SAHAR January 2010

Table of Contents

Acknowledgements 3

Editorial 4

Letters to the Editor 6

The renaming of Pukhtunkhwa Haroon Orakzai 7

What if the people of Afghanistan could

choose?

Cliff Kindy & Neil Wollman 10

The Role of International Community in

the war against terror

Muhammad Arif 13

The journalist’s burden Shaheen Buneri 16

Scapeboating Pashtuns Dr. Rahmat Rabi Zirakyar 20

My Village Farid Gul 29

Pukhtana Peghla Feroz Afridi 30

Maat Shu Qalam Imdadullah Khyal 32

Kakaji Sanober Khan Zar Ali Musazai 33

The Afghan Carpet Industry Azra Nafees 36

An interview with Irfan Khan Azra Nafees 45

Emerging Pashtun Talent Rafia Zakaria 50

About Us 54

Guidelines for Article Submission 55

SAHAR January 2010 3 | Page

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Contributions

This Magazine would not have been possible without contributions from the Pashtun

Academia, Diaspora, Journalists, students, members of Pashtun communities

abroad and other social forum friends. Thanks for sharing your articles and writings

with SAHAR-The Voice of Pashtuns. We urge you to keep up the good work.

Editing

A very special thanks to Farhad Yousafzai and Mohammad Arif Tangi who have

extended a great help in editing the magazine this month.

Technical Assistance

My special thanks to the very dedicated Wadan Esapzai who designed the title cover

for this month’s magazine and for extending technical assistance.

Feature

Our gratitude to Zar Ali Musazai for writing this month’s feature on the towering

Pashtun hero Kakaji Sanobar Khan

Art and Entertainment

The piece on ‘Afghan Carpet Industry’ the traditional traditional cottage industry of

the Pashtuns, a compilation by Azra Nafees and interview from the emerging

Pashtun singer Irfan Khan must be of interest to all.

Finally we at the editorial board extend gratitude to all the young and upcoming

Pashtun writers as well as our seniors for sparing time to write for SAHAR-The Voice

of Pashtuns. Special thanks are also due to Cliff Kindy & Neil Wollman for allowing

reproduction of their article ‘What if the Afghan people could choose’.

We hope that this magazine brings you insight about the various Pashtun issues as

well as help you remain in touch with your land, culture, art and literature.


EDITORIAL

The year 2010 has arrived with our hearts filled with hope for peace and

prosperity for the humanity particularly the deeply troubled Pashtun region. We at

SAHAR are feeling a great relief at the fact that SAHAR has successfully entered the

second year of its publication. This has been made possible by your unremitting

support and contribution. As you all know, we do not have any permanent

contributors and it is our readers’ voluntary writings and contributions which makes

SAHAR rich and diverse in content. To move away from the most common focus of

discussion- the ongoing militancy and horror of terrorism, another subject of

discussion affecting the Pashtuns particularly those of NWFP is the re-naming of the

province as Puktunkhwa.Talking about this issue in times when the unfortunate

Pukhtun nation is busy in collecting the body parts of its martyrs resulting from the

incessant suicide bombings seems a bit odd but there are certain factors which

make it necessary as well. The biggest question: why Pukhtuns are in this hellish

situation, also has relevance to this subject. Beside other important and pressing

issues and factors, the naming issue also has a lot to do with current state of affairs.

A nation who has not been able to earn proper identity for itself does indicate the fact

that something is terribly wrong underneath.

The arguments in favour of renaming the province of NWFP as Pukhtunkhwa

are many. It is the oldest name of the region and bears the true identity of the

majority living there known as Pukhtuns. It has in its favour a resolution of the

provincial assembly of NWFP which makes it constitutionally legitimate. It has a

history of political struggle dating back to the colonial days and the sacrifices of

Pukhtuns. From the federation point of view, the name would appease the ethnic

tension among the Sindhis, Baluchis, Punjabi, Siraiki and Muhajirs as the rest of the

three provinces of the country are named after ethnic majorities in the respective

provinces. Morally speaking, the name would compensate some of the miseries the

Pukhtun nation has been suffering.

The arguments against the renaming of the province are few. One of the

biggest objections is raised by Pakistan Muslim League (N), the second largest

political entity of the country which enjoys the throne of Punjab, the largest populated

province of the country. According to them Pukhtunkhwa would marginalize the

Hindko speaking ethnic minority of Hazara living in the North-East of the province.

Another objection is raised by the pro-establishment intelligentsia, who are of the


opinion that Pukhtunkhwa would fuel secessionist sentiments, a fear based on the

century’s old colonial division of Afghanistan and the establishment of the Durand

Line. These quarters suggest the names Abaseen (Pashtu name of the River Indus)

and Khyber (the tribal region which is connected through Khyber Pass with

Afghanistan). For majority of Pakistanis, the renaming of the province of NWFP is

not a big issue. People in Punjab, Sindh and even some in NWFP are more

concerned about the security situation, inflation, corruption and lack of justice etc.

The Pukhtuns of Baluchistan and Pukhtunkhwa Mili Awami Party are of the view that

Pashtuns of NWFP and Baluchistan should be merged into one federating unit and

the unit should then be named after consensus. Even Awami National Party, the

current ruling Pukhtun Nationalist dispensation in NWFP has been using the

renaming issue as a political card but has so far failed to develop a broader

consensus on the issue or pressurize the power centers in this regard.

Haroon Orakzai’s article on the subject discusses the issue in some detail.

We at SAHAR invite our readers to reflect on this issue and share with us their views

in the form of articles, letters, which will be shared with our wide community of

readers through SAHAR.

We are pleased to include an excellent article by Cliff Kindy & Neil Wollman

on ‘What if the Afghan people could choose?’, which discusses the most important

yet the most neglected aspect of the conflict in Afganistan. The admirable article by

Dr Rahmat Zirakyar ‘Scapegoating The Pashtuns’ is an effort to deconstruct the

stereotypes about the 70 million strong Pashtun nation and is a must read for our

diaspora and western readers. The feature on Kakaji Sanobar Khan by Zar Ali Khan

Musazai is a great contribution in documenting the struggle of our elders against

colonialism. The special report on the ‘Afghan Carpet Industry’ must be of some

interests to our more business-minded readers. In the ‘Emerging Pashtun Talent’ this

month we have included the Pashtun squash player Maria Toor Pakay. The usual

poetry is also there for those of us with interest in the Pashtun poetry. Your valued

feedback will be awaited. Happy Reading.

