ich den Verantwortlichen, unter anderem Timothy Husband, dafür, mir die Aufnahmen zugänglich gemacht zu haben.


. Belles Heures, fol. v: Antonius auf der Suche nach Paulus Eremita

116 eberhard könig

. Belles Heures, fol. : Antonius auf der Suche nach Paulus Eremita

gleich daneben trägt sie auf dem Haupt.27 Ähnlich ikonographisch sprechende Details sind mit den technischen Mitteln nicht zu Tage getreten.

Wichtiger noch ist der Umstand, dass keine Eingriffe zu Tage traten, die auf Abhängigkeiten von Meister und Gehilfen schließen ließen. Das Bemerkens-werteste, was Margaret Lawson verbürgt, betrifft den Duktus der Unterzeich-nung: Er verrät ihr tatsächlich drei Maler; die Eigenarten, auf die sie gestoßen ist, beschreibt sie als drei künstlerische Temperamente. Besonnenheit bestimmt Lawsons Auswertung, wenn sie, anders als Meiss und Beatson in 1974, die einzelnen Temperamente und die ihnen zugeordneten Bilder nicht mit Vorna-men der Limburgs versieht. Solange nur Aufnahmen weniger Miniaturen abgebildet sind, kann weitere Forschung allein im Museum selbst ein Gesamt-bild gewinnen, das dann mit den Intuitionen von Meiss abgeglichen werden müsste.

Dringend nötig wirkt Händescheidung unter den Limburgs ohnehin schon deshalb nicht, weil alle drei Brüder offenbar ihr kurzes Arbeitsleben gemein-sam verbrachten und im selben Jahr 1416 starben. Zudem überzeugen sie auf den ersten Blick durch die erstaunlich gleich bleibende Qualität ihrer Arbeit, die sie zugleich so schlüssig von Nachfolgern wie dem Spitz-Meister unter-

27 Dabei ist bemerkenswert, wie wenig vertraut die Limburgs mit dem von den Franziskanern verbreiteten Kult der Dornenkrone waren: Nur in einer weiteren Passionsszene kehrt sie in den Belles Heures wieder, als Reliquie, die eine Frau bei der Kreuzabnahme birgt (f. 149). Christus trägt die Dornenkrone in den Très Riches Heures nur bei der entsprechenden Szene (f. 156v.).


scheiden lassen.28 Nur selten wird trotz der hohen Disziplin der Gegensatz zwischen verschiedenen Händen auf den ersten Blick evident: am deutlichsten beim Nebeneinander der beiden kompositorisch eng verwandten Miniaturen mit der Suche des heiligen Antonius nach dem Einsiedler Paulus, auf f. 191v. und 192. Kühn – in anderer Sicht aber unprofessionell – wirkt die Tatsache, dass die erste der beiden Miniaturen auf den Horizont verzichtet; raffiniert hingegen mag man die Abwendung des beide Male im Hintergrund rechts oben hockenden Einsiedlers auf der späteren Miniatur finden; denn nur diese Position macht verständlich, dass Antonius den Gesuchten nicht finden kann.

Meiss meinte, Paul habe ‘die kräftige Figur des Heiligen’ auf f. 191v. entwor-fen und vielleicht auch gemalt, während dieselbe Gestalt seiner Meinung nach auf f. 192 von Jan ‘in einen würdigen Abt mit sorgfältig frisiertem Haar und seidenweichem Bart verwandelt’ wurde. Das Urteil entspricht einer an Italien orientierten Ästhetik: Moderne Augen vermag sicher die erste Miniatur stär-ker zu überzeugen; denn heute honoriert man die große Form; doch mögen die Zeitgenossen die Vielfalt und kleinteilige Präzision der anderen Miniatur höher geschätzt haben.

Bei Meiss bildet die Benennung der einzelnen Brüder somit ausschließlich ein Werteschema ab. Immerhin könnte die Händescheidung den in den Quel-len immer hervorgehobenen Paul als Meister etablieren, dem die beiden jün-geren beliebig zuzuordnen wären, weil für den Unterschied von Jan und Herman keinerlei Kriterien zu fassen sind. Die interessanteste Frage bleibt, ob und wie weit sich die drei jungen Leute in Berrys Diensten überhaupt werk-stattmäßig organisiert haben. Die Limburgs stammen zwar aus einer Familie, die handwerklich orientiert war; sie waren aber eigentlich zu jung, als dass sich auch nur einer von ihnen wirklich wie ein Meister fühlen und aufführen konnte. Dass sie sich in die – im Wesentlichen außerkünstlerische – Buchpro-duktion in Paris kaum eingepasst haben, weiß man schon lange; und ob das aus dem niederländischen und deutschen Zunftwesen übernommene Schema von Meister und Werkstatt sozialgeschichtlich überhaupt auf Buchmaler um 1400 angewendet werden kann, bleibt eine unbeantwortete Frage.29

28 Benannt nach dem erst kürzlich vom Getty-Museum in Los Angeles erworbenen Stun-denbuch, Ms. Getty 57, das auch in Nimwegen zu sehen war (De Gebroeders Van Limburg, op. cit. (Anm. 2), Nr. 109).

29 Deshalb kommt ihnen auch nicht viel Raum zu in Richard & Mary Rouse, Manuscripts and Th eir Makers. Commercial Book Production in Medieval Paris. 1200-1500, 2 Bde. (Turnhout 2000).

118 eberhard könig

Künstlerisches Kollektiv oder Werkstatt mit Paul als ‘Meister’?

Die detailgetreue Übereinstimmung der meisten nun von Margaret Lawson sichtbar gemachten Zeichnungen mit den ausgeführten Miniaturen könnte dafür sprechen, dass man die Arbeit blattweise verteilte – nicht lagenweise, wie die beiden Szenen von Antonius auf der Suche nach Paulus beweisen. Die einzelnen Bilder waren also jeweils von der Planung bis zur Fertigstellung einem der Brüder anvertraut. Daraus wäre im Verein mit der Scheidung von Unterzeichnungen zu schließen, dass die aus den Quellen sprechende Füh-rungsrolle des ältesten Bruders Paul ihm nicht das Privileg gab, im Manuskript selbst die Miniaturen zu entwerfen, um sie von seinen Brüder ausmalen zu lassen. Der ‘Meister’, als der Paul in den Quellen erscheint, zeigt sich somit im Werk nur als Primus inter pares.

Ein entscheidender Vergleich mag das erhellen: Hätte sich Paul jene Aufga-ben vorbehalten, die bei der üblichen Arbeitsverteilung im Stundenbuch dem Werkstattleiter zufielen, müsste er die New Yorker Verkündigung ebenso wie die entsprechende Miniatur in Chantilly gemalt haben; denn die Eröffnung der Marien-Matutin war Sache des Meisters. Doch steht der Augenschein – und auch die Händescheidung bei Meiss, der die Hauptminiatur in den Belles Heures Paul, die in den Très Riches Heures aber Paul und Jan gibt – gegen eine solche Gleichung. Bei den Brüdern Limburg hätte somit die Bildhierarchie nicht der Hierarchie der Beteiligten entsprochen; oder die Händescheidung funktioniert doch nicht so, wie man das gerne hätte.

Eine Entdeckung, die Lawson im Nimwegener Katalog veröffentlicht hat, bietet nun einen spannenden Hinweis: Die letzte Miniatur, f. 223v., zeigt ein mikroskopisch kleines P in einem Türmchen; sie könnte von Paul von Lim-burg signiert sein! Wenn es sich wirklich um Pauls Signatur handelt, wäre diese Miniatur der Schlüssel zu dessen Anteil am Œuvre der Limburgs. Meiss erhielte im Nachhinein ein wenig Recht; denn auch für ihn hat das Schluss-bild der Belles Heures durchaus mit dem ältesten Bruder zu tun – aber nur so wie die Verkündigung der Très Riches Heures: Beide Miniaturen sind seiner Meinung nach von Paul entworfen, jedoch nicht von ihm, sondern von Jan vollendet.

Zum Vergleich mit der New Yorker Verkündigung eignet sich die Szene freilich nicht besonders gut; der Augenschein lässt sogar massiv zweifeln, ob für beide Arbeiten wirklich dieselbe Hand in Frage kommt. Von der Qualität her unterscheiden sich die beiden Bilder in einer Weise, dass ein moderner Blick in Gabriel und dem Engel bereits Vorboten von viel späterer monumen-taler Malerei sehen würde; an Lochners Außentafeln zum Kölner Dombild


gemahnen sie mich. Das New Yorker Schlussbild aber wirkt viel zierlicher und mag deshalb für Zeitgenossen sogar den Vorrang gehabt haben.

Zugleich ergeben sich weitere Fragen: Wenn nun Jan das Schlussbild voll-endete, warum hätte er in diese Miniatur des älteren Bruders Zeichen setzen sollen? Immerhin sprechen die Quellen zuweilen von Pol et ses frères. Wenn das P eine Signatur ist, die nicht vom ältesten Bruder selbst gesetzt wurde, dann haben sich die Limburgs selbst, in Analogie zu Joseph mit seinen Brüdern in Ägypten, als Paul und seine Brüder im fremden Land, Frankreich, begriffen. Warum aber wurde nur das letzte Bild signiert?

Berry und die neuen Bilder

Noch mehr erstaunt, dass Berry auf dieser Miniatur keine rechte Gestalt hat, während er auf der entsprechenden Miniatur in den Petites Heures so ein-drucksvoll wie sonst nur im Januar der Très Riches Heures porträtiert ist.30 Man wird den Nimwegener Herausgebern zustimmen, dass in einer der Figuren, die sich in dem New Yorker Bild von rechts auf die Burg hin bewegen, der Herzog selbst zu erkennen sein müsste. Doch schon lässt sich streiten, welcher Reiter gemeint sein mag. Der Konvention entsprechend müsste ihm der Schim-mel gehören; dessen Reiter aber wird stark vom Bildrand angeschnitten.

Für das Verhältnis der Miniaturen in den Belles Heures zu anderen Stunden-büchern ist das Schlussbild noch in manch anderer Hinsicht aufschlussreich: Die Darstellung ist mittig in zwei Hälften geteilt, in Burg und Reitergruppe. Zweiphasige Bilder schuf man in Italien; Frankreich erreichten sie im Oeuvre des Meisters der Cité des Dames, wo sie ab etwa 1405 heimisch wurden.31 Das würde ins Bild passen, das Meiss entwarf und das Colenbrander an der Her-kunft der für die Limburgs gehaltenen Maler aus Geldern zweifeln lässt.

In herkömmlichem Bildaufbau müssten die Ankömmlinge von links ins Bild treten, um rechts auf das Gebäude zu stoßen. In den Belles Heures wird die

30 Paris, BnF, Ms latin 18014, f. 288v., hinzugefügt wie das Blatt in den Belles Heures; diese Miniatur diente zu Recht als Aushängeschild der Nimwegener Ausstellung; gute Abb. auf S. 377; ihr folgt auf S. 379 eine entsprechend gute aus Chantilly, Ms. 65, f. 2.

31 Neben den zweiphasigen Frontispiz-Miniaturen zu den namengebenden Handschriften (Paris, BnF, Ms fr. 607; Brüssel, KB, Ms. 9393 u.a.) ist vor allem an die erst etwa zehn Jahre spätere Illustration des Decameron für Johann ohne Furcht zu denken (Rom, Biblioteca Aposto-lica Vaticana, Pal.lat.1989); zu diesem Exemplar und zu den Vorstufen im Œuvre des Malers und in Italien siehe: Eberhard König, Boccaccio: Decameron. Alle 100 Miniaturen der ersten Bilderhand-schrift (Stuttgart 1989).

120 eberhard könig

. Belles Heures, fol. v: Ankunft an einem Stadttor


Leserichtung umgekehrt; und das kann drei Gründe haben: Die Reiter mögen aus einer volkreichen Kreuzigung stammen und hätten dann in fremdem Zusammenhang ihren Charakter völlig verändert. Unter Jesu Kreuz naht eine ähnliche Truppe mit dem Hauptmann in ihrer Mitte, der seinen Begleiter auf Christi Gottessohnschaft hinweist; und das geschieht gewöhnlich wie hier von rechts. Solche Klitterungen aus Bildvorlagen kannte man durchaus; der Rohan-Stil ist dafür berühmt geworden; denn die beiden bedeutendsten Miniaturen in den Grandes Heures de Rohan stammen aus größeren Zusammenhängen.32

Volkreiche Kreuzigungen mit Reitergruppen unter dem Kreuz kennt die zeit-gleiche französische Buchmalerei kaum. Die Limburgs haben nicht einmal im großen Format der Très Riches Heures für Pferde Platz (sie kommen dort erst bei Jean Colombe, also um 1485 auf). Dasselbe gilt für die große Folge bedeutender Stundenbücher von Berrys Brüsseler Très Belles Heures bis zu den Hauptwerken der nach Boucicaut, Mazarine oder Egerton genannten Meister. Eine Ausnahme bildet das Heidelberger Missale aus der Bedford-Gruppe – übrigens mit irri-tierenden Anklängen an deutsche Malerei der Zeit.33 Für die deutlich später entstandenen Grandes Heures de Rohan entlehnte man sie der neapolitanischen Anjou-Bibel des 14. Jahrhunderts.34 Aus Italien wird die Idee in die deutschspra-chigen Lande gekommen sein, wo zwar Altarbilder wie jenes in Bad Wildungen, das Conrad von Soest 1403 datierte, noch mit Fußvolk allein auskommen, der Kölner Meister der Heiligen Veronika aber in dem meits schon um 1400 datier-ten Täfelchen des Wallraf-Richartz-Museums die um 1320 von Pietro Lorenzetti in der Unterkirche von Assisi verwirklichte Vision in nordalpine Form umsetzte.

32 Ms latin 9471 der Pariser Nationalbibliothek, f. 135 (Klage unter dem Kreuz) und 159 (Toter vor Gott); die eine Personengruppe stammt aus einer volkreichen Kreuzigung in der Art von Founders 62 in Cambridge, die andere aus Bordüren zu Bildern des Toten-Offiziums; zuletzt Eberhard König, Die Grandes Heures de Rohan. Eine Hilfe zum Verständnis des Manuscrit latin 9471 der Bibliothèque nationale de France (Simbach am Inn, 2006), sowie ders., ‘Fifteenth-century illuminations from Angers in Cambridge: the Hours of Isabella Stuart and the quest for a local style’, in: Symposium of the Fitzwilliam Museum, hrsg. von Stella Panayotova & Paul Bin-ski (Cambridge 2007; pp. -).

33 Heidelberg, UB, Cod.Sal. IXa, f. 107v.: Armin Schlechter u.a., Vom Bodensee an den Neckar. Bücherschätze aus der Bibliothek des Zisterzienserklosters Salem in der Universitätsbibliothek Heidel-berg (Schriften der Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, Band 5; Heidelberg 2003), Nr. 59 und Farbtaf. 30.

34 Paris, BnF, Ms latin 9471, f. 27, entspricht mit Ausnahme des Goldgrunds und weniger hinzugekommener Figuren der Miniatur auf f. 178v. in Ms fr. 9561 (ebenda); siehe z.B. Meiss 1974 (wie Anm. 7), Abb. 871 f.; den Bezug der beiden Handschriften zu einander hat Jean Por-cher am intensivsten untersucht (‘Two Models for the Heures de Rohan’, in: Journal of the War-burg and Courtauld Institutes, 8 (1945), S. 1-6).