Editor in Chief, Azra Nafees

[email protected]


LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

We feel extremely grateful to the readers who send in their comments and

valuable suggestions. We look forward to your valued comments and reviews to

make this magazine a quality publication. Following are excerpts from some of the

emails that we received as feedback on the December 2009 issue. We would

appreciate if your comments focus more on the selection and quality of articles as

well as participate in the debate that the selected articles intend to generate.

Pir Abdul Majid Pirabadi, Saudi Arabia

Laka chy hara miyaasht akhtar rashee

zama pa laas ky chy "SAHAR" rashee !!

I am immensely thankful to have the December issue of SAHAR. It always gives me a fresh feeling that we are moving ahead to enrich our Pushto language & letting people all over the world know about our glorious culture. Wish u all the best. Keep it up.

ka har su pa samandar yai za lahoo yum

da Pukhto da meeney tanda na matigee.

Edith, Germany

First of all I would like to congratulate you on managing such an out class magazine

as well as on your dedication, since I can imagine how much work, stamina, effort

and will it takes to release a new magazine and having the responsibility of an editor.

Especially being a non Pashtun, I really appreciate the variety of issues of cultural

topics as well as formats like articles on cuisine and poetry, interviews as well as

general information, to get an impression of what is discussed or of what is of

interest from a Pashtun point of view. I am looking forward to have the next issue on

my desktop and wish you all the best and success for your work.

Qazi Roolhul Amin, New Zealand

Na release sholo ‘SAHAR’ aw na akhtar sho

tol jwandoon pa intezaar, intezzar sar sho

che 'SAHAR' pa Christchurch ke pa laas raaghe

New Zealand raata pa shan da Pekhawar sho

I came across a piece of writing by Daniel Blogstrom a few days back and wanted to

share it with 'SAHAR' readers . My idea is to have one 'guest corner' in every issue

where our non- Pashtun friends can share their experience with Pashtuns with us.

We can ask such people to write for us in future. Best.


Section 1 : History, Geo-Politics & Current Affairs

THE RENAMING OF PUKHTUNKHWA

Haroon Orakzai

Talking about this issue in times when the unfortunate Pukhtoon nation is

busy in collecting the body parts of its martyrs resulting from the incessant suicide

bombings seems a bit odd thing but there are certain factors which make it

necessary as well. The biggest question: Why Pukhtoons are in this hellish

situation? Beside other important and pressing issues and factors the naming issue

also has a lot to do with current state of affairs. A nation who has not been able to

earn proper identity for itself does indicate the fact that something is terribly wrong

underneath. This does indicate that the subject nation is either in deep slumber of its

own negligence or has been completely enslaved and overwhelmed in all respects

be that cultural, psychological, educational, intellectual, social, political or

economical. Here we face both the elements: it’s partly due to our own weakness

and partly external conscious effort directed at dissolving our identity. Had we been

conscious of our own identity our enemy would never have been in a position to

bring such a catastrophe upon us. Pukhtoon nation on the eastern side of the

Durand line has never got a chance of reading its true history. All along since the

times of Mughal occupation followed by Sikhs and British and lastly Pakistan a

manufactured, revisionist and fake history is pushed down the throats of our kids.

People who never belong to Pukhtoons land and did not do any tangible constructive

work of public welfare for Pukhtoons are imposed as our grandees. Whereas

situation on the western side has not been satisfactory either: the long wars have

pushed backward any development in this respect. Consequently we have a

Pukhtoon nation who is not only ignorant of the importance of proper identity but

rather have now certain elements who not only create hurdles for those who try to

get one for the Pukhtoon nation but oppose in a way which is even envy of the

enemy.

The Name and the Need for it

Pukhtoonkhwa / Pushtoonkhwa, the moment we take up name issue, the way

to pronounce it comes up to everybody’s mind. Pukhtoon nation inhibiting land mass


on the both sides of Durand line can be broadly classified into two groups in terms of

dialect. The northeastern part inhabitants pronounce it as Pukhtoonkhwa whereas

Pukhtoons of southwestern part pronouncing it as Pushtoonkhwa. In view of this

there is an urgent need for standardization of this name in English as Pakhto

language has solution for it by writing it as (Pukhtunkhwa-in Pukhto) gives the choice

of pronouncing it according to one’s dialect. For English there must evolve a proper

spelling in order to settle it --as the same will be needed for incorporation in to

constitution in case the things move this way. Personally I would suggest a spelling

of (PAXTOONKHWA) wherein’ X ‘shall stand for kh or sh as per one’s mother

dialect.

Regarding need for a name it is interesting to see that at least now everyone

agrees that it needs to be changed. The differences are on the name as to which

one to choose. Pukhtoon nationalists, PPP are favoring Paxtoonkhwa whereas other

allies of the present government especially PML(N) , PML(Q), Hazara/Hindkwan

,Jamaat are suggesting their own. The establishment and its allies are tooth and nail

opposing it rather trying hard to sabotage or torpedo it. They are floating all and any

sort of stories to enforce their agenda which is not to have a name having any

reference to Pukhtoon. They are trying hard to undermine its ideological, historical,

legal, cultural basis on any and every excuse they can find under the blue. Here the

Pukhtoons need to understand the fact that all the nations of the world have gone

through an evolution: some have gone fast ahead and some are lagging. History or

lack of it should not be an excuse for not having a proper name for our native land. It

should not matter much if there has never existed any country or land known as

Paxtoonkhwa. We can tell them we have come a long way to have an identity of our

own liking which describes us the best way. Our land have been a battle ground and

cross road for expanding empires for most of the past millennium which did not

allow us to grow and prosper but that shall never ever mean that we abdicate our

right to self determination. Hazara / Hindkwan opposition to the name Paxtoonkhwa

is malicious to the extent that the same will sow the seeds of bitterness forever. They

do not realize that by rejecting a name favored by the majority who are Pukhtoon

does mean that a choice of minority is selected which is against any principle of

justice and democratic norms.

But the question is what about the Pukhtoon areas on Afghanistan side? In

view of the emergence of the other ethnic groups assuming and wielding power


disproportionate to their numerical strength, there is a growing feeling that

Afghanistan has to evolve into a Federal kind of setup. In that case the Pukhtoon

areas need to be grouped together instead of being represented as individual

districts – as is the case presently. Therefore, a united province of Western

Paxtoonkhwa comprising of the contagious areas of Pukhtoon districts of present

day Afghanistan must emerge within Afghanistan as well along side Paxtoonkhwa on

Pakistani side.

Critical Time: Now or never

Name change of the N.W.F.P is part of the constitutional package currently

under discussion in CRC of the Parliament. PML –N has suggested Paxtoonkhwa-

Hazara name whereas other parties which have representation in the Parliament and

can have a decisive role in passing these constitutional amendments especially

PPP, MQM, ANP do not have problem with name Paxtoonkhwa. But the support of

PML-N is crucially important for any amendment to be passed. Therefore their

suggestions need to be given a very serious thought. We are at a critical juncture. By

losing this opportunity, personally I am afraid, that we might not have the same

opportunity in the near future. Given the facts that PPP/ANP might not get same

strength in the parliament again and the chances are that one of the establishment

backed party will sweep next elections and so on and so forth this name change

opportunity will be lost. In view of this we should take the bitter pill and accept the

PML-N suggestion. I see a ray of hope in that. Given the intransigence of the

Hazara/Hindkwan and their clout in the establishment one day they will be getting a

province of their own and then we got it. Therefore the best thing would be to go

ahead with it promptly and without any further delay—before being booted out by

army. Once written in the constitution that would be a great thing for Pukhtoon: a real

mile stone.

The writer hails from Hangu, basically a MBBS doctor but joined the Civil Services in

Pakistan and worked in the Auditor General's Department for a few years. He is

presently working as a Finance Manager in a private company in Dubai, UAE.


WHAT IF THE PEOPLE OF AFGHANISTAN COULD CHOOSE?

Cliff Kindy & Neil Wollman

After an intense review, President Obama recently ordered about thirty

thousand more U.S. troops to Afghanistan. The question is, should this decision

have been made by the U.S. government? The goals for the United States are to

prevent an Al Qaida threat in the homeland and to stabilize the Afghan situation,

allowing for some level of central government control and a face-saving withdrawal.

But who else could or should have weighed in on this decision, and what are their

motivations?

The Afghan government realizes that any downsizing of the U.S. presence

could threaten its hold on political power. President Karzai recently stated that he

expects the U.S. military presence to continue until 2024. The U.S. public is split,

mainly along party lines, between those who want an early withdrawal of troops to

prevent a quagmire, and those who support the U.S. military presence and fear that

withdrawal would squander the investment already made.

The missing voice among these acknowledged players is that of the Afghan

public. No country can impose on another a decision that country cannot abide.

History is filled with attempts by strong powers to force actions upon weaker ones.

This has worked sometimes in the short run, but usually crashes in the long term.

The power of democracy is its dependence upon the will of the people who are


impacted by a decision. Indeed, the Afghan citizenry seems to have no say, yet is

the group that stands to gain or lose the most from the U.S. occupation. Modern

warfare kills and wounds more local civilians than armed actors (about 80 percent,

compared to 20 percent). Yet those civilians have little or no ability to choose their

own participation.

What if Afghani citizens were to determine whether the U.S. military continues

a surge or withdraws troops? Certainly this is a fitting step in encouraging

democracy. It would also provide the incentive for Afghanis to really own and support

a chosen policy on the ground. And perhaps the Afghanis themselves know best

how to create a stable nation that does not house terrorists.

In January 2010, Iraq was to hold a referendum on withdrawing the remaining

U.S. troops. This plan was scrapped when it became clear it would only reduce U.S.

presence by a few months and so was not worth the logistic and financial costs. If a

referendum on U.S. troop presence is of merit for Iraqi citizens, is it not also for

Afghans, before U.S. troops become more firmly entrenched there?

Who knows what the Afghans would decide if the choice was theirs. Poll

results in Afghanistan have varied by region and ethnicity, with a fairly large margin

of error. But Afghanistan could hold a national binding referendum on U.S. military

presence at the same time as planned parliamentary elections in May. (Given the

experience of their last public vote, for president, improved preparations and

precautions are needed.) First, the U.S. President or Congress must assert their

intent to open a space to hear the voice of the Afghan people. They could encourage

Afghan lawmakers to consider such a referendum as a way of respecting the will of

the people and of seeking the support of their own citizens.

Would a referendum change the dynamics of the war? If the Afghanis voted to

keep troops there, then the U.S. could expect better cooperation from the public (in

both Afghanistan and the U.S.) and would be confident, it is respecting the will of the

citizens. (This is especially so if there is strong voter participation and the results

show a wide margin.) It might also convince mainly skeptical world opinion and

governments to provide more military and other aid. If the Afghanis voted against the

troops remaining in Afghanistan, and the U.S. honors that, again we are respecting

what Afghanis want for their own country.Then U.S. options might include

undertaking training of police and military personnel; providing support for building


the country’s economic, political, and educational systems; and making payments to

militia in the same way that the U.S., perhaps in large part, bought its way out of an

insurgency in Iraq. Significant resources could be made available in all these ways if

there was no combat presence to financially support.

Our nation asserts that it sends its military overseas to protect freedoms at

home and promote freedom and democracy elsewhere. The United States can take

another step toward democracy in the world by encouraging it in Afghanistan—and it

might even bring other benefits, as well. The United States can let the people of

Afghanistan choose.

Originally published by CommonDreams.org

Cliff Kindy is an organic market gardener and has for the last twenty years worked frequently

with Christian Peacemaker Teams in the war zones of the world. [email protected]

Neil Wollman is Senior Fellow, Bentley Alliance for Ethics and Social Responsibility, Bentley

University, and the author of a 2005 op ed suggesting that Iraqis hold a referendum

concerning U.S. troop presence. [email protected]


THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN

THE WAR AGAINST TERROR

Muhammad Arif

Initiative

Many of us have heard the “do more” doctrine. If “do more” can be called an

initiative then “good bye” America. How silly is it to expect from two fragile states like

Pakistan and Afghanistan to be motivated enough to show their capabilities to end

this war. Just look at the Failed State Index for 2008 in which Afghanistan is on

number seven and Pakistan on number nine.