122 eberhard könig

Den Reitern der Belles Heures kommt jedoch meiner Meinung von allen Kreu-zigungsbildern das verlorene Urbild einer Komposition am nächsten, die ich hinter Miniaturen in Walters 221 in Baltimore, im Stundenbuch der Isabella Stuart, Founders 62 im Fitzwilliam Museum Cambridge und dem Stunden-buch der Marguerite d’Orléans, Ms latin 1156B in Paris, vermute.35 Deren frühe-ste datierte Spur geht immerhin zurück bis zu den 1409 vollendeten Grandes Heures des Herzogs von Berry.36

Raffinement oder Rechts-Links-Schwäche

Die ungewöhnliche Ausrichtung der Bildelemente im Schlussbild mag man auf ein bewusstes Raffinement zurückführen: Die Maler könnten absichtlich gegen die Erwartung verstoßen haben, dass jede wesentliche Bildentwicklung

35 Eberhard König, Französische Buchmalerei um 1450: Der Jouvenel-Maler, der Maler des Gen-fer Boccaccio und die Anfange Jean Fouquets (Berlin 1982), S. 121ff., Abb. 298, 299, 314.

36 Paris, BnF, Ms latin 919, f. 74: ebenda, Abb. 303.

. Fragment eines Stundenbuchs aus Rennes, Baltimore, Walters Art Museum, W , fol. : Kreuzannagelung und Kreuzigung


von links zu erfolgen habe. Sie mögen aber auch schlicht eine Rechts-Links-Schwäche gehabt haben.

Zunächst scheint die Vermutung einer eklatanten Schwäche ein ungebühr-liches Ansinnen, angesichts der eminenten Bedeutung der Limburgs. Doch gibt es in den Belles Heures mehr als eine Miniatur, die durch das Verhältnis von links und rechts irritiert, also wenigstens zeigt, dass die Limburgs von der Gleichsetzung des Lesens mit der Logik der Bilderzählung nichts wussten oder nicht viel hielten: Das krasseste Beispiel ist die nach herkömmlicher Lesart im Bild völlig unverständliche Intrige, die den heiligen Hieronymus aus Rom vertrieben hat (f. 185v.): Dort wird links die Folge von dem erzählt, was rechts angerichtet wird.

Die Leserichtung wird auch sonst gern umgekehrt: Einen Gegensinn erzeugt die Bildordnung auf f. 16, wo die von Maxentius zusammen gerufenen Philo-sophen sterben, ehe Katharina zu ihnen spricht, oder auf f. 20, wenn dort die Pilger bereits auf der beschwerlichen Reise zum Katharinenkloster am Sinai sind, bevor der Leib der Heiligen dort mit dem abgeschlagenen Haupt durch Engel wieder vereint wird. Dramatisch gewinnen einige Bilder, wenn beispiels-weise auf f. 16v. Katharinas Einkerkerung dem Betrachter gleichsam entgegen-kommt; dasselbe gilt für Faustinas Martyrium auf f. 18 oder die Ermordung der bekehrten Massen auf f. 19.

Man könnte darüber nachsinnen, wie weit solche Phänomene an eine Arbeits-phase gebunden sind oder gar einen der Limburgs von seinen Brüdern unter-scheiden; denn in den Geschichten von der Einrichtung der Litanei (f. 74-75v.) oder von der Gründung der Großen Kartause (f. 94-97v.) trifft man solche Probleme ebenso wenig wie in den Zyklen der Kindheitsgeschichte und der Passion, in den Geschichten von Heraklius (f. 157) oder in den Suffragien. Doch in der Legende des Kirchenvaters Hieronymus werden ganze Passagen umgedreht; das gilt nicht nur für das schon zitierte f. 184v., sondern ebenso für f. 185, wo man nicht weiß, ob mit der Seefahrt die Reise vor oder nach dem Treffen mit Gregor von Nazianz gemeint ist.

Noch irritierender wirkt die Andacht des heiligen Hieronymus in der Gra-beskirche zu Jerusalem auf f. 185v.: In einem eigentümlichen Zitat wachen hier die Soldaten aus der Osternacht immer noch am Grab des Herrn, der zu Zei-ten des Kirchenvaters schon lange auferstanden war.

Die Erfindung der Bildformeln und die Ausmalung der Belles Heures

Die Vertauschung von Links und Rechts scheint jeweils einen Eingriff in einen ersten Entwurf zu verraten. Das zeigt sich am krassesten beim Besuch der

124 eberhard könig

. Belles Heures, fol. v: Intrige gegen Hieronymus in Rom


Kaiserin Faustina in Katharinas Kerker (f. 17v.): Diese Szene erscheint wie einige andere in späteren Handschriften vollständiger als in der Fassung für den Herzog von Berry: In den Belles Heures fehlt Kaiser Maxentius; doch nur weil der zugesehen hat, wie sich die Kaiserin heimlich zur Heiligen schlich, musste Faustina in der nächsten Szene noch vor Katharina den Märtyrertod sterben. Im Spitz-Stundenbuch zwängt sich auf f. 45v. der brutale Beobachter geradezu ins Bild; das ist ästhetisch weniger elegant; ihn wegzulassen, empfahl sich also durchaus.37

Die Belles Heures erweisen sich an dieser Stelle nicht als Schöpfungswerk. So neu und revolutionär die Entwürfe der Limburgs auch in ihrer Zeit waren, so sind sie keineswegs mit der Arbeit in den Belles Heures entstanden. In den New Yorker Bildern bewegen sich die Brüder sogar bereits ein Stück weg von der Phase, in denen sie die Bilder entworfen haben!

Der zeitliche Ablauf

Man kann nur annäherungsweise sagen, wann die Belles Heures entstanden sind. Meiss und Farber stimmen, wie schon gesagt, darin überein, dass 1408 ein gutes Datum ist. Freilich wird solch ein Buch nicht an einem Tage gemacht; und gerade die Jugend der Limburgs macht ihre mögliche Entwicklung bei der Arbeit an den vielen Miniaturen besonders interessant.

Vom Arbeitsprozess zeugen die wenigen Spuren des Unvollendeten: Am Ende der Katharinenlegende blieb ein für Malerei grundiertes Bildfeld ohne Text leer, weil man offenbar die Zahl der erforderlichen Bilder falsch berech-net hatte – ein Unikum in der Geschichte des Stundenbuchs, das wieder die mangelnde Vertrautheit der Maler mit ihren Aufgaben verrät. Einzelne Bor-düren lassen Felder frei, die nicht ausgemalt wurden. Was geplant war, zeigt auf f. 27 ein Engelchen, das in ein derart unvollendet gebliebenes Randfeld hineingezeichnet wurde.

Nachträglich umgestellt wurden die beiden Lagen mit Geschichten der Alt-väter; zunächst hätte von Antonius und Paulus Eremita die Rede sein müssen; dann erst von Hieronymus; denn ihm verdanken wir ja die Berichte aus der Th ebaischen Wüste. Von seiner prächtigeren Bordüre her erhebt auch das Ein-gangsbild mit der Flucht des Paulus aus Rom (f. 191) Anspruch darauf, den ganzen Block der Bilder einzuleiten; die Rubrik auf f. 182v. aber ist bereits auf

37 Siehe Abb. bei Gregory T. Clark, Th e Spitz Master. A Parisian Book of Hours (Los Angeles 2003), S. 17.

126 eberhard könig

. Belles Heures, fol. v: Besuch der Kaiserin Faustina in Katharinas Gefängnis


. Spitz-Stundenbuch, Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, ms. , fol. v: Besuch der Kaiserin Faustina in Katharinas Gefängnis

128 eberhard könig

das eingestellt, was man heute vor sich hat, wenn es heißt, es folgten die Mes-sen, und zwar zunächst von Weihnachten; zuerst aber sei das Leben des heili-gen Hieronymus gesetzt (‘Sequitur misse. Et primo de nativitate domini n(ost)ri ih(es)u xp(ist)i. Et primo ponitur vita beati ieronimi tota ystoriata’).

Gleich mehrere wichtige Aufschlüsse ergeben sich hieraus: Der Schreiber reflektiert offenbar zunächst einmal, dass hier direkt die Messen anzuschließen hätten, dass dazwischen aber etwas geschaltet wurde, was anfangs gar nicht geplant war. Im Hinweis auf die volle Bebilderung (‘tota ystoriata’) drückt sich noch die Verwunderung über die eingeschalteten Passagen ein, die nicht dem Schreiber, sondern den Limburgs zu verdanken sind. Dabei gibt der Kopist schließlich den Stand der Dinge wieder, nachdem man entschieden hatte, die nachgetragenen Lagen umzustellen, als die Vita des Hieronymus vorzuziehen.

Die Belles Heures sind, wie diese Rubrik indirekt verrät, ganz offenbar in mehreren Etappen geschaffen worden. Am Anfang stand ein recht schlichtes Konzept, das von den Haupttexten ausging, also Kalender und Marien-Offizium, Bußpsalmen, Horen von Heilig Kreuz und Heilig Geist, das Toten-Offizium und die Suffragien enthielt. In einem weiteren Schritt kamen dann Perikopen, Mariengebete sowie am Abschluss die Messen hinzu. Alle diese Abschnitte wurden so kopiert, dass jeder vernünftige Pariser Buchmaler zu ihrer Ausmalung in Frage gekommen wäre.

Die Übergänge zwischen den Planstufen waren fließend; gekennzeichnet wird die Entwicklung durch den zunehmenden Einfluss der Limburgs. Schon bei den französischen Gebeten der XV Freuden (f. 88) und VII Klagen (f. 91v.) bestimmten die Buchmaler, was der Schreiber zu tun hatte. Ihre Rolle nahm zu bei der Aufnahme des Passions-Offiziums, das in einzigartiger Weise zur Matutin drei und zu allen anderen Horen jeweils zwei Eingangsbilder erhielt (ff. 123-54). Ganz und gar Sache der Maler waren dann die Partien, die ganz historisiert wurden; und die Verwunderung darüber reicht bis ins Inventar von 1413, wenn dort gesagt wird ‘Unes belles heures . . . et au commencement est le kalendrier, . . . et aprés est historiée la vie et passion de saincte Katherine . . .’, also die Bildervita der heiligen Katharina besonders hervorgehoben wird.38

Das Schlussbild mit dem kleinen P im Türmchen nimmt in diesem Zusam-menhang eine schwer einzuschätzende Sonderstellung im Buch ein: Es ist nachgetragen; auch der Text gehört nicht zum Buchblock. Deshalb wird man die Malerei später als den Buchblock und damit die meisten Miniaturen in den Belles Heures ansetzen müssen. Unklar bleibt jedoch, ob diese Darstellung vor oder nach den eingefügten Bildergeschichten entstanden ist.

38 Voller Text beispielsweise bei König, op. cit. (Anm. 3), S. 10.


Meine nur vom Augenschein bestimmte Vermutung, das Buch enthalte an verschiedenen Stellen statt echter Bifolia am Falz kunstvoll zusammengeklebte Einzelblätter, hat Lawson nicht geprüft. Dieses Vorgehen, das ich nirgendwo sonst beobachtet habe, verrät, dass es den Limburgs offenbar auch darauf ankam, während der Arbeit eingetretene Planänderungen zu verschleiern: Die Geschichte der Litanei wird auf einem solchen falschen Doppelblatt (ff. 73/74) geschildert; f. 155, vor dem der Beginn der Suffragien Trinität fehlt, hat man mit f. 162 zusammengekleistert; auch das darin liegende Doppelblatt aus f. 156 und 161 ist nicht kohärent.

Das Ergebnis

Die Belles Heures sind vermutlich bereits in fürstlicher Isolierung, im Schloß des Herzogs in Bicêtre südlich der Pariser Stadtgrenze, und nicht in der Metro-pole selbst entstanden. Sie sind das einzige vollendete Werk der Limburgs, wenn man vom Valerius Maximus des Vatikans absieht, der nur ein kleines Eingangbild erhielt.39 Nur die Bordüren in den Lagen mit den Evangelisten und den Messen sind teilweise unfertig. Das wurde möglich durch eine eigen-tümliche Arbeitsweise: Nachdem der Schreiber zunächst einmal ein geradezu banales Manuskript geliefert hatte, konnten die Limburgs im ersten Schritt zeigen, dass sie ein völlig normales Stundenbuch mit guten Miniaturen zu schmücken verstanden. Da ist nichts wirklich Herausragendes, wenn man vom künstlerischen Detail der Ausführung, beispielsweise der stillen Geniali-tät der Verkündigungsminiatur auf f. 30 absieht.

Auch die folgenden Texte konnten die Brüder aus Nimwegen nicht wirk-lich fordern. Erst als die Limburgs die Leitung des Projekts in die eigenen Hände nahmen, gewannen die Belles Heures jene Gestalt, für die sie berühmt sind. Im Vergleich mit den nur wenig später entstandenen Miniaturen – dem oben erwähnten Schlussbild der Petites Heures oder den Miniaturen in den Très Belles und den Très Riches Heures zeigt sich, wie stark das Format als Fessel wirkt: In den kleinen fast quadratischen Miniaturen in New York regiert die Figur, hat Landschaft kaum Platz; hier ist es die Fülle des Ähnlichen, das den Betrachter in den Bann schlägt, während die Miniaturen in Chantilly die jun-gen Maler dazu einluden, sich gestalterisch so weit auszubreiten, dass zugleich auch die Strenge und Klarheit des vollendeten frühen Werks verloren zu gehen drohte.

39 Rom, Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, Reg. lat. 939; De Gebroeders Van Limburg, op. cit. (Anm. 2), Nr. 103.

Guelders-France. Another Connection around 14001

Herman Th . ColenbranderIndependent Scholar, Amsterdam, Netherlands

Around 1396, Johan Maelwael, and his nephews some years later successively, went to France, the mightiest kingdom of the West, to seek their fortune. However, there were more connections between Guelders and France at the time. In 1404 the brother of the French king, Louis d’Orléans, arranged a marriage between Reinout, duke of Guelders and his niece Marie d’Harcourt, and 16 August of the following year she arrived at the castle of Rozendaal where she was heartedly welcomed.2 A miniature of Mary in the prayer-book the duchess had written in Dutch in 1415 was related to a drawing in Uppsala and considered as proof for the influence of the French court culture she had introduced in Guelders.3 Th is perception was further enhanced by a few let-ters exchanged between Marie and the duke of Berry.4 But also at a lower level in society there were connections. At the brutal murder attack on Louis d’Orléans on 23 November 1407, one of his écuyers who had tried to protect him, was also killed. His name was Jacob van Melkeren, born in Herssen near

1 For a full discussion of the proposition advanced here I would like to refer to my doctoral thesis upheld on 1 December 2006 at the University of Amsterdam, entitled Op zoek naar de Gebroeders Van Limburg. De Très Riches Heures in het Musée Condé in Chantilly, Het Wapenboek Gelre in de Koninklijke Bibliotheek Albert I in Brussel en Jan Maelwael en zijn neefj es Polequin, Jehannequin en Herman van Limburg.

2 Gerard Nijsten, Het hof van Gelre. Cultuur ten tijde van de hertogen uit het Gulikse en Egmondse huis (1371-1473) (2nd edn.; Kampen 1993), pp. 98-9, 269. English edition: Gerard Nijsten, In the Shadow of Burgundy: the court of Guelders in the late Middle Ages (Cambridge 2004).

3 Th e Prayer-book is now divided between Berlin, MS Germ. Qu. 42 and Vienna, Cod. 1908, the miniature in question being f. 19v. of the Berlin part, cf. De Gebroeders Van Limburg. Nijmeegse meesters aan het Franse hof 1400-1416, ed. Rob Dückers & Pieter Roelofs (Gent 2005), pp. 254-5, no. 24 (drawing in Uppsala), pp. 250-1, no. 22-3 (Prayer-book of Mary of Guelders).

4 For the correspondence, cf: Nijsten, op. cit. (n. 2: 1993), pp. 98-9.

132 herman th. colenbrander

Nijmegen. His family was later on, in 1415, compensated by John the Fearless, duke of Burgundy and perpetrator of the murder.5

A further connection is the fact that Jean de Berry bought from a certain Jean de Nymègue a ring with an emerald fly in 1403 and between 1403 and 1408 he bought again from this same Jean de Nymègue a costly chessboard. An identification of Jean de Nymègue with Jehannequin of Limbourg, one of the Limbourg brothers, is unlikely because of the age of the latter. However, it has to be noted that later on, in 1413, Jehannequin inscribed himself in the guild of the Parisian goldsmiths.6

Th e examples put forward here deal with incidental cases, from which little can be concluded as to the broader cultural influences between Guelders and France, nor, for that matter, the reciprocal stylistic impact on, for example, the art of painting. Th e existing generalised opinions on these matters must be qualified as rather premature. Given the occasion here to broaden the scope somewhat, I would like to point out a hitherto unnoticed example of a con-nection between Guelders and France.