Every time there is some problem inside Afghanistan or Pakistan the

international community is much more vocal and concerned about the stability of

these countries. Looking retrospectively, this stability vs instability paradox emerged

as a catalyst to fuel this war to the most dangerous level. Shouldn’t we be concerned

with the very meaning of “stability” in this context? Let’s not deceive ourselves with

the notion that the “mayor of Kabal” and the “mayor of Islamabad” will run the whole

show. Let the voice of the people be heard. Let the political parties be strengthened.

Don’t fear democracy. It doesn’t bite.

The burden of initiative lies on the shoulder of the international community.

The relevant states and their institutions should be spared of this burden as a first


cause. For this purpose some concrete steps should be taken to submerge the

antagonistic forces to democracy with their own strength. The strength of these

forces lies in their power to blackmail. Whether it is warlordism in Afghanistan or

military takeover in Pakistan, the modus operandi is the same blackmailing. The

traditional power elites play on the genuine fears of the population of these two

countries that “stability” is synonymous to status quo. So far the international

community has failed to come up with some concrete measures to eliminate each

and every bit of this discourse based on the genuine fears and apprehensions of the

people from which emanates this power to blackmail.. Negotiating with the local

population against militants is the key and then the use of effective, targeted and

answerable coercive measures.

Starting from the bottom line the international community did not bother to be

engaged in dialogues with the local population against the militants. Here it is

important to mention that the difference between dialogues with the militants and

dialogues with the local population against the militants should be dichotomized. The

dialogues in Waziristan and Swat failed because they did not take this dichotomy

into account and because it had not got the initiative of the international community;

and also because they were initiated by the Army. Similarly ANP was forced to hold

dialogue with the militants to break the nexus between the army and Taliban.

Vagueness

Analyzing the policy lines of the international community especially the US the

conclusion we reach is all but vagueness. Such often quoted expressions have

almost lost their values like “the stability of Afghanistan is unattainable without the

stability of Pakistan.” The audience in the Pashtun belt are unable to comprehend

why the US support military dictatorship and one-man rule. If this vagueness on the

part of the international community is a deliberate one then it can make some sense

but as perceived here in the Pashtun belt, the war on terror seems to safeguard

certain imperialistic or geopolitical interest.

The people are driving a brakeless vehicle on a hilly windy misty road and

there is death like silence in the towns and cities. The people think about intelligence

agencies as an omniscient eye constantly watching their activities in an organized

way so that no escape is ever possible. They are confused and perplexed and their

fears know no bounds. The vagueness and the situations on the ground (where


opposition to the militants is unimaginable) are adding to the fears of the people.

They have started thinking the militants and the proxies as an invincible force which

demands awe and submission. As a result the people have lost all hopes.

It is the responsibility of the international community to remove the vagueness

from their policy lines. While the use of coercive measures should be applied as a

mean towards and end it should not result into an end in itself. Accountability and

answerability should be the guiding principles of any use of force in the Pashtun belt.

The myth of “invincibility” and “omniscience” should be broken at all cost so that the

local population themselves take the desired initiatives.

Hope

While fear is a kind of negative hope which feeds on the desperation of the

people in the Pashtun belt, hope on the other hand needs to be instilled in to the

society. We have to sell “hope” to the Pashtuns. We have to release Pashtuns from

the trauma of the Great Games which are looming on their heads for the last two

centuries. The never ending war cycle is increasing xenophobia and isolationism

among them. They are being deprived of the fruits of modernization, industrialization,

entrepreneurship and better civic facilities. We have to build optimism on these

lines. But first take the initiative, remove the vagueness and build the foundation of

trust.

The writer hails from Tangi, Charsadda and is settled in Islamabad.


THE JOURNALISTS’ BURDEN

Shaheen Buneri

When society is passing

through a transitional period, and

centuries-old social and cultural

institutions are razed to the

ground, journalists are left with no

option but to cover misery, death

and destruction.

From Swat to Waziristan,

the area is in the grip of un-

precedented violence and

journalists carry the heavy burden of reporting each and every incident in great

detail. The tragedy is that the majority of the journalists reporting from the conflict

zones are not trained in the techniques of conflict reporting and safety measures.

News channels are in a rush to break news. In the wake of the media boom in

Pakistan, about 50 TV channels are in competition to inform the bewildered

population before any other competitor takes the lead. Lost in this frenzy are the

needs of journalists, more than 10 of whom have been killed in the line of duty over

the past two years.

Now, as the war is reaching its climax and a major military offensive against

Taliban militants is in progress in the tribal belt, Peshawar and the surrounding areas

are the main targets of terrorist attacks. The city of Peshawar faced 10 bomb blasts

in two weeks in November that killed hundreds of people. Many reporters and TV

journalists expressed their extreme frustration and despair over the worsening

situation. They complained that their newsrooms give more importance to the reports

and footage they need for their bulletins than their well-being.

Recently in Peshawar, a huge bomb blast at the famous Meena Bazaar killed

120 people. A TV reporter was asked by his editor to reach the scene and provide

live reports from there. The reporter performed his duties, but eventually he

collapsed and had to be admitted to hospital.


"I saw charred bodies, crying children, helpless mothers, blood and destruction; I

was out of my mind. Even now I can't sleep; the scenes of bloodshed torment me

day and night. Sometimes I think I am not fit for this job," said one journalist who

didn't want to be identified for fear of losing his job. “

Another issue is that journalists don't have fixed working hours; they are on

call round the clock. If you cover an event the whole day it does not absolve you

from the responsibility to cover any new incident in the night. "Once, I was following

a story of a bomb explosion in Peshawar the whole day. I was really depressed as I

was seriously concerned about my city and its people. I was continuously thinking,

why is this happening to us? With this pain and sense of insecurity, I returned home.

In the wee hours of the night, I received a call from my newsroom to wake up and

reach a spot that had been hit by another explosion. I had to run to the spot with a

heavy heart and dejected feelings. My family was very concerned as they were not

sure whether I would return home," says Tariq Afaq, a senior journalist who works for

a private news channel in Peshawar.

Afaq reveals that he only recently recovered from the trauma of the ongoing

violence and instability in the region. But his organisation did not extend him any

support for his healthcare. He recalled that he witnessed three bomb blasts that led

to signs of post-traumatic

stress disorder. "Almost all

the journalists are suffering

from pain and trauma, but

most of them don't talk about

ailments. They fear they will

be considered weak and in

the long run may lose their

jobs. But this is a serious

issue and the media

organisations concerned

should provide the journalists with both training facilities and psycho-social support

so that they can perform their duties in a befitting manner," he argued.

Some of the journalists are of the view that they feel more aggressive and

frustrated in the wake of the increased violence in the region. One journalist said,

"These days I don't feel easy in the company of my friends. I want to be alone. I even


find it hard to feel comfortable in the company of my own family members and co-

workers.

Rifatullah Orakzai, who works for the BBC in Peshawar, agrees that

journalism means objectivity and impartiality, but as a local resident he is emotionally

attached to the area and its people.

"A few weeks back when I saw wounded children and women in a local hospital, I

lost my concentration. They were crying and wailing and there was no one to tell

them why and by whom they were hurt. I was taking photographs but when I

returned to my office and checked the photos all of them were out of focus. I realised

that my hands were shaking while I was taking the snaps. The sense of loss and

helplessness in the eyes of the injured people shocked me," Orakzai added.

Khalid Khishgi, former secretary general of the Khyber Union of Journalists

and a senior journalist working for The News in Peshawar, says, "The problem does

not end there. Both the military and the militants are monitoring each and every

report from the conflict zones. I cannot predict which sentence or word in my report

goes against the "strategic interests" of the powerful groups. In Peshawar, so many

organisations received threatening letters from a certain militant group for not giving

"enough space" to their side of the story. Words like press freedom become

meaningless in such horrible situations."

This year a number of journalists

were kidnapped either by the militant

groups or arrested by the security

agencies for not observing the specified

"code of conduct" that forced other

journalists to self-censor their reports to

avoid retaliation. There are cases when

family members compelled some of the

journalists to quit their jobs or migrate to other countries.

"When your home and your family members are not safe you cannot do justice to

your profession," says Rahman Buneri, who fled the country and took asylum in the

United States when a group of militants bombed his house a few months back in the

Buner valley of NWFP.


Dr Khalid Mufti, a renowned psychiatrist based in Peshawar, has observed

that there is a marked increase in mental health problems among journalists and

their families. He is of the opinion that the war and instability is taking a heavy toll on

the mental health of journalists working in NWFP and the tribal areas. "I have

observed fatigue, irritation and sleeplessness among the journalists who cover

violent incidents. They are extremely frightened and uncertain about their future. This

attitude also leads to complications in their family affairs. In 2008, I observed 35

male and two female journalists, but in 2009, 63 male and nine female journalists

consulted me for the treatment of various mental health problems. I also observed

that many journalists take refuge in drugs due to the deteriorating law and order

situation," said Dr Mufti, adding that three out of 10 journalists use hashish

(cannabis) and seven out of 10 are using different types of tranquilizers.

Dr Mufti maintained that in 2008, he looked after 16 families of journalists

while in 2009 the number rose to 56. He elaborated that journalists' children are the

worst affected as they fear for the lives of their parents. According to his estimate,

9% of the children of journalists are suffering from serious mental and psychological

complexities.

"The issue is that journalists are not provided proper training in mental health; there

is no counseling, no psychotherapy. Another issue is that journalists are not paid

properly. Journalists based in FATA are poor and despite performing a challenging

job they have nothing to provide a decent living to their families," he concluded.

Mr. Shaheen Buneri is a journalist based in Peshawar, Pakistan. He covers issues

related to politics, society and cultural heritage in North Western Pakistan for the

national and international media.


Section 2 : Literary

SCAPEGOATING THE PASHTUNS:KITE RUNNER AS

PSYCHOLOGICAL OPERATION?

Dr. Rahmat Rabi Zirakyar

INTRODUCTION

An eminent American historian Dr. Harry Elmer Barnes writes: “Truth is

always the first war casualty.The emotional disturbances and distortion in historical

writing are greatest in wartime.” In shadows of aggression, people have been

deliberately manipulated by official propaganda and spinning media and experts into

an attitude of hating a country, a race, a religion, an ethnic group,

etc.

The Kite Runner is an emotional and ideological novel by Afghan-born Dr.

Khaled Hosseini which covers the tumultuous period of Afghanistan’s history since

early 1970s. I read its first Riverhead paperback edition (2004) in November of 2009.

Its hardcover was published a year earlier in 2003. He is culturally a non-Pashtun

but ethnically a half-Pashtun: Dr. Hosseini’s mother, grandmother and great-

grandmother belong to the Mohammadzai nobility of Pashtun heritage. He cleverly

organizes the story of his fiction, skillfully builds the suspense, and amazingly

patronizes the Western audience by using “hot-button” cultural and political issues in

a very traditional Afghan society torn by the ravages of war since 1978. The

overwhelming majority of the Afghan people rejected the communist rule and its


brutalities. They stood up against the new, leftist regime for national and religious

reasons. These events were followed by the CIA operations against the Moscow-

connected regime, which rushed the Soviets to invade Afghanistan on December 25,

1979.

In the general euphoria of Afghanistan’s “liberation”of 2001, Mr. Siddiq

Barmak’s award-winning film Osama, and Dr. Hosseini’s widely-acclaimed fiction

‘The Kite Runner’ emerged in the middle of the same year 2003. What a

coincidence!


Dr. Hosseini’s novel is designed to soothe the Western audience’s conscience

and to serve as a non-military “psychological operation” in the post-9/11 U.S. war,

packaged as liberty and democracy. It is a de facto defamation fiction, scapegoating

the Pashtuns who constitute the majority of Afghan population. The author

conveniently exempts the upper stratum of other non-Pashtun minorities. He is

touching on the legal conception of “defamation innuendo” (injury to reputation)! Dr.

Hosseini does not seem to be thoroughly steeped in the history and culture of

Afghanistan, particularly the period he is covering. Is his thinking co-opted?

CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES

The novel is timely because Afghanistan has become a pivotal point in global

arena of imperial ambitions reinvigorated after the 9/11 catastrophe. It served as a

non-military psychological operation. By supporting the Northern Alliance’s warlords

to marginalize the majority Pashtuns of Afghanistan, the Bush administration in fact

became partner in the civil war.The Kite Runner is written in a way that the reader

can easily become caught up in the class

struggle between under-privileged

Hazaras (minority) and allegedly affluent

Pashtuns(majority) and forgets that this

is an ideological fiction. Hazaras have

distinct Mongoloid features, which makes

it easy to distinguish them from the

neighboring ethnic groups. Their

overwhelming majority adheres to Imami

Shiism, although a few are Ismaeli

Shiite, or Sunni. Most Afghans move to

Kabul to find work. The population of

Kabul consists of Pashtuns, Tajiks,

Uzbeks, Hazaras, and other ethnic

groups.

The legal note on the copyright page of Dr. Hosseini’s novel reads: “This is a

work of fiction. Names, characters, places, and incidents either are product of the

author’s imagination or are used fictitiously, and any resemblance to actual persons,

living or dead, business establishments, events, or locales is entirely coincidental.”

The Kite Runner is organized around the confrontation between two ethnic and

religious groups: Majority Pashtuns and the minority Hazaras. Thus, Hazaras and

Pashtuns are the real names of real ethnic groups in Afghanistan. The author’s

Afghan background tells us that using real names of the real Afghan ethnic groups

(Pashtuns and Hazaras) is neither the “product” of his “imagination” nor is their

“resemblance…entirely coincidental.” This method is based on a hidden agenda for

blaming the Pashtuns of oppressing the minorities (non-Pashtun ethnic groups).

This allegation, known in Afghanistan as “setam-e meli” (national oppression), first

originated in the former Soviet-Communist literature. This dichotomous conception


was boosted during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan (1979-1989). The Soviet-

Uzbek historian Nishanov became upset about the term “Afghan” in the Afghan

constitution of 1964, which referred to all citizens as Afghans, and, consequently, all

Afghans make up the Afghan nation. The discrimination against Hazaras in

Afghanistan resulted from different political, social and cultural interests of the elite

crossing through all major non-Hazara ethnic and religious groups, not the masses

of the people. To establish this I would present a few cases:

a. When the Soviet-connected People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan

was in power (1978-1992), the leader of the government Hafizullah

Amin of Pashtun heritage (April 1978-December 1979) gave weapons

to Pashtun Wardag tribe to fight against Hazaras. The Wardags did not

use them against the neighboring Hazaras, but turned them against the

Communist government.

b. Haji Mula Nasim Akhundzada is of Pashtun heritage. He was deputy

commander to late Kandahari Mula Naqib, locally known as Mula-Gwal

Akhund. Belonging to Alakozai-Pashtun tribe, Mula Nasim Akhundzada

himself was an important Jehadi commander in Kandahar. He was

allied with Northern Alliance and Islamic Society of Afghanistan run by

Commander Ahmad Shah Masood and his mentor Borhanuddin

Rabani. [Nasim Akhundzada is currently advisor to a former Northern

Alliance warlord in Kabul. Abdul Nafe’ Hemat from Kandahar is of

Alakozai-Pashtun heritage, as well as a poet and satirist. He learned

about the inter-Mujahedeen fighting in Kabul (1992-1996) from other

Alakozai-Pashtuns who participated in that distressing occurrence, the

“unholy victory.” Abdul Nafe’ Hemat shared this information with a

young Afghan journalist Abdul Rahim Shindandiwal. Regarding his

information he interviewed Mula Nasim Akhundzada in November of

2009. His descriptions closely corroborated Shindandiwal’s

information, which he shared with me as follows: Commander Ahmad

Shah Masood complained to commander Mula Naqib that his

Mujahedeen fighters refrained from attacking Pashtun positions in the

Kabul area [Hekmatyar’s fighters]. Masood suggested to him that his

deputy commanders should attack Hazaras instead. So under the

command of two Kandaharis (Mohammad-Aka and Akhtarjan.), Mula

Nasim Akhundzada’s Pashtun forces together with Ahmad Shah

Mosood’s sub-commander Asad-e Choor’s brigade attacked the Dasht-

e Barchi area up to Marastoon in the vicinity of Kabul and forced

Hazara forces to flee, most probably in 1992. But they left behind some

three hundred women and approximately forty children and old men.

Masood’s sub-commander Asad-e Choor (Asad the Looter, Plunderer)

put the Hazara women in containers to rape them. They were crying for

fear of being raped. When Mula Nasim Akhundzada noticed this

misery, he immediately ordered his forces to thwart Assad-e Choor’s

undertaking. The Pashtun commanders told Assad-e Choor that: (1) “In


our tradition [Pashtunwali=the Pashtun code of conduct]” Pashtuns do

not fight against women and children, and (2) accordingly, they will

hand over them to the leader of Hazaras, Abdul Ali Mazari. Asad-e

Choor attacked Pashtun forces but could not succeed, and

consequently Masood ordered his sub-commander Asad-e Choor to

withdraw from that area. Kandahari Pashtun fighters relinquished

Hazara women and children to Abdul Ali Mazari, who reciprocated this

action with sending gifts and releasing many Pashtun war prisoners.

c. Educated in Germany, Engineer Gholam Mohammad Farhad was of

Yousufzai-Pashtun heritage. The people of the capital city Kabul gave

him the honorary title “Papa” (Father). He was the most prominent

leader of Afghan Social Democratic Party (1966). Engineer Farhad was

the first elected mayor of Kabul. He won the mayoral elections with

Hazara vote. Also, in the parliamentary elections he relied on the

Hazara vote and won the seat in the House of Representatives. Hazara

elders are still in touch with Papa Farhad’s family members, especially

with his brother, politician and historian Qodratullah Hadad Farhad.

d. In early October 1929, the progressive King Amanullah struggled

against the non-Pashtun bandit Bacha Saqaw (Son of Water Carrier)

supported by the British. In this struggle King Amanullah was

supported by Hazaras.