One of the great treasures of the Royal Library at Brussels is the Wapenboek Gelre, an armorial compiled by the herald Gelre (MS 15652-56). Th e manuscript was mentioned and illustrated in the catalogue of the Nijmegen exhibition, but the manuscript itself could not be present since it was on display elsewhere.7 It contains a large illustration of the Emperor and his electors (illus. 1). Th is illustra-tion is a lightly coloured pen drawing and is located, by way of title-page, at the beginning of that part of the armorial which contains some 1800 coats of arms of the nobility of the German Empire, the kingdom of France and other kingdoms, duchies and counties. Th e manuscript was never completed

5 P. Raymond, ‘Enquête du prévôt de Paris sur l’assassinat de Louis Ier du duc d’Orléans’, in: Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, 26 (1865), pp. 215-19, esp. p. 217; P. Champion, La vie de Charles d’Orléans (1394-1465), vol. 1 (Paris 1911), pp. 45-6. His name was also spelled as Jacques de Meckeren and Jacob de Merré; B. Schnerb, Jean sans Peur. Le prince meurtrier (Paris 2005), pp. 209, 233 (Archives du Nord, Lille (ADN) B 659 nr.15 294).

6 ‘Un tablier et eschaquier d’argent doré et de cristaulx, garni d’eschaz d’argent doré et blanc. . . . IIIc frans’: J. Guiffrey, Inventaires de Jean Duc de Berry (1401-1416 ), 2 vols. (Paris 1894-6), vol. 1, p. 90, no. 296, and on the 13th of September 1403 in Mehun-sur-Yèvre: ‘Un annel d’or ou il a une mouche faicte d’esmeraude. . . .’ (ibid. vol. 1, p. 123, no. 401); Ph. Henwood, ‘Les orfèvres parisiens pendant le règne de Charles VI (1380-1422)’, in: Bulletin archéologique du Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, 15 (1981), pp. 85-180, esp. p. 160; E. Kovács, ‘Hansse Melluel páriszi ötvós, 1413’, in: Müveszettörténetí éresitö, 33, 1 (1984), pp. 42-5.

7 De Gebroeders Van Limburg, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 66-7. At the time of the Nijmegen exhibi-tion, the codex was on display in an exhibition of highlights from the Royal Library, Brussels.

guelders-france. another connection around 133

1. Th e Emperor and his electors, coloured pen drawing, Wapenboek Gelre, f. 26r., MS 15652-56, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Brussels.

as numerous coats of arms were never executed; others are incomplete, often missing their crests or their legends. Th e part preceding the armorial proper contains texts in which the author mentioned himself several times as the herald Gelre. His portrait as a herald is also to be found in the manuscript. Van Anrooij has proven that the herald Gelre can be identified with Claes Heynenzoon who, presumably, died shortly after 1414.8 Th e dating of the manuscript is still problematic. In the 19th century, the conviction prevailed that the emperor depicted on the ‘titlepage’ represented Charles IV; hence it was thought the manuscript dated from around 1356. But nowadays, the man-uscript is generally dated around 1400, and the idea the imperial ruler repre-sents a contemporaneous emperor is not considered likely any more.9

As appears from the coats of arms in the manuscript the herald must have been skilled with the pen and the brush. However, the discrepancy in quality, between the way the coats of arms in the armorial are executed on the one

8 W. van Anrooij, ‘Th e Gelre Wapenboek and its Most Important Miniatures’, in: Proceedings of the Congress on Medieval Manuscript Illumination in the Northern Netherlands, Utrecht 10-13 December 1989, ed. K. van der Horst & J.-C. Klamt (Doornspijk 1991), pp. 295-302.

9 G. Schmidt, ‘Das Kaiser-und-Kurfürsten-Bild im “Wapenboek” des Herolds Gelre’, in: Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 34 (1981), pp. 71-99, illus. 37-55.


hand, and the skilled execution of the drawing of the Emperor and his electors and the gouache with the portrait of the herald on the other, is such that in all probability the ‘title-page’ and the portrait were done by a professional artist. Th e names of the two older Maelwaels, Herman and Willem, were proposed though they died probably in 1397. Willem’s son, Johan Maelwael, was already in Paris by 1396 and later on he was working in Dijon in the service of the duke of Burgundy, Philip the Bold.

After the death of the duke of Guelders in 1402, the herald Gelre entered the service of William of Oostervant, who succeeded his father two years later as count William VI of Holland, Seeland and Hainaut. Shortly after that the herald started to call himself ‘Beieren quondam Gelre’. Dating parts of the manuscript to the time the herald was in the service of William was considered likely by Verbij-Schillings.10 In any case the manuscript was not ordered by, nor intended for, the duke of Guelders, as all indications for this assumption are missing. It was not dedicated to the duke, nor is his coat of arms, or those of his liegemen, prominently represented in the manuscript. However, the manuscript is connected with Guelders by the person of the herald Gelre.

Th e drawing of the Emperor and the electors in the second part of the manu-script is exceptional. As Van Anrooy has proven, the drawing is not a later insertion on a separate leaf: it is an integral part of the manuscript. As men-tioned before, the drawing was intended as the ‘title-page’ of the original armo-rial.11 In 1952, Margaret Rickert pointed to the stylistic similarities between the drawing and a loose miniature in the Louvre with a representation of Th e Confessors (RF 2023v) (illus. ). Th e figures and the faces are fairly well match-ing and the infra-red photograph of the miniature (illus. ) tends to confirm Rickerts observations. Th e hatching at the feet of the figures looks quite the same (illus. , and ). As it seems, the drawing may be made by the same draughtsman.

Th e miniature in the Louvre, with four other ones, comes from the so-called Hours of Turin (Turin, Bibliothèque nationale K.IV.29), a famous Book of Hours that was lost at a fire in the Royal Library in Turin in 1904. Th is manu-script, together with two other volumes – one originally in Milan but after 1904 donated to the Museo Civico in Turin; the other in the Bibliothèque nationale at Paris (MS Nouv. acq. lat. 3093) – originally formed an Hours-Missal, the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, a manuscript that was split up in

10 Het Haagse handschrift van heraut Beyeren, Hs. Den Haag, Koninklijke Bibliotheek 131 G 37, ed. J.Verbij-Schillings (Hilversum 1999).

11 Van Anrooij, art.cit. (n. 8), pp. 295-302.


2. Th e Confessors, miniature RF 2023v., Musée du Louvre, Paris.


three parts at an unknown date and from which the four leaves with the five miniatures were stolen some time in the 18th or the 19th century.12

One of the best known miniatures of the lost volume formerly in Turin is the Debarkment of William VI, which is often ascribed to Jan van Eyck himself, a later addition to the manuscript. Th is miniature, alas, is also lost. But in

12 A.H. van Buren e.a., Heures de Turin-Milan, Inv. No. 47, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Torino (Luzern 1996); Albert Châtelet, Jean van Eyck enlumineur. Les Heures de Turin et de Milan-Turin (Strasbourg 1993); Eberhard König, Die Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame des Herzogs von Berry. Handschrift Nouv.acq.lat. 3093, Bibliothèque nationale Paris (Luzern 1992); idem, Die Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame von Jean de France Duc de Berry. Ein Meisterwerk an der Schwelle zur Neu-zeit (München 1998).

3. Th e Confessors, infrared photograph (by J. R. J. van Asperen de Boer and M. Faries), Rijksbureau voor Kunsthistorische Documentatie, Th e Hague.


4. Detail of illus. 3.

5. Detail of illus. 1 (left).

6. Detail of illus. 1 (right).


recent years a miniature from the burnt manuscript surfaced and was acquired by the J.Paul Getty Museum in Los Angeles. James Marrow devoted a thor-ough study to this miniature which was also a later addition.13 All the other miniatures of the lost part in Turin are only known through the descriptions and the photographical reproductions which Paul Durrieu published in 1902, 1910 and 1922.14

Th e miniature of Th e Confessors appears to have been part of a series of miniatures illustrating the short prayers to the Saints (the Suffrages). Of these the following items will concern us here: Saint John the Baptist in the Desert (f. 56), Th e Patriarchs, Th e Prophets and Apostles (f. 57v.), Mary Magdalene at Christ’s feet in the house of Simon (f. 58), Th e Martyrs, Louvre (recto, illus. 8), Th e Confessors, Louvre (verso, illus. 2), St. Jerome in his Study Assisted by two Clerks (f. 80v.), and a Donor Praying to the Virgin and Child (f. 78v., illus. ). As for this last miniature, the prayer stool of the kneeling figure is clad with the arms of Berry, so the figure may be Jean de Berry, and this is confirmed by other portraits of the duke. Moreover, it is well known that the manuscript of the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame belonged to the duke at some moment. For that reason it is very likely the duke himself had these miniatures added to the manuscript.

Th e period in which he had this done, can approximately ascertained: it is the time in which he had the Grandes Heures made (Paris, Bibliothèque nation-ale, MS lat. 919). Th is Book of Hours was finished in the year 1409, according to the ex-libris in the manuscript itself.15 If Jean de Berry was also the one who had replaced the calendar in the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame (in the vol-ume now in the Bibliothèque nationale at Paris), then these additions may date between 1404 and 1409, as this calendar contains the obit of his brother Philip the Bold who died on 27 April 1404.16

13 James H. Marrow, ‘Une page inconnue des Heures de Turin’, in : Revue de l’art, 135 (2002), pp. 67-76.

14 Paul Durrieu, Heures de Turin. Quarante-cinq feuillets à peintures provenant des Très Belles Heures de Jean de France, duc de Berry (reprint with a postscript by Albert Châtelet; Turin 1967); idem, ‘L’enlumineur et le miniaturiste’, in: Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres. Comptes rendus des séances (1910), pp. 330-46; idem, Les Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame du duc Jean de Berry (Paris 1922).

15 Millard Meiss, French painting in the time of Jean de Berry. Th e late XIVth century and the patronage of the duke, 2 vols. (London 1969) [1st ed. 1967]; Marcel Th omas, Les Grandes Heures de Jean de France, duc de Berry (Paris 1971).

16 König, op. cit. (n. 12: 1992); idem, e.a., Les feuillets du Louvre et les Heures de Turin dis-parues, (Luzern 1994); idem, op. cit. (n. 12: 1998).


7. Jean de Berry in prayer to the Virgin Mary and the Christ child, miniature [f. 78v.] in the Hours of Turin (lost).


On the reverse of the leaf with the miniature with Th e Confessors in the Louvre, one can find, quite unusually, another miniature, depicting Th e Martyrs, (illus. ) which is, stylistically seen, slightly different. Meiss christened the anonymous masters working on these and other miniatures in the manuscript after the subject of miniatures they worked on: ‘the Baptist Master’ and ‘the Master of the Martyrs’, but a clear distinction between the two masters is not very easily drawn. In any case, the miniature of Th e Martyrs (illus. and ) shows the same hand as the one showing Th e Pentecost in a Book of Hours in the British Library in London (MS Yates Th ompson, f. 122, illus. 9), which is written according to the use of Bourges.17 Th is manuscript was not made for the duke, but for another unknown patron. Th e other miniatures in this London manu-script show the hands of the same equipe responsible for the miniatures in the Grandes Heures of the duke. Th is Book of Hours was qualified as the work by Jacquemart de Hodin ‘et autres ouvriers’ of the duke.

It was as yet not possible to establish if the Grandes Heures and the manu-script in London were made in Bourges or Paris. In the years 1401 to 1410, Jean de Berry resided mainly in Paris. From the beginning of November 1408 until March 1409 he stayed in the Berry and the Poitou. From April 1410 onwards, he lived in the south for a longer period and did not return to Paris before November 1412. His long absence from Paris had everything to do with the conflict between the Armagnacs and the Bourguignons.18 Th ere is, however, no reason to assume that the manuscripts under discussion had to be made under the direct supervision of the duke, nor is there any indication all these painters were in the duke’s personal service.

In the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, that is to say in the part now in the Bibliothèque nationale at Paris, there is yet another series of miniatures which attracts our attention. Th is part, which was mainly ‘historiated’ – so to speak – by the so-called ‘Parament Master’, contains an office of the Holy Ghost which was apparently illustrated later on by another master. Th is illuminator, who Meiss baptised ‘the Master of the Holy Ghost’, is an impressive and fascinating artist who was responsible for the following six miniatures: Th e Baptism

17 Meiss, op. cit. (n. 15), pp. 328-9; Montague Rhodes James, A Descriptive catalogue of fifty manuscripts from the collection by H. Yates Th ompson (Cambridge 1898), pp. 43-5, no. 9; H. Yates Th ompson, Illustrations from one hundred manuscripts in the library of H. Yates Th ompson. Th e seventh and last volume, with plates from the remaining twenty-two manuscripts (London 1918), Pls. XVI-XX, no. HYT cat. CVI, vol. IV.

18 Itinéraire of Jean de Berry, cf. F. Lehoux, Jean de France, duc de Berri. Sa vie, son action politique (1340-1416), 3 vols. (Paris 1966-8), vol. 3, pp. 423-513, esp. pp. 504-10.


8. Th e Martyrs, miniature RF 2023, Musée du Louvre, Paris.


9. Th e Pentecost, miniature f. 122, Yates Th ompson 37, British Library, London.


10. Detail of illus. 9

11. Detail of illus. 8.


(p. 162), Th e Pentecost (p. 162), Th e Resurrection (p. 169), Th e Descent of the Holy Ghost on the Faithful (p. 173), Th e Washed, Sanctified and Justified (I.Cor.6:11) (p. 176), and Th e Apostles going forth to preach (p. 178). I assume, for the time being, that these miniatures were added in about the same period as the Grandes Heures were made, that is to say 1404-1409.19

For example, the typical little trees (illus. -) in both manuscripts are quite identical, and in the Pentecost-scene in the Grandes Heures, the example of the Master of the Holy Ghost in the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame was clearly followed. Meiss even discerned in Th e Baptism (p. 162) the hand of the so-called Baptist Master (of the first series of miniatures discussed here) and presumed a collaboration of these three masters. Th is seems not unlikely.

However, the extraordinary characteristic heads in the miniatures by the Holy Ghost Master recall those of the electors in the drawing of the Emperor and his electors in the Guelders armorial. Typical are the upturned, broad bearded faces. Th is seems to suggest that we have two series of miniatures made in Paris, or maybe Bourges, which show characteristics of the drawing of the Emperor and the electors which is related to Guelders. Th ey seem to represent a northern influence in Paris.

Th is supposition may find a confirmation in the fact that these two series of miniatures show stylistic and iconographical similarities with works by three other masters, active in this same period, not far outside Guelders: Conrad von Soest, (illus. ) the Masters of Th e Golden Panels and Master Francke (illus. ). Conrad von Soest worked in Dortmund.20 Th e Golden Panels, now in Hannover, were made for the Saint Michael in Lüneburg.21 Master Francke worked in Hamburg but probably has been active also in Münster.22 Comparing the heads and iconography of the two series of miniatures to the works of these three mas-ters in Germany, we see a tradition emerge that the miniatures seem to fit in. We must take into account that parts of the work by Master Francke, that have survived, date from a slightly later period (c. 1410-1414 for the Barbara altarpiece in Helsinki and 1424 for the Th omas altarpiece in Hamburg, which was commis-sioned in that year). But one of the few things we know about Master Francke

19 Meiss, op. cit. (n. 15). König, op. cit. (n.12: 1998). Th e miniatures attributed to the Holy Ghost-Master may be dated earlier.

20 B. Corley, Conrad von Soest, Painter among Merchant Princes (London 1996). 21 Th e Golden panels: Corley, op. cit. (n. 20), pp. 226-31. 22 Exhibited in Meister Francke und die Kunst um 1400. Ausstellung zur Jahrhundert-Feier der

Hamburger Kunsthalle (Hamburg 1969); Goldgrund und Himmelslicht. Die Kunst des Mittelalters in Hamburg, Hamburger Kunsthalle, 19 November 1999-5 March 2000 (Hamburg 1999-2000).


12. Tree, Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, Th e Resurrection of the death, detail, p. 169, Nouv. acq. lat. 3093, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris.

13. Trees, Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, Th e Resurrection of the death, detail, p. 169, Nouv. acq. lat. 3093, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris.


14. Tree, Grandes Heures de Jean de Berry, Lamentation of Christ, detail, f. , ms. lat. , Bibliothèque nationale, Paris.

15. Trees, Grandes Heures de Jean de Berry, Calendar, month of June, detail, ms. lat. 919, Bibliothèque nationale, Paris.


17. Master Francke, Th e St Barbara altarpiece, Th e Death of the Virgin, carved relief, detail, National Museum of Finland Helsinki.

16. Conrad von Soest, Niederwildungen Altarpiece, Stadtkirche Bad Wildungen, Th e Ascension of Christ, detail (reversed).


is that he came from either the city or the county of Zutphen, in the duchy of Guelders.

Conclusion

In the two series of miniatures in a manuscript owned by the duke the Berry we have traced artists who, just like the Limbourg Brothers, were working for the duke in Paris, or even in Bourges, and had ties with Guelders. Th e ques-tion remains: Who were they? Until further evidence comes to the surface, we can but conclude that not all the riddles of the art of painting in Guelders are solved a s y et.

A Close Encounter? Th e Limbourg Brothers and Illumination in the Northern Netherlands in the

First Half of the Fifteenth Century

Rob DückersEmerson College, Boston, Massachusetts, USA

Introduction1

One of the most rewarding results one can hope for when mounting an exhi-bition, is that grouping together or juxtaposing works of art will bring to light new relationships that hitherto have gone unnoticed, or have not been given the prominence they deserve. Th e exhibition Th e Limbourg Brothers. Nijmegen Masters at the French Court (1400-1416), shown at Museum Het Valkhof in Nijmegen in the autumn of 2005, provided such an opportunity. In this exhi-bition, both the section on art in Guelders and the surrounding regions and the section on the followers of the Limbourg brothers, showed several manu-scripts that incorporated compositions – or elements thereof – copied from the Limbourgs. Th at compositions by these formidable artists were used by illuminators in the Northern Netherlands had already been recognised and brought to attention, especially in the monumental exhibition Th e Golden Age of Dutch Manuscript Painting in Utrecht and New York in 1989-1990 and its accompanying catalogue. Th ese borrowings, nevertheless, were only obvi-ous in a few Dutch manuscripts, not all of which could be included in the Nijmegen exhibition. However, as one slowly becomes more and more famil-iar with the compositions by the Limbourgs over time – an opportunity I was given by Museum Het Valkhof when I was invited to co-curate the exhibition and co-edit the catalogue – one suddenly starts to notice that elements from Limbourg compositions recur in Northern Netherlandish manuscripts on a

1 Th is contribution is a much revised and expanded version of the paper I presented at the conference. Many of the borrowings of compositions by the Limbourgs included in this contri-bution I had not yet discovered at the time of the conference.

150 rob dückers

much larger scale than one would expect, and that these borrowings often have gone unnoticed in previous studies of the manuscripts in question.2

Th is contribution aims at drawing attention to the phenomenon that a lot of compositions by the Limbourgs – both what appear to be original composi-tions by the Limbourgs themselves and compositions they created using also elements borrowed from others – have entered the artistic vocabulary of illu-minators, active in the Northern Netherlands in the period 1415-50, and are used in their work. To demonstrate this, a number of re-used Limbourg com-positions, found in Dutch manuscripts, were identified and tabulated. Th e tables presented in appendix 1a-c show a total of 26 manuscripts or parts thereof from the Northern Netherlands, dating between 1415 and 1450, in which compositions or motifs borrowed from the Limbourg brothers can be traced. Th ese borrowings vary from relatively faithful copies of major parts of a Limbourg composition to individual motifs that are copied. In between these extremities and therefore more common are those cases where illumina-tors use several key elements from a Limbourg composition and also copy their relative spatial setting, that is to say that the elements and figures bor-rowed from the Limbourg composition recur in more or less the same juxta-position, pose and/or spatial relationship in the new composition. However, quite often in such cases, other important details in the original that would have helped to disclose the source, such as architecture, landscape features or secondary figures, are not copied at all, which makes the composition difficult to recognise as a partial copy of a Limbourg brothers’ original.

Th e tables in appendix 1a-c cannot claim to be exhaustive. Th ey have been compiled mainly from reproductions in the literature.3 Out of the 26 manuscripts

2 At this point, I would like to thank Dr. Patricia Stirnemann, who commented on some of the points raised during my presentation at the conference and whose remarks helped me to define points more clearly. I hope she will find at least an echo of her useful criticism in this writ-ten version. I also owe many thanks to Drs. Dorine van Heerdt tot Eversberg, who allowed me to use her 1985 unpublished Master’s thesis on the Leefdael Hours (Utrecht, University Library, MS 5.J.26), not only confirming my suspicion of links between the work of the Limbourg broth-ers and the two artists who illuminated this manuscript, i.e. the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle and the Passion Master of Mary of Guelders, but also drawing my attention to parallels I had overlooked. Finally, I must express my gratitude to the curators of the manuscript collections that have enabled me to study a number of the manuscripts discussed here. I would especially like to convey my gratitude to Roger S. Wieck of the Morgan Library and Museum, New York, who not only facilitated my study of the Egmont Breviary (M. 87), but who also was very helpful in providing me with reproductions for further study.

3 In the introduction to the appendices, references to reproductions of the compositions indicated in the tables are given, so that the reader has the opportunity to reaffirm the comments

the limbourgs and illumination in the northern netherlands 151

mentioned, I have only been able to study seven, plus a few fragments, in autopsy.4 Several very interesting manuscripts, that I have not as yet seen,

made. Th ese references have been made in shortened form. A full bibliography of the titles referred to there is given here: A.W. Byvanck, De Middeleeuwsche Boekillustratie in de Noordelijke Nederlanden (Antwerp, etc. 1943); L. Delaissé, A Century of Dutch Manuscript Illumination (Ber-keley, etc. 1968); F. Gorissen, Das Stundenbuch der Katharina von Kleve. Analyse und Kommentar (Berlin 1973); B. Haller, Ein Gotisches Prachtmissale aus Utrecht (Münster 1996); C. de Hamel, A History of Illuminated Manuscripts, (London 1994); K. van der Horst, Illuminated and Deco-rated Medieval Manuscripts in the University Library, Utrecht. An illustrated Catalogue (Maarssen, etc. 1989); J. Marrow, ‘Dutch Manuscript Illumination before the Master of Catherine of Cleves: the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle’ in: Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 19 (1968), pp. 51-113; Masters and Miniatures. Proceedings of the Congress on Medieval Manuscript Illumina-tion in the Northern Netherlands (Utrecht, 10-13 December 1989), ed. K. van der Horst and J.-C. Klamt (Doornspijk 1991); P. Obbema, ‘Boeken uit het atelier. De handschriften van de 15de eeuw’, in: Kunstschrift 33/6 (1989), pp. 17-24; E. Panofsky, Early Netherlandisch Painting (New York, etc. 1971); J. Plummer, Het getijdenboek van Katharina van Kleef (2nd edn.; Amsterdam 1975); L. Randall, ‘Pea-pods and Molluscs from the Master of Catherine of Cleves workshop’, in: Apollo (1974), pp. 372-9; E. Schreiber, Niederländische Buchmalerei. Die Miniaturen des Culen-borch-Missales in Brixen (Bozen 1992); Th e Golden Age of Manuscript Painting, ed. H. Defoer, e.a., (Stuttgart, etc. 1989); Th e Limbourg Brothers. Nijmegen Masters at the French Court 1400-1416, ed. R. Dückers & P. Roelofs (Gent 2005); W. de Vreese, Een Noordnederlandsch handschrift met ‘verlichterien’ uit het midden van de 15de eeuw. ‘De meester met het stompje’ (Th e Hague 1922). Dig-ital images of all the miniatures in manuscripts from the Royal Library in the Hague – including the ones mentioned in the appendix – are available through www.kb.nl/manuscripts. Reproduc-tions of the miniatures of the Limbourg brothers’ Belles Heures and Très Riches Heures are widely available, both in high quality full colour facsimiles of the entire manuscripts (published by the Faksimile Verlag Luzern), or in partial facsimiles, reproducing all the miniatures, published in several different languages and editions. For the Bible Moralisée, the only publication to date to reproduce all the miniatures by the Limbourg brothers is M. Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry. Th e Limbourgs and Th eir Contemporaries, vol. 2 (New York 1973), figs. 278-325. For the reconstruction of the lost miniature from the Belles Heures, mentioned in appendix 1a, cf. John Plummer, ‘A blank page in the Belles Heures’, in: Gatherings in honor of Dorothy E. Miner, ed. Ursula E. McCracken (Baltimore 1974), pp. 193-202 and Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit (n. 3) pp. 384-5. For the miniatures added to the Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame, cf. F. Boespflug & E. König, Les ‘Très Belles Heures’ de Jean de France, duc de Berry (Paris 1998), pp. 75-81.

4 Th ese are the Leefdael Hours (Utrecht, University Library, MS 5.J.26), the Egmont Breviary (New York, Morgan Library and Museum, MS M.87), a detached miniature from the Egmont Breviary (Utrecht, University Library, MS 12.C.17), three Books of Hours (Rotterdam, Gemeen-tebibliotheek, MS 96 G 12, Th e Hague, Royal Library, MS 131 M 31, Th e Hague, Royal Library, MS 79 K 2), the London History Bible (London, British Library, MS Add. 38122) and the Specu-lum Humanae Salvationis (New York, New York Public Library, Spencer MS 15). I have been able to see only a few of the pages of the prayer-book of Mary of Guelders, (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, MS Germ. Qu. 42), which is currently disbound and therefore not accessible for study. Th is manuscript, however, seems to be extremely rich in borrowings from the Limbourgs, as will

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contain illuminations that have never been reproduced. It is therefore possi-ble, if not even probable, that in these manuscripts more borrowings from compositions by the Limbourgs are contained. And finally, manuscripts that have so far escaped my attention – and there undoubtedly will be some, if not many – will need to be added in the years to come. To thoroughly undertake a study like this would be very worth while, since it would deepen our under-standing of the relationships between French illumination around the turn of the 14th to the 15th century and the Northern reception of it. Alas, to do this properly would be a painstaking task that would grossly exceed the frame of this contribution. Th is is also one of the reasons why a time-limit has been imposed and manuscripts after 1450 have been disregarded, another one being that in the second half of the 15th century our picture of connections between workshops and possible routes of transmission of models as they are suggested in appendix 2 becomes much less clear. Given all these flaws, however, it seems to me that for the purpose of this contribution, which is to raise awareness of the scale on which Limbourg compositions were transmitted and used or adapted by their Northern colleagues, a necessarily defective and partial listing is better than no listing at all.

Th e only way to clearly demonstrate the findings presented here, would be to illustrate every parallel found and indicate individually the similarities and differences. Th is, obviously, is not possible within the constraints of a contri-bution like this one. In stead, a number of examples, treated per workshop, individual motif or per iconographic theme, will have to suffice.5

Th e First Generation: the Master of the Prayer Book of Mary of Guelders, the Passion Master and the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle

On St. Matthew’s Eve 1415 (i.e. 23 February of that year), Brother Helmich de Leeuw of the monastery at Mariënborn near Arnhem finished copying a prayer book for Marie d’Harcourt, better know as Mary, duchess of Guelders.6 She

become clear from appendix 1. Even though Prof. Eef Overgaauw, director of the manuscript department of the Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, has indicated that in the near future the manu-script might be rebound again to make it accessible to scholars, this is nevertheless a case where a complete colour facsimile would definitely benefit scholarship.

5 Th e reader, however, is encouraged to use the reproductions in the literature referred to in appendix 1 to compare source and copy and hopefully confirm the validity of the parallels indi-cated there.

6 As stated in the colophon on f. 410 of the manuscript. Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 73, 83, n. 29.


was born the daughter of count Jean VI of Harcourt and Aumale, becoming duchess in 1405, when she married Reinald IV, duke of Guelders and Jülich. Th rough her mother, Catherine de Bourbon, Mary was related to the French royal family, including the Limbourg brothers’ patron, Jean de France, duc de Berry. With him she corresponded and exchanged gifts, and they both shared a love – if not a passion – for beautiful books. Th e prayer book that Helmich copied on Mary’s instigation was to be lavishly illuminated, initially by two artists.7 Th e first artist, named the Master of Mary of Guelders after the por-trait of the duchess he painted for this manuscript (f. 19v.), also painted another 65 miniatures on ff. 146-409v., that contain suffrages. He also painted histori-ated initials and drolleries. Th e Hours of the Cross and the Temporale were illuminated by a second artist, named the Passion Master of Mary of Guelders after his work on the passion scenes in this manuscript. As I have suggested elsewhere, these illuminators may well have been working in Nijmegen, and since they most likely would already have started the decoration of those pages that had already been written, the decoration of the manuscript must have been well on the way by the time Helmich de Leeuw wrote his colophon on that winter-day in 1415.8 Meanwhile, as becomes clear from the municipal records of Nijmegen, in December 1413, Jean de Limbourg visited Nijmegen. Just over a year later, in March 1415, he did so again, this time together with his brother Paul.9 Th ese visits to their native town of these acclaimed illumina-tors would have been the perfect opportunity for the Master of Mary of Guelders and the Passion Master to get acquainted with the works by the Limbourgs. Th e number of direct borrowings from Limbourg compositions, as can be glanced from appendix 1, seems to confirm this.10 However, it seems

7 Around a decade after the initial completion of the manuscript, a third artist, working in the style of the Masters of Otto of Moerdrecht, came in and added a number of full-page mini-atures and vignettes in the calendar. However, his contribution need not concern us here.

8 Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 74, 77. 9 F. Gorissen, ‘Jan Maelwael und die Brüder Limburg: eine Nimweger Künsterfamilie um

die Wende des 14. Jahrhunderts’, in: Bijdragen en Mededelingen van de Vereniging Gelre, 54 (1954), pp. 210, no. 118, 211, nos. 126-8, 130-2.

10 A number of these borrowings (ff. 19v., 39v., 50v. and 284v.) have already been discussed in Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 73-7, 250-3. Panofsky, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 101, already noted the relationship between the work of the Master of Mary of Guelders and the Limbourgs, and went even as far as to suggest a lost manuscript illuminated by the Limbourgs in the posses-sion of the duchess. Panofsky’s Early Netherlandish Painting, however, appeared in 1953, a year before Gorissen’s publication of the Nijmegen origins of the Limbourgs. He therefore did not know that there was a more direct way through which the Master of Mary of Guelders could have gotten acquainted with the work of the Limbourgs; cf. Gorissen, op. cit. (n. 9).

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that these illuminators also were aware of recent and even current trends in illumination in France. Did they also learn this through the Limbourgs, with them acting as intermediaries? Some examples may shed some light on this.