e. The speech of Abdul Ali Mazari, the leader of Hazaras’ Islamic Unity

Party of Afghanistan, in July of 1993 might be quite instructive for those

who are beating on the drum of ethnic antagonism. Mazari believed

that his people Hazaras have to fight together with other “Persian-

speaking” people against the Pashtun domination. But “the issue of

Chandawal and Afshar” [the killing of Hazaras in two sections of Kabul

by non-Pashtun Masood-Rabani group, 1992] convinced Mazari that

during the past 250 years not all Pashtuns, but “a power-hungry family”

[yak khanadan-e jahtalab] had oppressed Hazaras. Since the day

Masood-Rabani group came to power in April,1992 in Kabul, they

“waged eight wars in the name of Islam against you[Hazaras],” Mazari

emphasized in his speech. Masood and Rabani were referring to

Hazaras as “the progeny of Genghis Khan.” For original Persian text of

Mazari’s speech, see Nada-e Wahdat, No. 13/July 1993, quoted in

Rahmat Rabi Zirakyar, X-Ray of Afghan National Consciousness

(original in Pashto), Publisher Pashto Yoon, New York, submitted to

publisher on 19 February 2001, printed in Peshawar, Pashtunkhwa,

2003, pp. 79-80, from the facsimile printed in Afghanistan Mirror

(Ayena-e Afghanistan, Vol.32/June-July1993=Jauza-Sartan 1372 A.H.,

pp. 71-72).

f. Iranian educated Dr. Ali Razawi Ghaznawi is of Hazara heritage, as

well as an Afghan scholar. He believed that Afghanistan was


dominated by Pashtuns, “qaum-e ma’iyan wa khas” (the distinct and

particular tribe). King Mohammad Zaher Shah, who ruled Afghanistan

for the longest period (1933-1973), was an important member of that

distinct and particular tribe, the Pashtuns. Apparently, the terrible

events in Chandawal and Afshar sections of Kabul (see above #5),

taught Dr. Ghaznawi to change his mind (most probably in 1992/1993):

Under the prevailing circumstances of anarchy, destruction and killing,

he “preferred” the leadership of “His Majesty”, the exile King Zaher

Shah. For original Persian text, see Zirakyar, ibid. pp. 71-72. As a non-

political symbol of “national unity” under the occupation, King Zaher

Shah died in Kabul on July 23, 2007.

g. Kateb Faiz Mohammad (1862-1931) was the son of Sayed Mohammad

Moghol of Hazara heritage. He served under two kings of Pashtun

heritage: Emir Abdul Rahman (1880-1901 and his son Emir Habibullah

(1901-19). In 1888, Abdul Rahman conferred on an influential Hazara

leader (Mohammad Azim Beg) the title “Sardar” (Lord, Prince). On the

recommendation of his father, Prince Habibullah married the daughter

of Sardar Mohammad Azim Beg. According to a very cautious, well

educated and resourceful high-ranking Afghan politician, a group of

“professional” (maslaki) Hazaras in British India was sent by its

government to Quetta, Baluchistan, to instigate unrest in Afghanistan.

This way, the British forced the then Afghan Emir Abdul Rahman to

give in to their colonial demand for the so-called “Durand Line” of 1893,

which divided the Pashtuns between Afghanistan and British India

(current Pakistan). To forge a unified Afghanistan and a central

administration, Emir Abdul Rahman ruled his country with an “iron fist”

against Pashtun Shinwaris, Pashtun Ghilzais, non-Pashtun Nuristanis,

and non-Pashtun Hazaras who suffered more.

h. Prof. Abdul Wahab Sorabi of Hazara heritage was member of the

Advisory Constitutional Commission (1964). He was the first Hazara

cabinet member with portfolio (1967-69) under King Zaher Shah.

Thereupon Prof. Sorabi became the cabinet minister, 1969-1971,

Secretary of Planning. Engineer Mohammad Yaqub Lali was also a

Hazara and cabinet minister, 1967-69, Secretary of Public Affairs.

Abdullah Khan, who was like a prince (sardar-e Hazaras) in his

community, was chosen by King Zaher Shah as a member of the

Senate. He was in fact close to the King. Barat-Ali Khan was also

Hazara and quite influential in the National Bank.

STEREOTYPING PASHTUNS

A good historical novel usually depends on the author’s ability to thoroughly

understand the history of the period he/she is covering. The following passages from

the novel will illustrate that Pashtuns are singled out and negatively impacted, which


do cause injury to their reputation (defamation innuendo). Amir is the lead character

and narrator of the story.

a. “King Zaher Shah and Amir’s father, both Pashtuns “got behind the wheel of

their father’s Ford roadster. High on Hashish and mast on French wine, they

struck and killed a Hazara husband and wife on the road.” (p. 24)

b. The character Assef is Pashtun and a bully, who raped the Hazara boy

Hassan. “Born to a German mother and Afghan father, the blond, blue-eyed

Assef towered over the other kids.” He admires Hitler: “About Hitler. Now,

there was a leader. A great leader. A man of vision.” Assef’s “blue eyes

flicked to Hassan [the Hazara boy]” and said: “Afghanistan is the land of

Pashtuns. It always has been, always will be. We are the true Afghans, the

pure Afghans, not this Flat-Nose here. His people pollute our homeland, our

watan. They dirty our blood. “Assef “will ask the president [Prince

Mohammad Daud, the founder of the Republic of Afghanistan in 1973] to do

what the king[Mohammad Zaher Shah, 1933-1973] didn’t have the quwat

[power] to do. To rid Afghanistan of all the dirty, kaseef Hazaras.” (pp. 38-40).

c. Assef brought Amir a birthday gift. “It was a biography of Hitler.”(pp.96-97)

d. Assef, who became leader of Taleban, took Sohrab (son of Hassan) from

orphanage in Kabul and forced him to prostitution: “How is that whore these

days?” While Assef was present in his office, “One of the guards pressed a

button and Pashtu [or Pashto is the language of Pashtuns] music filled the

room” and Sohrab “danced in a circle.”(pp. 278-280)

e. The Taleb with the whip “shouted something in Pashtu.”(p.272) Or the guard

said “something in Pashtu, in a hard voice”( p.279). Or “One of the guards

said something in Pashtu”(p.291).