For the hours of the Holy Cross, the Passion Master painted eight scenes from the passion of Christ. Several of these are related to compositions by the Lim-bourgs notably from the Belles Heures (cf. appendix 1a). Two of those, the Road to Calvary (f. 27v.) and the Descent from the Cross (f. 36r.) also reveal interesting details. Th e Road to Calvary (illus. 1) seems rather similar, only mirrored, to the composition devised by the Limbourg brothers in the Belles Heures (f. 138v., illus. 2). Indeed, the central group of Christ, Mary and John and the two principal tormentors can all be traced in the Belles Heures’ mini-ature, with slight differences. Th eir poses, nevertheless, reveal the source. Th ere is one interesting detail, however, that shows in the prayer-book of Mary of Guelders, but is missing from the Belles Heures. Th e tormentor at the front, leading the procession, is carrying in his hands three nails, the nails with which Christ will be fixed to the cross. Th is detail is completely lacking from the scene in the Belles Heures, but does occur in a depiction of the same scene by the Master of the Parament of Narbonne in the Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Nouv. acq. lat. 3093, f. 108).11 Simi-larly, the scene with Christ’s Descent from the Cross (illus. 3) again derives from the example by the Limbourgs, as can be seen from the main figures (Christ, Nicodemus, Joseph of Arimatea and John, who is barely visible behind Mary) and the position of the cross (f. 149r., illus. 4). Interestingly, this Lim-bourg miniature does show a man holding the nails (as well as one of the women holding the crown of thorns), though this time after the crucifixion, suggesting that the brothers did know the iconography. However, again we find a remarkable detail in the prayer-book, absent from the Belles Heures. In the prayer-book, we see a figure seated on the ground, pulling out the nail from Christ’s feet with a pair of thongs. Th is detail can again be found in the Parament Master’s depiction of the scene in the Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame on f. 114v.12 How did the Passion Master learn of these details, both to be found in the work of the Parament Master on the Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame? It is interesting to note, that the Limbourg brothers themselves added two miniatures to this manuscript after its initial completion.13 Th ey therefore

11 Boespflug & König, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 66. 12 Boespflug & König, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 70. 13 Boespflug & König, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 75-81.


1. Passion Master of Mary of Guelders, Th e Road to Calvary, from the prayer book of Mary of Guelders, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, MS Germ. Qu. 42, f. 27v.

must have had ample opportunity to study the work of the artists that had illu-minated this interesting manuscript, before it was split up in or before 1413 and partly given to Robinet d’Estampes.14 Th is also provides a terminus antequem for the Limbourg additions. It shows that when Jean and Paul came to Nijmegen in 1413 and 1415, they already knew the compositions in this manuscript. Th ey may therefore have made sketches from it, which they could have shown the Passion Master and the Master of Mary of Guelders during their visit.

Finally, a word needs to be said on one of the most inventive and original illuminators in the Northern Netherlands, an artist that James Marrow has named ‘Th e Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle’, after a book of hours in the Morgan Library and Museum in New York (MS M. 866). As will become clear later on in this contribution, this illuminator is familiar with several compositions originating from the Belles Heures and the Très Riches Heures.15

14 Boespflug & König, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 254-5. 15 One example, Th e Flight into Egypt in the Leefdael Hours (Utrecht, University Library, MS

5.J.26, f. 98r.), has already been discussed in Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit (n. 3), pp. 77, 288-91.

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2. Limbourg Brothers, Th e Road to Calvary, from the Belles Heures, New York, MMA, Cloisters Collection, Acc. 54.1.1, f. 138v.


3. Passion Master of Mary of Guelders, Descent from the Cross, from the Prayer Book of Mary of Guelders, Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, MS Germ. Qu. 42, f. 36r.

Interestingly, also some of his marginal decoration seems to be inspired by the Limbourgs. He seems to be the first artist in the Northern Netherlands to include carefully and realistically depicted flowers in his margins.16 An inter-esting question is how the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle got to know of these innovations by the Limbourgs. If my hypothesis is right that the Master of Mary of Guelders and the Passion Master saw and copied composi-tions by the Limbourgs whilst they were in Nijmegen, then the link may be found in the Leefdael Hours, which is preserved in the University Library of Utrecht (MS 5.J.26).17 Th is book of Hours, to be dated around 1415-20, is a

16 Like the pea-pods and flowers that can be seen in a book of hours by his hand (London, British Library, MS Add. 50005, f. 23r.), which seem to be direct precursors of those depicted by the Masters of Catherine of Cleves in two books of Hours (New York, Morgan Library and Museum, MS M. 945, f. 11r. and Baltimore, Walters Art Museum, MS 782, f. 58r.). Cf. Th e Lim-bourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 290-1, Plummer, op. cit. (n. 3), nr. 3 and Randall, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 373.

17 Van der Horst, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 7-8, figs. 86-119 and Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 77, 288-9.

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4. Limbourg Brothers, Descent from the Cross, from the Belles Heures, New York, MMA, Cloisters Collection, Acc. 54.1.1, f. 149r.


co-production of the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle and the Passion Master of Mary of Guelders. It is then through his colleague, the Passion Mas-ter, that the Morgan Infancy Cycle master may have gained access to the Lim-bourg material (cf. appendix 2).

Th e Masters of Zweder of Culemborg

Th e most important group of artist active between 1425 and 1440 were the masters of Zweder of Culemborg. Although artist working in that style were already active around 1415, the style did not achieve pre-eminence until 1425. It is around that time-period that illuminators from their circle produce the manuscript they are named after, a missal, destined for use by the exiled Utrecht bishop Zweder of Culemborg, which today is kept in Bressanone (Biblioteca del Seminario Maggiore, MS C. 20).18 Th is missal contains a full-page canon-miniature, and 17 historiated initials. Two of those initials, the one showing the Lapidation of St. Stephen on f. 42v. and Pentecost on f. 173v. deserve our attention here, since both are based on compositions by the Lim-bourg brothers.19 In the Lapidation of St. Stephen (illus. 5), the first thing that strikes us is the completely different position that this Stephen has when com-pared to his counterpart in the Belles Heures (f. 162r., illus. 6). Nevertheless, the central group of three men throwing stones, as well as Saul on the right, are remarkably similar in their poses, even down to such a detail as the stones that the men carry in the folds of their tunics. Th ere can be no doubt that the origin for the historiated initial in the missal is to be found in the Belles Heures composition. When looking at the Pentecost scene (illus. 7), it takes more of an effort to recognise its origins. Only when we look at the architecture, do we start to see similarities. In the Zweder-composition, the interior is constructed in a strange way. Behind Mary and the Apostles, there seems to be one con-tinuous wall, stretching parallel to the picture plane. However, the vault seems to consist out of a flat ceiling in combination with a barrel vault, supported by the columns. Th is incongruence only can be explained when looking at the Belles Heures equivalent (f. 155, illus. 8). Clearly, the Zweder master has misun-derstood the sketch or the composition in front of him, and has tried to resolve the problem. Yet, the position of the columns and the arches they are support-ing clearly betray their origins, as do the two strangely positioned low walls,

18 Haller, op. cit. (n. 3). 19 Th ere is a third example, on f. 169r., showing the Resurrection, which also is derived from a

Limbourg composition, but will not be discussed here. Cf. Haller, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 78-9.

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5. Master of Zweder of Culemborg, Lapidation of St. Stephen, from the Missal of Zweder of Culemborg, Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario Maggiore, MS C. 20, f. 42v.

behind which the apostles are seated. Interestingly, this composition becomes a favourite one in the Zweder workshop, and is used in other manuscripts (cf. appendix 1a).

As can be seen in the appendix 1a-c, many compositions deriving from the Limbourg brothers can be found in manuscripts illuminated by the Zweder workshop.20 In the Hoya-Missal, for example, we find not only beautifully painted flowers around the canon-page, that remind us of the larkspurs around the Feeding of the Five Th ousand in the Très riches Heures (f. 168v.), but also historiated initials that show details from Limbourg compositions, such as the initial depicting the Nativity (f. 132r.), where we see such details as the shep-herds, watching the child from behind a trellis, and a deep landscape with a

20 A very instructive example, deriving from the Egmont Breviary, is discussed in Th e Lim-bourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 420-1.


6. Limbourg Brothers, Lapidation of St Stephen, from the Belles Heures, New York, MMA, Cloisters Collection, Acc. 54.1.1, f. 162r.

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7. Master of Zweder of Culemborg, Pentecost, from the Missal of Zweder of Culem-borg, Bressanone, Biblioteca del Seminario Maggiore, MS C. 20, f. 173v.

gold statue of a pagan god – details that can be found in the nativity in the Très riches Heures. Another example is the beheading of John the Baptist, which is illustrated in the initial on f. 144v. John’s decapitated body is coming out of a castle, just as the Limbourg Brothers depicted him in a miniature from the cycle showing scenes from the Life of John the Baptist in the Belles Heures (f. 212r.).21 Th at this cycle was known to the Zweder Masters is proven by the fact that another miniature from this cycle, showing John the Baptist in the desert, is used to isolate the figure of John the Baptist (Belles Heures, f. 211r.). As can be seen in appendix 1a, this figure with its typical position of the feet recurs several times in Zweder manuscripts, amongst which what is arguably

21 For illustrations of the examples mentioned here, cf. Haller, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 43 and Golden Age, op. cit. (n. 3), pls. IV 32a-b. Th e composition was also used in a miniature by the Alexander Master in a History Bible in the Hague, Royal Library, MS 78 D 38 II, f. 162r.


8. Limbourg Brothers, Pentecost, from the Belles Heures, New York, MMA, Cloisters Collection, Acc. 54.1.1, f. 155r.

the most beautiful manuscript to come from a Zweder workshop, the Egmont Breviary in the Morgan Library and Museum in New York (MS M. 87). Th e figure later also occurs in works by the Master of Catherine of Cleves. Th at it indeed is this miniature that the figure is derived from is proven by the fact that one of the auxiliary figures in the Belles Heures composition, a man count-ing on his fingers on the right of the picture, reappears in a miniature the Lochorst Bible in Cambridge (Fitzwilliam Museum, MS 289, vol. 2, f. 3v.), which is also illuminated by the Zweder Masters.22

Th e Masters of Catherine of Cleves

Arguably the most remarkable illuminator, not only in his direct surroundings like his workshop but in the history of Dutch manuscript painting altogether, the Master of Catherine of Cleves had a large artistic vocabulary, borrowing not only from his Dutch colleagues, but also from Southern-Netherlandish

22 Reproduced in Masters and Miniatures, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 332, fig. 1.

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painters, notably Robert Campin, and Parisian illumination.23 Not surpris-ingly, we also find quotations from Limbourg compositions in his work, though perhaps not as many as we would expect. One of the most clear examples is a drawing he added to a History Bible in London (London, British Library, MS Add. 38122, f. 61v.), which he modelled after the miniature of Heraclius at the Gates of Jerusalem in the Belles Heures (f. 156r.). Another example is the figure of John the Baptist, discussed above in the paragraph on the Zweder Masters, that occurs twice in the Hours of Catherine of Cleves and seems to have been passed on by the Zweder Masters, with whom the Cleves Master was in direct contact, to such an extant that it even has been suggested that the Cleves Mas-ter was trained in a Zweder workshop.24 However, it is certain that the Cleves Master and Zweder Masters collaborated on the Greiffenklau-missal now in Baltimore (Walters Art Museum, MS 174). It is likely via this route that the Cleves Master got to know the Limbourg compositions that were so exten-sively used in the Zweder workshops (cf. appendix 2). Some examples, to be discussed below, may illustrate this further.

Individual Motifs

Sometimes, the relationship between miniatures painted in the Northern Neth-erlands and those painted by the Limbourg brothers is not purely composi-tional or iconographical. Individual motifs may recur, sometimes even in a different context, that nevertheless link the work of the Dutch illuminators to that of the Limbourgs.25 Such a motif has already been noted by James Mar-row in his seminal article devoted to the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle: it is the depiction of Christ with his hands tied and hidden beneath his sleeves, when he appears for the Roman judges. We encounter the motif in the works by the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle and the Cleves Master, but is already present in both the Belles Heures and the Très Riches Heures.26 Another

23 From the extant works, it seems clear that more than one hand has participated in their execution. Th at is why I use the term ‘Masters of Catherine of Cleves’ in the heading in stead of a singular. Nevertheless, it seems that this workshop – or even style – was dominated by one major artistic personality. It is this artist that I credit with using Limbourg compositions, and therefore the paragraph suggests a singular master, despite the heading.

24 Plummer, op. cit. (n. 3), nrs. 69, 103. 25 Th is even extends to border-decorations, as already discussed in Th e Limbourg Brothers, op.

cit. (n. 3), pp. 79-80, 82-3. Th ese examples are not included in the appendix, which only men-tions compositions or elements thereof.

26 Marrow, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 98, n. 82; he only mentions the Belles Heures, but the motif also


example is a motif that is encountered in the scene depicting Christ’s Agony in the Garden, after the Last Supper. In his study of the Cleves Hours, Frie-drich Gorissen noted that there this scene not only contains the chalice and host – in reference to both Christ’s imminent suffering and the Eucharist –, but also shows God the Father appearing, to present Christ with the Cross.27 Gorissen traced this motif back to Konrad van Soest as the earliest example (the altarpiece at Bad Wildungen, completed in 1403), but was not able to explain how the motif entered the workshop of the Cleves Master. However, before the Cleves Master and probably before Van Soest, the motif had already been employed by the Limbourgs in the Bible Moralisée (f. 21r.) and later again in the Belles Heures (f. 123r.).28 Both of these Limbourg compositions also con-tain small wicker fences, to suggest that the garden was separated from the land around it. Th is motif recurs not only in the Cleves miniature, but also in the work of the Passion Master in the Leefdael Hours (f. 193r.) and in several miniatures by the Zweder Masters.29 All of this suggests that the Limbourg composition has inspired the Cleves Master, be it directly or indirectly. It is also interesting to note that the figure of God the Father, appearing to comfort Christ, is already present in the depiction of this scene in the eponymous work of the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle.30 However, here God appears without the Cross, holding what seems to be a scroll or a rolled-up cloth in his hands. In this particular instance it therefore is difficult to reconstruct the ‘stemma’ showing how the Limbourg composition passed through several workshops to eventually be used by the Cleves Master. Another example may clarify such relationships better.

occurs in the Très Riches Heures, as Bodo Brinkmann observed, cf. Masters and Miniatures, op. cit (n. 3), p. 122, n. 30.

27 Gorissen, op. cit. (n.3), pp. 307-8. 28 Th is is provided that my hypothesis is right that the Bible Moralisée in the Bibliothèque

Nationale in Paris, MS fr. 166, should not be identified as the très belle et très notable Bible, par-tially illuminated by the Limbourgs between 1402 and 1404, mentioned in the sources. If this indeed is the case, then this surviving manuscript, undoubtedly by the Limbourgs, is likely to predate the bible mentioned in the sources, and in that case also predates the altarpiece by Van Soest, cf. Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 87-8, 90-2.

29 E.g. Rotterdam, Gemeentebibliotheek, MS 96 E 12, f. 23v. and Th e Hague, Royal Library, MS 135 E 36, f. 82v., which show exactly the same composition. For the Rotterdam Hours, cf. Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 296-7.

30 New York, Morgan Library and Museum, MS M. 866, f. 63v., cf. Golden Age, op. cit. (n. 3), plate II 12a.

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St Martin of Tours

As an example of how a Limbourg brothers’ composition was transmitted, the miniature depicting St Martin of Tours in the brothers’ Belles Heures (f. 169r.) may be instructive (illus. 9). As Victor Schmidt already demonstrated in his essay ‘Th e Limbourgs and Italian Art’, this composition strongly resembles a panel attributed to Ambrogio Lorenzetti in New Haven.31 However, as Schmidt points out – though for different reasons – not so much the similarities between the panel and the miniature are interesting, but rather the differences. One of the most intriguing is the fact that even though the Lorenzetti composition only shows one beggar, the Limbourg brothers, probably for reasons of visual interest, added a second. Th is second beggar is not mentioned in Sulpitius Severus’ Vita Martini, neither is he recorded by Gregory of Tours, nor can he be found in the Legenda Aurea nor in the liturgy for the feast of St. Martin (November 11) or his translation (July 4). Th ere seems to be no obvious textual source for this motif.32 Nevertheless, in at least three Dutch manuscripts we encounter this second beggar. Coincidentally, all three manuscripts are kept in the Morgan Library and Museum in New York. Th e first example is the eponymous manuscript of the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle (M. 866, f. 150v.), the second one the Egmont Breviary (M. 87, f. 410v.) and the third example the Hours of Catherine of Cleves (M. 917, p. 279). All three miniatures show a second beggar (illus. 10-12). However, all three miniatures also show Martin turning backwards in the action of splitting his cloak, which is exactly the opposite of how the saint is shown in the Belles Heures. In both the Belles Heures and the Hours of Catherine of Cleves, Martin is exiting the city gate of Amiens. In the Egmont Breviary, he seems to be entering the city. Th e Mas-ter of the Morgan Infancy Cycle shows no city gate at all; neither is there any reference whatsoever in his miniature to the vision Martin had after his encounter with the beggar, when Christ appeared to him clothed in the part of the garment he gave to the beggar. Th is reduction in narrative elements is

31 New Haven, Yale University Art Gallery, inv. 1871.11. Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n.3), p. 184.

32 All of these sources mention just one beggar. For the Legenda Aurea, cf. Jacobi a Voragine Legenda Aurea: vulgo Historia lombardica dicta, ed. Th . Graesse (3rd ed.; Breslau 1890), cap. 166; a reliable edition of the Vita sancti Martini episcopi et confessoris by Sulpicius Severus is offered by Migne in his Patrologia Latina, but is also available on the web, cf. www.thelatinlibrary.com/sulpiciusseverusmartin.html. For a reconstruction of the office of St. Martin for November 11, as chanted in the Cathedral of Utrecht, cf. M. Breij, Sint Maarten, Schutspatroon van Utrecht (Utrecht 1988), pp. 43-84.


9. Limbourg Brothers, St Martin, from the Belles Heures, New York, MMA, Cloisters Collection, Acc. 54.1.1, f. 169r.

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10. Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle, St. Martin, New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M 866, f. 150v.


11. Masters of Zweder of Culemborg, St Martin, from the Breviary of Arnold of Egmont, New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M 87, f. 410v.

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12. Master of Catherine of Cleves, St Martin, from the Hours of Catherine of Cleves, Morgan Library and Museum, MS M 917, p. 279.


in line with the simplification of compositional schemes, which we shall also encounter in another instance where this master copies a Limbourg composi-tion, to be discussed below. Th e reference to the vision is also absent from the Egmont Breviary, but reappears in the Cleves Hours. Th e horse, on which the saint is seated, is the same in all three miniatures, but differs considerably from the one shown in the Belles Heures. However, it is indeed a ‘Limbourg-horse’ that we find here, for it re-occurs on f. 156 of the Belles Heures, in the miniature depicting Heraclius’ return with the Holy Cross. Th is particular horse, as a matter of fact, the Limbourgs copied from a medal in the collection of Jean de Berry.33 Finally, the hoof-prints visible on the road in the Cleves Hours seem compositionally akin to the stones from which the road in the Belles Heures is made. Even though it is clear that the Dutch illuminators whose work is dis-cussed here used a composition after the Limbourgs, the relative coherence between the three copies and their differences with the Belles Heures miniature seem to indicate that they did not copy the Belles Heures directly. Th ey couldn’t have, since the manuscript was already in possession of Jolande of Aragon by the time the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle rendered his St. Martin.

Adhering as they were to their Italian (or Italianate) model, it may be that the Limbourgs eventually were dissatisfied with their rendering of Martin’s encounter with the beggar in the Belles Heures. For the beggar who receives the cloak from the saint is partially covered by the horse; his face is not visible at all. Th ey may have conceived a new compositional scheme, in which the saint turns back to split his cloak and clothe the beggar. It would not have been that much of a stretch, since on the medal the Limbourgs used as a source of inspi-ration for the Heraclius miniature, there is already a depiction of a servant riding a second horse behind the first one, turning back towards Heraclius. Th is posture may have inspired the Limbourgs to rethink the position of the saint and make him turn backwards in their new rendering of the theme.34 Th e

33 Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 350-1; f. 156 of the Belles Heures is reproduced on p. 107.

34 Interestingly, two manuscripts that include Limbourg borrowings, namely the Heures de Saint Maur (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS n.a.l. 3107) and the Châteauroux Breviary (Châ-teauroux, Médiathèque municipale Équinoxe, MS 2) show depictions of Martin and the beggar in this new position on a similar horse; the miniatures are very similar as far as the poses of Martin, the horse and the beggar are concerned. However, they fail to show a second beggar or a piece of Martin’s cloak handed down from heaven. Th ey may therefore represent current mod-els in depicting St. Martin in the Île de France, rather than giving direct evidence for a change in a Limbourg composition after the Belles Heures. For these two manuscripts, cf. Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 404-7; Paris 1400. Les arts sous Charles VI, ed. E. Taburet-Delahaye & F. Avril (Paris 2004). pp. 284-6, nr. 176 (Heures de Saint Maur) and I. Villela-Petit, Le Bréviaire de Châteauroux (Paris 2003), p. 112.

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new and redefined composition then would have been the image they would have shown to their colleagues upon their return to Nijmegen in 1413 or 1415, where this and other models may have been partially or fully copied, most likely by the Passion Master and the Master of Mary of Guelders, perhaps already by the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle as well. Th ese studies (or copies thereof ) would then have been reused at a later date by the Zweder Masters and the Master of Catherine of Cleves. Notwithstanding their overall similarities, the distinct differences between the miniatures of these three different Dutch illuminators seem to suggest that each illuminator had access to – and re-shuffled – the copied Limbourg composition, as opposed to a younger Northern illuminator copying the composition from an older col-league. However, that a corpus of Limbourg compositions was handed over or passed down from one workshop to another seems to be hardly unlikely, given the scale on which direct or indirect borrowings from the oeuvre of the Lim-bourgs occur in Dutch illuminated manuscripts. A relationship between the rendering of St. Martin by the Master of Catherine of Cleves and that of the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle was already noted by James Marrow in his 1968 article on the Infancy Cycle Master. However, as he stated, ‘the ever-present possibility of a lost common prototype prevents us from affirming direct influence’.35 Th is common prototype, as it turns out, is likely to be a Limbourg drawing, indeed lost, but partially preserved in an earlier version in the St. Martin from the Belles Heures.

Th e Annunciation

One of the most important iconographical themes in a miniaturist’s artistic vocabulary is the scene of the angel Gabriel who announces to Mary that she will become the Mother of Christ. Taken from the Gospel of St. Luke (1: 26-38), it is a scene that is encountered in many variations in every book that shows an illuminated cycle of the life of Mary or the infancy of Christ or individual scenes thereof, be it a book of hours, a Speculum Humanae Salva-tionis, a History-Bible or an illuminated missal, to name but a few possible genres. Th e Limbourg brothers created two different but in both cases impres-sive depictions of this scene in both the Belles Heures (f. 30r., illus. 13) and the Très Riches Heures (f. 26r., illus. 14); given the importance of the miniatures, as the opening of the Hours of the Blessed Virgin, it is only fitting that both are

35 Marrow, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 99-100.


13. Limbourg Brothers, Annunciation, from the Belles Heures, New York, MMA, Cloisters Collection, Acc. 54.1.1, f. 30r.

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14. Limbourg Brothers, Annunciation, from the Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry, Chantilly, Musée Condé, f. 26r.


monumental compositions. Th ese appealing compositions were already circu-lating in France, as is shown by contemporary copies.36 Around 1415, these compositions also seem to have reached the illuminators in the Northern Netherlands. Th e first Dutch illuminator to use these compositions seems to be the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle, in the Leefdael Hours (f. 13v., illus. 15). He does not copy the whole composition, so that at first sight there seems to be only a superficial resemblance. However, when compared in more detail, both the figures of Gabriel and Mary turn out to derive from the origi-nals by the Limbourgs. Th e posture of Mary in the Leefdael Hours is very close to that in the Très riches Heures, even down to the part of her cloak that sags onto the ground and folds in a similar fashion in both miniatures. Th e drapery of the tunic of Gabriel also is very similar in both. Finally, the figure of God the Father sending down the Holy Spirit, a motif that does not occur that often in Northern Netherlandish manuscripts of the period, can be found in the left-hand corner in both annunciations. It seems that the master has used the essential elements in the Limbourg composition, i.e. Mary, her prie-Dieu or lectern, Gabriel and God the Father with the Holy Spirit, and left every-thing else out, so as not to divert attention away from the main storyline, a characteristic that we have already encountered in his depiction of St. Martin. Coincidentally, a similar yet less radically restricted use of Limbourg and Boucicaut models can be observed in a number of printed Annunciation-scenes, possibly stemming from Southern Germany, c. 1460.37 An interesting feature in the Infancy Cycle Master’s miniature is the gesture of Gabriel, who is pointing towards heaven. Th is gesture is absent from the Limbourg compo-sition in the Très riches Heures, but does occur, though less articulated, in the Belles Heures.38 It is likely that the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle distilled his composition out of two examples after the Limbourgs at his disposal, one

36 Th e composition from the Belles Heures was already copied around 1410 into a book of hours (Paris, Bibliothèque Sainte Geneviève, MS 2713, f. 13r.) and at approximately the same time in the Heures de Saint Maur (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS n.a.l. 3107, f. 45r.) and a partial copy from the annunciation in the Très Riches Heures can be found in a book of hours, dating around 1425, in the Morgan Library and Museum in New York (M. 453, f. 30v.). For the most recent discussion of these examples, cf. the comments made by Gregory Clark in: Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 233, 406-7.

37 Origins of European Printmaking. Fifteenth-Century Woodcuts and Th eir Public, ed. P. Par-shall & R. Schoch (Washington 2005), pp. 112-15.

38 Th e Limbourgs may have found the gesture readily in annunciations in manuscripts already owned by the duke, such as the Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame, f. 7v., cf. Boespflug & König, op. cit. (n. 3), p. 12.

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15. Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle, Annunciation, from the Leefdael Hours, Utrecht, University Library, MS 5.J.26, f. 13v.

more similar to the Belles Heures, one close to the Très riches Heures, since other Dutch illuminators seem to use elements from both as well. Alternatively, a composition that already combined elements from both may have been circu-lating by this time. Th is, however, seems less likely when we look at the work of other illuminators, who seem to include other copied details.

In the second part of a history Bible, dating from c. 1430 and now preserved at the Royal Library in Th e Hague (MS 78 D 38 II), the so-called Alexander Master shows us on f. 141v. the annunciation (illus. 16).39 Here the illuminator reveals his sources more clearly. Th e pose of Mary and the position of both the angel and the dove, representing the Holy Spirit, derive from the Très riches Heures-annunciation, even though the composition is mirrored, the angel makes a gesture – like we already noted in the rendering of this scene by the Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle – and Mary’s lectern has turned into an altar here. However, this time, the Alexander Master also shows us an interior, that is clearly modelled after the room the Limbourgs created in the Belles Heures. It shows the same compartmented interior, with a central column dividing the room into two spaces, and two columns on the side – which are rendered almost identical to the ones in the Belles Heures – , and also the vault is depicted in the same way. In the back wall of the room, the Alexander Mas-ter makes a slight variation on the arches visible in the Belles Heures, which are turned into windows here. Th e notable absentee in the Alexander Master’s

39 Golden Age, op. cit. (n. 3), nr. 38, pp. 131-5.


16. Alexander Master, Annunciation, from a History Bible, Th e Hague, Royal Library, MS 78 D 38 II, f. 141v.

miniature is God the Father; however, in both the Belles Heures’ and Très riches Heures’ annunciations, he is not represented in the central part of the minia-ture, but in an extension (Belles Heures) or even in the margin (Très riches Heures). Th is may explain his absence here.

It is essentially the Alexander Master’s composition that we also encounter in a book of hours, illuminated by the Zweder Masters, around the same time, if not slightly earlier (France, private collection, illus. 17).40 Yet a different step is taken very soon. In the annunciation in the Egmont Breviary (New York, Morgan Library and Museum, MS M. 87, f. 345v.) painted around 1435, the interior seems to be a further simplification of the Belles Heures’ room (illus. 18). Th e columns on the side are still there; the central column, however, has dis-appeared, even though the arches in the front wall still reflect the separation of the space in two distinct bays. Th e poses of Mary and Gabriel are very close to the Leefdael Hours, with only the positions of the arms changed on both figures. God the Father re-appears here, and coming down on rays of light, not

40 Golden Age, op. cit. (n. 3), nr. 31, pp. 104-105.

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17. Zweder Master, Annunciation, from a Book of Hours. France, Private Collection.

only the Holy Spirit is overshadowing Mary, but we also see the infant Jesus being sent down, carrying the Cross on his back, a motif that is familiar to us from Robert Campin’s Merode Altarpiece (New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Cloisters). Behind Mary is a curtain, and over her head, high up near the vault, a canopy. It is this curtain and canopy that we eventually find integrated as a bed in many other depictions of this scene by the Zweder Mas-ters, such as in the annunciation in a book of hours in the Hague (Royal Library, MS 79 K 2, p. 24). However, the poses of Mary, the Angel and God the Father (without the Christ-child) remain similar.


18. Masters of Zweder of Culemborg, Annunciation, from the Breviary of Arnold of Egmont, New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M 87, f. 345v.

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Conclusion

Th e evidence assembled and presented in appendix 1a-c seems to support the hypothesis that a model book containing copies of Limbourg compositions circulated in the Northern Netherlands from about 1415 onwards. Th e possi-bility of such a model book existing, is given weight by the so-called Model Book of Jacques Daliwe (Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, Liber Picturatus a 74), a col-lection of drawings on small boxwood panels dating from around 1415, where on two of the panels (IIa and XIIa) compositions of the Limbourg brothers survive (i.e. the Flagellation of Christ and the Visitation, both taken from the Belles Heures, f. 132r. and 42v. respectively).41 Whether these models were intro-duced to Dutch illuminators active between 1410 and 1415 by the Limbourgs themselves during the visits to their native town of Nijmegen is a question that cannot be answered affirmatively as yet, since too many variables in this equa-tion are unsure. Were the Master of Mary of Guelders and the Passion Master indeed living in or near Nijmegen during their work on the prayer-book of Mary of Guelders, which would have enabled them to meet the Limbourgs? And – regardless the question where these artists worked – did these illumina-tors stay in their native region during that period, or did they, like many oth-ers, follow the example set by such artists as the Limbourgs by going to the Île de France, where they may have learned of the Limbourgs’ compositions, as well as those by other leading illuminators, perhaps even without ever meeting them?42 Th e evidence so far seems to suggest otherwise, for as we have seen,

41 U. Jenni & U. Winter, Das Skizzenbuch des Jacques Daliwe (Weinheim 1987), pp. 30-2; R. Scheller, Exemplum: Model-Book Drawings and the Practice of Artistic Transmission in the Mid-dle Ages (ca. 900-ca. 1450) (Amsterdam 1995), pp. 233-40.

42 Th is possibility was pointed out to me by Dr. Patricia Stirnemann, and given the direct relation between Mary of Guelders and Jean, duc de Berry – and therefore the possibility of access to the duke’s manuscripts for Mary’s artists through an introduction – it should not be dismissed instantly. However, the chronology of their work points in a different direction, since accepting this hypothesis means the master of Mary of Guelders and the Passion Master would have needed to go to France and return from there before their work on the prayer-book of Mary of Guelders was finished, which cannot have been much later than 1416; the borrowings from the Très Riches Heures suggest a terminus postquem of 1412 if not later, since that project was only started around 1411 and the Limbourgs were also executing other, smaller commissions during this time, such as the miniatures they added to manuscripts already owned by Jean de Berry and possibly others (such as the Vatican Valerius Maximus and the Paris Très Belles Heures and Petites Heures). Considering that the Dutch illuminators needed time to incorporate the borrowings in their own miniatures, this theoretically leaves a gap of about three and a half years at most, but most likely much shorter than that, since the writing of the manuscript was only finished in


February 1415 and will not have taken three years to complete. It is a time period, moreover, in which the illuminators were supposed to work full-time on their commission by the duchess, before starting their work on other manuscripts, such as the Leefdael Hours or the Cockerell Hours. A journey to France, even to be inspired by contemporary French illumination, seems a luxury they could not afford at the time.

43 A number of compositions in Dutch manuscripts are derived from manuscripts in the collection of Jean, duc de Berry, such as the Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS N. a. lat. 3093), the Petites Heures (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS lat. 18014) or the Très Belles Heures (Brussels, Royal Library, MS 11060-61). Th e Limbourgs added minia-tures to the first two, and probably studied and used all three as a source for their own composi-tions. Th erefore, they may also have made sketches of these compositions, which were shown to their Dutch colleagues, together with their own; see also the comments made in the paragraph on the Master of Mary of Guelders and the Passion Master. For compositions derived from these manuscripts, cf. Th e Golden Age, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 12, 58, 74, 102, 104-5, 106, 109-10, 111; Th e Limbourg Brothers, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 296-7. Th e latter case indeed seems to support the hypoth-esis of the Limbourgs also transmitting some compositions by their contemporaries, since it indeed shows a combination of motifs, taken from two different sources (a feature that we already encountered when we discussed the annunciation in a privately owned book of hours by the Zweder Masters, cf. the paragraph on the annunciation), in this case the Limbourgs’ Belles Heures and the Brussels Hours.

even in those instances where we can identify the use of compositions devel-oped by contemporaries of the Limbourgs working in France, these are often taken from manuscripts that the Limbourgs had access to, or even added min-iatures to.43 For now, the admittedly rather romantic hypothesis of a ‘close encounter’ in Nijmegen between the leading Dutch illuminators of the time and their famed countrymen working at the court of Jean de Berry seems to fit the existing evidence perfectly.

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Appendices

Th e first appendix lists in three tables those compositions or compositional elements by the Limbourg brothers that have been used in manuscripts from the Northern Netherlands between 1415 and 1450, together with the manuscripts that they are found in. For the sake of brevity and clarity, sigla are used to indicate these manuscripts. Th e list below presents the key to those sigla. Furthermore, the table mentions the folio-number of the manuscript where the derived compo-sition is to be found (when unknown, a question-mark appears), and the back-ground colour of the cell indicates whether a composition by the Limbourgs or a substantial part thereof has been generally adapted, in which case the background is light, or whether only individual elements or iconographic motifs have been copied or used, in which case the background is dark. It is possible that elements from different Limbourg compositions are combined in one miniature by a follower; in that case, a specific folio or page of a manuscript will appear more than once in the table.

Th e second appendix interprets the data provided by the first. Th e purpose of the chart is to clarify possible relationships between individual manuscripts and the artists or workshops that illuminated them, thereby showing how compositions could have been transmitted from one workshop to the other.

Sigla

Th e sigla are created from the title of the manuscript when it is generally known under that title; when generic, as in the case of books of hours, the first letter of the location of the collection is added, or, if more relevant manuscripts of one book-type with only a generic name are kept in the same collection, a lower case number is added. In some cases, manuscripts were decorated by artist working in different styles and/or different periods. When both (groups of ) artists used compositions by the Limbourg brothers, they are distinguished by adding a lower case letter referring to that/those artist(s) to the siglum. PMGp, for example, refers to the miniatures that the Passion Master contributed to the Prayer Book of Mary of Guelders; PMGm denotes the miniatures painted by the Master of Mary of Guelders. Contributing artists that have not used Limbourg compositions have been disregarded; as an example, there is no mention of the added illumination by the Masters of Otto of Moerdrecht in the Prayer Book of Mary of Guelders, since their illuminations do not reflect the work of the Limbourgs. References have been made to reproductions of the compositions in question; a full bibliography for these references is given in note 3.

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Th e Master of Guillebert de Mets, Philip the Good, and the Breviary of John the Fearless

Gregory T. ClarkUniversity of the South, Sewanee, Tennessee, USA

In , the British Museum acquired the summer half of a generously illus-trated early fifteenth-century French breviary as part of the Harley collection (illus. -). Although written for the use of Rome, the better part of the manuscript, now Harley in the British Library, was probably made in Paris in the second decade of the century. Th e coats of arms beneath the Ascen-sion (f. v.) demonstrate that Harley was once owned by John the Fearless, duke of Burgundy from to ; his wife, Margaret of Bavaria; or both. In , Baron Ferdinand de Rothschild bequeathed the winter half of the breviary to the British Museum; today it is Additional manuscript in the British Library (illus. ).

In , both halves of the London Breviary were included in the sixth and last volume of the British Museum’s Schools of Illumination series. Th at vol-ume’s anonymous author was apparently the first to recognize that the text of the Sanctorale breaks off in midline at f. v. in Additional and recommences on f. r. of Harley . Given this, it would appear that the

For Harley , see most recently Th e Limbourg brothers. Nijmegen masters at the French court -, ed. R. Dückers & P. Roelofs (Nijmegen ), p. , no. , with a summary bibliography.

F. v. of Harley is illustrated in ibid. on p. . For Additional , see most recently ibid., p. , no. (with summary bibliogra-

phy), and C. de Hamel, Th e Rothschilds and their collections of illuminated manuscripts (London ), pp. , , Pl. a.

Schools of illumination. Reproductions from manuscripts in the British Museum. Part 6: French, mid-th to th centuries (London ), pp. -, Pl. .

Th e break comes between two gatherings of eight: f. is the last folio in gathering (ff. -) of Additional and f. is the first folio in gathering (ff. -) of Harley .

192 gregory t. clark

. London, Brit. Lib., MS Harley (Breviary of John the Fearless, summer por-tion), f. v.: David in landscape pointing to his eyes (Psalm ). Master of Guillebert de

Mets, southern Netherlands, probably Ghent, c.- (photo: BL).

the breviary of john the fearless 193

. London, Brit. Lib., MS Harley (Breviary of John the Fearless, summer por-tion), f. v.: David in landscape pointing to his mouth (Psalm ). Master of Guillebert

de Mets, southern Netherlands, probably Ghent, c.- (photo: BL).


. London, Brit. Lib., MS Harley (Breviary of John the Fearless, summer por-tion), f. v.: Kneeling David praying to Lord in landscape as jester dances (Psalm ). Master of Guillebert de Mets, southern Netherlands, probably Ghent, c.-

(photo: BL).


. London, Brit. Lib., MS Harley (Breviary of John the Fearless, summer por-tion), f. v.: Nude David standing in body of water (Psalm ). Master of Guillebert de



. London, Brit. Lib., MS Harley (Breviary of John the Fearless, summer por-tion), f. : Seated David playing bells (Psalm ). Master of Guillebert de Mets, south-

ern Netherlands, probably Ghent, c.- (photo: BL).


. London, Brit. Lib., MS Harley (Breviary of John the Fearless, summer por-tion), f. v.: David leading fi ve clerics in song (Psalm ). Master of Guillebert de



. London, Brit. Lib., MS Harley (Breviary of John the Fearless, summer por-tion), f. : Trinity enthroned (Psalm ). Master of Guillebert de Mets, southern

Netherlands, probably Ghent, c.- (photo: BL).


. London, Brit. Lib., MS Add. (Breviary of John the Fearless, winter portion), f. v.: Nude David standing in body of water (Psalm ). Master of the Breviary of

John the Fearless, probably Paris, before (photo: BL).


London breviary was originally meant to be bound as a single volume of some leaves. Once it was decided to divide the very dense book into two more manageable halves, the second half – now Harley – was provided with its own calendar, ferial psalter, and common of saints. Together with a selec-tion of hymns, absolutions, benedictions, and invitations, these texts occupy the first twenty gatherings of the book, from ff. to .

In a seminal essay on the London breviary published in , Friedrich Winkler attributed the seven surviving miniatures in the ferial psalter in Har-ley to the southern Netherlandish illuminator whom Winkler himself would name the Master of Guillebert de Mets just four years later. Th e start-ing point for ascriptions to the painter is the frontispiece in a textual miscel-lany in the Royal Library of Belgium (MS -; illus. ) Th at frontispiece, the only miniature in the manuscript, introduces the miscellany’s first text, Christine de Pisan’s Épistre d’Othéa; the last text is a famous description of Paris transcribed in or shortly after by Guillebert de Mets of Geraards-bergen (Grammont) in East Flanders. As Guillebert de Mets most likely died between and , the Brussels miscellany should probably be dated between about and . But while Guillebert de Mets lived in Ger-aardsbergen, the illuminator named after him probably illustrated the miscel-lany in nearby Ghent.

In the nine and a half decades since Winkler’s essay, scholars writing about the London breviary have focused almost exclusively on the book’s lead

Th e collation of Harley to f. : (-), (-, leaf between and removed), - (-), (-), (-), (-), - (-), (-). Catch-words survive at the ends of gatherings -, , and .

F. Winkler, ‘Ein neues Werk aus der Werkstatt Pauls von Limburg’, in: Repertorium für Kunstwissenschaft, (), pp. -; F. Winkler, ‘Studien zur Geschichte der niederlän-dischen Miniaturmalerei des XV. und XVI. Jahrhunderts – II: Eine flandrische Lokalschule um -. Der Meister der Privilegien von Flandern und Gent (Cod. der k.k. Hofbiblio-thek), der Meister des Guillebert von Metz’, in: Jahrbuch der kunsthistorischen Sammlungen des allerhöchsten Kaiserhauses, (), pp. -.

Th e fullest description of the Brussels manuscript is found in C. Gaspar and F. Lyna, Les principaux manuscrits à peintures de la Bibliothèque royale de Belgique, vol. (Paris ; repr. and enl. Brussels ), pp. -, no. , Pl. . For Guillebert de Mets, see most recently S. Somers, ‘Th e Varied Occupations of a Burgundian Scribe: Corrections and Additions Relating to Guillebert de Mets (c./-after )’, in: ‘Als Ich Can’. Liber amicorum in memory of Professor Dr. Maurits Smeyers, ed. B. Cardon, J. Van der Stock, & D. Vanwijnsberghe (Louvain ), pp. -.

Th e place of work of the Guillebert de Mets Master is most recently considered by M.P.J. Martens, ‘Th e Master of Guillebert de Mets: An Illuminator between Paris and Ghent?’, in: ‘Als Ich Can’, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -.


. Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS - (Textual Miscellany), f. : Justice seated between personifi cations of Mercy and Information. Master of Guillebert de Mets,

southern Netherlands, probably Ghent, c.- (photo: RLB).


illuminator, the wonderful eccentric whom Millard Meiss named the Master of the Breviary of John the Fearless after the London volumes. Both volumes were shown in the Nijmegen exhibition in because of the close relation-ship between some of the miniatures by the Master of the Breviary of John the Fearless and the work of the Limbourg Brothers. I will concentrate instead on the seven pages illustrated by the Guillebert de Mets Master in the ferial psal-ter of Harley . One of my motivations is to introduce those seven pages to a wider audience: save a closely cropped reproduction of the miniature of the Trinity (illus. ), the illumination of the first twenty gatherings of Harley is, to the best of my knowledge, entirely unpublished. My main pur-pose here, however, is to set those gatherings into the larger context of the history of the breviary, and more specifically the book’s peregrinations imme-diately after the passing of its original owner or owners.

Th e illustration of the first twenty gatherings of Harley originally comprised eight miniatures, all in the ferial psalter. Sadly, the illustration for psalm one (Beatus vir) was lost with the excision of the psalter’s first leaf. Th e corresponding miniature in Additional (f. ) is two columns wide. Painted by the Breviary Master, it depicts David and a scribe before the Lord. Given this, the first illustration in the ferial psalter of Harley was prob-ably two columns wide as well. Th e remaining seven psalter miniatures in Harley , like the seven corresponding illustrations by the Breviary Master in Additional , are just one column wide.

Although probably the work of different scribes, the Gothic scripts before f. in Harley and in the remainder of the London breviary are not distinctive enough to localize to one or another center or region (illus. -). What does distinguish the first twenty gatherings in Harley from the rest of the breviary are the filigraine and colored initials, the marginal flora, and of course the miniatures themselves. All of the one-line initials in the breviary are either blue or gold and are embellished with filigraine decoration in red or black, respectively. But while the marginal extenders of that filigraine decora-

Th e classic essay on the Breviary Master remains M. Meiss, French painting in the time of Jean de Berry. Th e Limbourgs and their contemporaries (New York ) pp. -.

Th at reproduction of the Trinity appeared in Winkler, art. cit. (n. : ), p. , fig. . In September of , Mara Hofmann posted the Harley page with David pointing to his mouth (f. v.) in her illustrated online portfolio on Parisian illumination between about and in the British Library (http://www.bl.uk/catalogues/illuminatedmanuscripts/TourFr.asp).

Th e two-column miniature in Additional is most recently illustrated in: Th e Lim-bourg brothers, op. cit. (n. ), p. .


tion are wispy in the first twenty gatherings of Harley (illus. -), the extenders are less expansive but much denser in the rest of the breviary (illus. ).

As the incipit initial D of Psalm (illus. ) and incipit E of Psalm (illus. ) demonstrate, the ivy leaves in the two-to-three-line-high colored initials before f. in Harley sometimes spike beyond the edges of the initials. Th ere is no such perforation in the remainder of the breviary (illus. ). In addition, the ivy leaves of the pen-and-ink burnished-gold rinceaux before f. are more corpulent than the same ivy leaves in the rest of the breviary. Another distinguishing feature of the burnished-gold rinceaux before f. is the intermittent addition of two or three short, parallel hatches at set intervals across the pen-and-ink vines themselves (illus. -, -).

Th e broader, colored ivy-leaf rinceaux sprays in the upper and lower mar-gins before f. (illus. -) are not as slight and spidery as those elsewhere in the breviary (illus. ). Th ose broad sprays come in two styles before f. . Th e ones above and below David in the water (illus. ), for example, more closely resemble the sprays in the rest of the breviary (illus. ), but the stems are broader and the unopened buds are more regularly spaced and straighter. Some of the sprays before f. (illus. -, -) are also enlivened with broad, particolored acanthus leaves with boldly modeled spines heightened with short strokes of white pigment. Comparable acanthus leaves are entirely absent from the remainder of the breviary. Th e second style of colored rinceaux spray before f. can best be seen both above and below David leading the choir at Psalm (illus. ). Th at species has even thicker stalks and more boldly colored ivy leaves.

Like the miniatures themselves, the colored initials and border flora before f. in Harley are not French in style, but rather resemble those found in southern Netherlandish manuscripts illustrated by the Master of Guillebert de Mets. For example, diapering comparable to that in the incipit initials for Psalms (illus. ) and (illus. ) fills the initial O beneath the frontispiece in the Brussels miscellany (illus. ). Similarly, colored ivy leaves like the ones perforating the incipit initials at Psalms (illus. ) and (illus. ) also puncture the initial E in a celebrated French-language copy of Boccaccio’s Decameron in the Arsenal Library in Paris (MS , illus. ).

Although it contains no marks of original ownership, the Arsenal Boccaccio does appear in the posthumous inventory of the library of Philip the Good,

For the Arsenal Boccaccio, see most recently Medieval mastery. Book illumination from Charlemagne to Charles the Bold - (exh. cat., Stedelijk Museum Vander Kelen-Mertens; Louvain ), pp. -, no. , with references to earlier literature.


. Paris, Bibl. de l’Arsenal, MS (Boccaccio, Decameron), f. : Pampinea’s tale of Master Albert of Bologna and Malgherida de’ Ghisolini (First Day, Tenth Story). Mas-ter of Guillebert de Mets, southern Netherlands, probably Ghent, s (photo: Bib-

liothèque Nationale de France).


duke of Burgundy. As Guillebert de Mets was the scribe, the Arsenal codex was most likely written before . Th e miniature reproduced here, which illustrates the tenth story on the first day, is by the Guillebert de Mets Master and has, like the transcription, been dated to the s. Short, parallel hatches break up the pen-and-ink rinceaux stems on both the Arsenal page and six of the seven miniature pages before f. in Harley (illus. -, -). Acanthus leaves with prominent spines dotted with white also enrich the particolored rinceaux on the same Arsenal page and six of the seven London ones as well (illus. -, -).

Colored ivy-leaf rinceaux with thick stems like those above and below David Leading the Choir at Psalm (illus. ) appear on the incipit page of a Latin-language copy of Valerius Maximus’ Memorable Doings and Sayings in the Royal Library in Brussels (MS , illus. ). Th e historiated initial U on that page, by the Guillebert de Mets Master, shows Valerius Maximus read-ing his text. At the bottom of the page are the arms of Godevaert de Wilde, a burgher of Bruges who held several offices at the Burgundian court between and his death in . Like the Arsenal Boccaccio, the Brussels Vale-rius Maximus and several other manuscripts owned by Godevaert de Wilde eventually found their way into the collection of Philip the Good.

In his essay on the London Breviary, Friedrich Winkler rightly noted that the seven compositions before f. in Harley are directly based on their counterparts by the Breviary Master in the book’s other half (illus. , ). Th e style of the seven Harley miniatures, on the other hand, is entirely characteristic of the Guillebert de Mets Master, as Friedrich Winkler also first recognized. Th is can be seen by comparing the Harley David in the Water (illus. ) with the Christopher Carrying the Child by the Guillebert de Mets Master in a Book of Hours in the Morgan Library and Museum (MS

For the dating of the Boccaccio miniatures, see Somers, art. cit. (n. ), pp. - and n. .

Th e fullest description of the Brussels Valerius Maximus is in Gaspar and Lyna, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -, no. , Pl. b. For the correct identification of the book’s original owner, however, see La librairie des ducs de Bourgogne. Manuscrits conservés à la Bibliothèque royale de Belgique. : Textes didactiques, ed. B. Bousmanne, F. Johan, & C. Van Hoorebeeck (Brussels ), p. .

Th e life of Godevaert de Wilde is outlined in L. Nys and D. Lievois, ‘Not Timotheos Again! Th e Portrait of Godevaert de Wilde, Receiver of Flanders and of Artois?’, in: ‘Als Ich Can’, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -.

For this history, see La librairie des ducs de Bourgogne, op. cit. (n. ), pp. -. Winkler, art. cit. (n. : ), p. .


. Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, MS (Valerius Maximus, Facta et dicta memorabilia), f. : Valerius Maximus reading his text. Master of Guillebert de Mets,

southern Netherlands, probably Ghent, s (photo: KIKIRPA).


. New York, Morgan Library & Museum, MS M. (Book of Hours), f. v.: Christopher carrying the Child. Master of Guillebert de Mets, southern Netherlands,

probably Ghent, c.- (photo: MLM).


M. ; illus. ). Among the many points of similarity are the mature male physiognomical types, the spindly outcroppings of rock, the crowns of the trees, and the scatterings of perfectly round little stones on the barren ground.

To sum up thus far, the text in the first twenty gatherings of Harley could presumably have been written either in France or in the southern Neth-erlands. Th e miniatures, colored initials, and marginal decoration from ff . to , on the other hand, were almost certainly executed in the southern Neth-erlands. When did this happen, and at whose orders?

Two separate documents mention a breviary or breviaries owned or com-missioned by John the Fearless, Margaret of Bavaria, or both. Th e first docu-ment notes that John gave Margaret francs for a breviary and other books in May of . Th e second document concerns a ‘very beautiful and rich breviary for Paris use’. Th at breviary was lost when John was murdered at Montereau in but was afterwards restored to his survivors by Jehan Guiot, dean of Notre-Dame de Montereau.21

Some scholars have argued that the London manuscript and the breviary cited in are one and the same, and thus that the London codex was made for the duchess between about and her husband’s murder in . Oth-ers have proposed that the London breviary was the one in the duke’s posses-sion at Montereau in , and therefore in fact his. It is, of course, also possible that the breviaries cited in the two documents are one and the same. What is certain is that the London breviary appears neither in John’s posthu-mous inventory of nor in Margaret’s of .

If the London breviary is indeed the ‘very beautiful and rich’ one lost at Montereau, is it absent from both John’s and Margaret’s posthumous invento-ries because it went straight from Montereau into the hands of John’s son, survivor, and ducal successor, Philip the Good? To be sure, the document states that the Montereau breviary was for Paris use and the London breviary is for Rome use. If the Montereau and London breviaries are in fact one and the same, however, then the breviary looked Parisian when the document was drawn up, and it is easy to imagine the book’s seemingly Parisian decoration superseding its pan-European textual use as a handle for identification.

For Morgan , see G.T. Clark, Made In Flanders. Th e Master of the Ghent Privileges and manuscript painting in the southern Netherlands in the time of Philip the Good (Turnhout ), pp. -, , and , n. , with references to earlier literature.

G. Doutrepont, La littérature française à la cour des ducs de Bourgogne (Paris ; repr. Geneva ), p. , and Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), p. .

Doutrepont, op. cit. (n. ), p. , and Meiss, op. cit. (n. ), p. .


Whether or not the London breviary was the one lost at Montereau, Philip the Good certainly inherited some manuscripts from his father and at least twelve from his mother as well. If the London breviary was one of them, however, it was not in Philip’s library at the time of his death. Is there any other reason to think that Philip might have owned the London breviary in the decades after his parents’ passings?

While the London breviary could have been broken into two halves by its original owner or owners, it was most likely a later one who commissioned the Master of Guillebert de Mets to decorate the first twenty gatherings in Harley . To be sure, John the Fearless did own at least one manuscript in a style that anticipates that of the Guillebert de Mets Master. Th is is the duke’s book of hours now in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France (MS n.a.l. ).

Th ose hours may well have been commissioned for John by his son Philip, who from onward represented his absent father’s interests in the Low Countries from a base in Ghent.

Th e more monumental figures, voluminous draperies, and deeper land-scapes in Harley , however, suggest that the seven miniatures by the Guil-lebert de Mets Master there were not painted before , but rather in the s or s. In this connection, it may be significant that the painters of the Arsenal Boccaccio used a Boccaccio made in Paris around for John the Fearless as their compositional model (Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Pal. ). John’s Boccaccio appears in the inventory of his manuscripts and in the posthumous inventory of Philip’s codices. If Philip himself ordered the making of the Arsenal Boccaccio, he must have viewed his father’s Boccaccio as an exemplar worthy of emulation; indeed, the Arsenal codex may have been meant as an homage by Philip to his dynastic predecessor.

See in this regard G. Dogaer & M. Debae, La librairie de Philippe le Bon (exh. cat., Royal Library of Belgium; Brussels ), pp. -, and La librairie des ducs de Bourgogne. Manuscrits conservés à la Bibliothèque royale de Belgique. : Textes liturgiques, ascétiques, théologiques, phi-losophiques et moraux, ed. B. Bousmanne & C. Van Hoorebeeck (Brussels ), p. .

For the Hours of John the Fearless, see most recently Art from the court of Burgundy. Th e patronage of Philip the Bold and John the Fearless - (exh. cat., Museum of Art; Cleveland ), p. , figs. -, and p. , no. .

Philip the Good’s years in Ghent are described in R. Vaughan, John the Fearless. Th e growth of Burgundian power (London ; repr. Woodbridge [Suffolk] ), pp. -.

Th e derivation of the Arsenal compositions from those in the Vatican Boccaccio was rec-ognized already in by Paul Durrieu (Winkler, art. cit. (n. : ), pp. -, n. ). All of the illuminated pages in the Vatican exemplar are reproduced in color in E. König, Boccaccio Decameron. Alle Miniaturen der ersten Bilderhandschrift (Stuttgart ); the analogous com-position to my illus. (f. v. in the Vatican codex) is reproduced there on page .


In like wise, the seven Harley illuminations emulate the models in a book owned by one or both of Philip the Good’s parents. If Philip did indeed possess the London breviary for a time after John’s or Margaret’s death, then the seven miniatures before f. in Harley – and surely the excised eighth between ff. and as well – comprise a second homage by Philip to his forebears.

Whether or not Philip the Good ever owned the London breviary, that book and John the Fearless’ Boccaccio had clearly found their way by the sec-ond quarter of the fifteenth century to the southern Netherlands, where they were extensively quarried by local artisans. At the very least, both the breviary and the Arsenal Boccaccio are testimonials to the high esteem in which early fifteenth-century French illumination was held by later generations of painters and patrons.

Notes on Contributors

Hanneke van Asperen works at the Radboud Universiteit in Nijmegen (Th e Netherlands). Her dissertation that is nearing completion focuses on pilgrims’ badges that are sewn or glued into the margins of medieval manuscripts and the painted badges in the Flemish trompe-l’oeil borders. Th e badges off er insight into the devotional and related customs of the laity as well as workshop practices during the late Middle Ages. As a specialist on the subject, she has contributed to the exhibition Faith and Fortune on badges, brooches and devotion in medieval Flanders at Bruges. At the moment, she is participating in the Heilig en Profaan project, the third part of book series on pilgrims’ badges that is scheduled to appear in . She also works on Kunera, a searchable database of medieval badges and ampulla’s (www.ru.nl/ckd).

Gregory T. Clark () is Professor of Art History at the University of the South in Sewanee, Tennessee. He has published numerous studies on French and Flemish manuscript illumination of the fi fteenth century. His two most recent books are Made in Flanders: the Master of the Ghent Privileges and Man-uscript Painting in the Southern Netherlands in the Time of Philip the Good () and Th e Spitz Master: a Parisian Book of Hours ().

Herman Th.Colenbrander, studied art history at the University of Amster-dam and graduated in . Stayed for further research in Florence, Rome and Madrid; attached - to the Netherlands Organisation for Scien-tifi c Research NWO in Th e Hague. Published articles on Andrea del Verroc-chio and Leonardo da Vinci, Jean Perréal, the Master of Saint Giles, Hieronymus Bosch, Jan van Eyck, Rembrandt and upheld in his PhD thesis on the Très Riches Heures and the Limbourg Brothers (under supervision of prof. C. Chavannes-Mazel and prof. P. Hoppenbrouwers) at the University of Amsterdam.

Rob Dückers () studied art history at Raboud University Nijmegen and codicology at Leiden University. He specializes in medieval codices and in ecclesiastical art, publishing regularly in both fi elds. Dückers is currently

notes on contributors

working on an international loan exhibition on the Hours of Catherine of Cleves (Museum Het Valkhof, Nijmegen). He is attached to Emerson College European Center (Well) and to the treasury at the Basilica of Saint Servatius in Maastricht.

Eberhard König () studied in Paris, Oxford and Bonn, had fellowships in Oxford and Munich, was University assistant in Kiel and is, since , professor of Art History at the Freie Universität Berlin. Living in Berlin and Paris, he specialized in illuminated manuscripts mostly north the Alps. After a book on the Jouvenel Master and the young Fouquet (Französische Buch-malerei um , Berlin ) he published monographs (and articles) on manuscripts of Books of Hours, the Roman de la Rose, the Divine Comedy, the Decameron, Franz von Retz and the Chastel de Labour, Boccace and Froissart, but also on printed Bibles from Mainz and on Still Life, Caravaggio, Michelangelo, the Louvre and the Uffi zi gallery, and two volumes on the Ital-ian Painters of the Renaissance. He has written commentary volumes for the facsimiles of the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, the Paris leaves and the burned Turin Hours, the Belles Heures, the Bedford Hours and the Grandes Heures de Rohan.

Margaret Lawson received a BA in studio art and art history from the Col-lege of Wooster, Ohio, in and an MA in art conservation from the Coo-perstown Program for the Conservation of Historic and Artistic Works, Cooperstown, NY, in . She has been a paper conservator at the Metro-politan Museum of Art, New York, since .

Stephen Perkinson is Associate Professor of Art History at Bowdoin College (Brunswick, Maine, USA). His book, About Face: Th e Prehistory of Portraiture in Late Medieval France, will be published by the University of Chicago Press in . He has published extensively on issues pertaining to portraiture, with articles in Th e Art Bulletin, Gesta, Th e Sixteenth Century Journal, and else-where.

Pieter Roelofs () has been Curator of Seventeenth Century Dutch Painting at the Rijksmuseum Amsterdam since . From to he was Curator at Museum Het Valkhof, Nijmegen. Together with Rob Dückers he curated the exhibition Th e Limbourg Brothers: Nijmegen Masters at the French Court (1400-416) (Nijmegen ). Roelofs specializes in seventeenth-century Dutch art but has published on a wide range of art-historical themes.

notes on contributors

Victor M. Schmidt () studied art history in Groningen and at the Courtauld Institute of Art in London. In he took his PhD with a dis-sertation on medieval legends about Alexander the Great at the Rijksuniversit-eit Groningen, where he also lectures in art history. Schmidt worked as a senior researcher in the period - at the Istituto Universitario Olandese di Storia Dell’Arte in Florence. Major publications: A legend and its image: the Aerial Flight of Alexander the Great in Medieval Art (Groningen ) and Painted Piety: Panel Paintings for Personal Devotion in Tuscany, 1250-1400 (Florence ). In he edited Italian Panel Painting of the Duecento and Trecento for the Center for Advanced Study in Visual Arts of the National Gallery of Art in Washington.

Alexander Master, , , , Ambrogio Lorenzetti, , Anne de Bourbon,

Baptist Master, , Barthélemy d’Eyck, , Bedford Master, , Bonne d’Armagnac, ,

Catherine de Bourbon, Charles d’Orleans, , , Charles the Bold, , Charles IV, Charles V, , Charles VI, , , , , , , , ,

, , , , , Charles VII, , Christine de Pizan, , , Claes Heynenzoon, Conrad van Soest, , ,

Dom Bernard de Montfaucon, Duke d’Aumale, , ,

Fra Angelico,

Giotto, Godevaert de Wilde,

Helmich de Leeuw, , Herman de Limbourg, , , , , ,

, , Herman Maelwael,

Isabelle of France, Portugal, Bavaria, , , , , , ,

Jacob van Melkeren, (Jan) van Eyck, , ,

Name Index

Jean de Bourbon, , , , , , Jean de France duc de Berry (Jean de France;

Jean de Berry), , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Jean de Limbourg, , , , , , Jean de Nymègne, Jean Hayton, , Jean IV of Harcourt, Jehannequin of Limbourg, , , Johan Maelwael, , , , , , , , ,

, , , , , John the Fearless, , , , , , , , ,

, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

King João I of Portugal, Kolner Meister der Heiligen Veronika,

Limbourg Brothers, , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Louis d’Orleans, , Louis de Male, Louis de/of Bourbon, , , , Louis of Anjou, Louis II d’Anjou, , ,

name index

Margaret of Bavaria, , , Marguerite d’Orleans, , Marguerite de Flandre, , Marie (daughter) (de Berry), , , , ,

, , Marie d’Harcourt, , Martin Gouge, Master Francke, , Master of Catherine of Cleves, , ,

, , , , , Master of Guelders, Master of Guillebert de Mets, , ,

, , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Master of Mary of Guelders, , Master of the Breviary, , , , ,

Master of the Holy Ghost, , Master of the Martyrs, Master of the Morgan Infancy Cycle, ,

, , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

Master of the Prayer Book, Master of Zweder of Culemborg, , ,

, , , , , , , , , , ,

Mazarine Master, , , Meister Boucicat, Mazarine, Egerton,

Parament Master, , Passion Master, , , , , ,

, , , , , Passion Master of Mary of Guelders, ,

, , , , , Paul de Limbourg, , , , , , ,

, , , , Philip of Artois, , Philip the Bold, , , , , , , , ,

, , , Philip the Good, , , , , , ,

, , , , Pietro Lorenzetti,

Reinout, duke of Guelders, , René of Anjou, , Robert Campin, ,

Willem Maelwael, William of Oostervant, William VI of Holland, ,

Yolande of Aragon, , , , ,