The author tries to connect Taleban and Pashtuns through their language

Pashto and this way diminish and discredit the majority Pashtuns, succinctly to

dehumanize them. Dr. Hosseini’s statements are embedded in social discrimination

based on basic psychological impulses of fear and Pashtun-bashing. “The kind of

thinking which presents any ethnic or national group in terms of crude, unflattering

caricature, is undesirable and sloppy at best.” Dr. Michael F. Connors.

CONCLUSIONS

Why is Dr. Hosseini, who belongs to a well educated family, involved in

Pashtun-bashing? He is originally a “Sayed” (honorific title used for male

descendants of the Islamic Prophet Mohammad.) However, his mother, grandmother

and great-grandmother are members of the ruling lineage of nobility (Mohammadzai-

Pashtuns). So he is half Pashtun (Mohammadzai nobility) and half non-Pashtun.

Besides, Dr. Hosseini’s aunt is the mother of Prince Mostapha Zaher, the grandson

of King Zaher Shah. But culturally Dr. Hosseini is a non-Pashtun, or apparently an

anti-Pashtun non-Pashtun. In 1973 Prince Mohammad Daud overthrew his cousin


King Mohammad Zaher Shah, declared Republic and proclaimed himself the

president. The Pashtun faction of the leftist People’s Democratic Party of

Afghanistan overthrew Daud and thereby ended once and for all the reign of the

Mohammadzai nobility. This might be one of the reasons why Dr. Hosseini (as the

privileged half) has taken revenge on Pashtuns collectivity. Culturally non-Pashtun

Dr. Khaled Hosseini’s biography reveals that he had limited opportunity to expand

his knowledge of Afghan history. He “feel[s] like a tourist in my own country” (p.231).

Farid (a character) who escorted Dr. Hosseini to Afghanistan, told him: “Agha

Saheb[Sir]….You? You’ve always been a tourist here” in Afghanistan (p.232). To

transcribe Afghan terms, Dr. Hosseini uses in his novel Iranian Persian (Farsi)

pronunciation rather than Dari (Afghan version of Farsi) phonetic transcription. For

example, “Ghargha”Lake (p.13), “Sabzi challow” (p. 173), “Maghbool” (p.178), and

“Topeh chasht” (p. 245).Their Dari-Farsi pronunciations are: “Qargha” Lake, “Sabzi

chalau”, “Maqbool”, and “Tope chast”. Khaled Hosseini was born in Kabul,

Afghanistan in 1965. In the early 1970s he lived with his family in Tehran, Iran,

where his father worked for the Afghan embassy. In 1973, he and his family

returned to Kabul, and in 1976, Hosseini and his family moved to Paris, France,

where his father was assigned to the Afghan embassy. The Hosseinis were still in

Paris when the Soviet army invaded Afghanistan on December 25, 1979. The 15-

year old Hosseini, along with his family, left Paris for the United States of America,

where they arrived in the fall of 1980. From this, I can assume that Dr. Hosseini is a

victim of his superficial knowledge of the Afghan history. I am assuming that

“Setam-e meli” ideology was influential in his political socialization. Setam-e meli

(national oppression) looks like a class struggle, which is based on the alleged

oppression of non-Pashtun minorities by the Pashtun majority. The concept of

Setam-e meli originated in the former Soviet-Communist literature, and it influenced

the outlook of non-Pashtun leftists. The Soviet Union needed this ideology to divide

Afghanistan into north and south regions. The Soviet design was to integrate ten

Northern provinces into a “submissive, civilized” Socialist Republic of Afghanistan

and to merge the southern provinces into a “resistant, less civilized” Democratic

Republic of Afghanistan as a buffer zone for the defense of the civilized North. Who

would think that U.S. strategist Dr. Zbigniew Brzezinski cannot learn from Soviet

Arbatov? The idea of dividing Afghanistan was also appealing to non-Pashtun

Ahmad Shah Masood, the leader of the Northern Alliance, who might have been

interested in establishing “Masoodistan” in Northern Afghanistan. This anti-Pashtun

mutation became intensified during the Soviet occupation (1979-1989), Parcham rule

(1980-1992) and during Masood-Rabani chaotic “unholy victory” (1992-1996). Dr.

Hosseini may have been influenced by the opinions, suggestions and/or guidance of

other Afghans. They could have used his historical-political inexperience and his

excellent writing skills for their own political-ideological orientation. Or presumably,

someone has co-opted his thinking? The Kite Runner by Dr. Hosseini is a biased

book. It is patronizing the Western audience and plays into war mongering. It is a

common feeling among Pashtuns that this novel participated in dancing to the drum

of Bush’s war which was a virtue of supreme importance in the post -9/11 political

and cultural climate. The war party will move heaven and earth to make sure the

war, propaganda, collapse of mainstream media integrity, and the proliferation of


doublespeak are working harmoniously. (See Cold War Fantasies: Film, Fiction, and

Foreign Policy by Prof. of Political Science Ronnie D. Lipschutz. Rowman &

Littlefield Publishers, October 2001).

Dr. Hosseini’s novel has

functioned successfully as a non-

military psychological operation in the

service of U.S. “Congress-Military-

Industrial Complex’s” war on

Afghanistan (October 7, 2001). Soon

after the U.S. troops conquered the

city of Kabul, I saw the then Secretary

of State Colin Powell on TV talking

enthusiastically about a boy whose

kite was flying in the sky of that city.

Powell might have been implying that

kite flying was symbolizing the

independence of Afghanistan under

the occupation of foreign troops.

For a comprehensive analysis of the

above novel, see my “Pashtun-

Bashing in Kite Runner,” in Sabawoon

Online, Dawatfreemedia.com,

Larawbar.com

The writer is an independent scholar and holds a doctorate Degree in Political

Science.


MY VILLAGE

Farid Gul

When I left my village years ago

I left nothing, but

a house, a village, her dark streets,

and

sweet memories.

But now

every house is a state

runs with its own principles and

dogmas

indoctrinated with gun powder.

And every street of my village

proudly parts

from the other streets of the village, as if

shares a brutal bitterness with others

or a history of bloodshed.

Here

nothing grows but sadness

and grief

here, my childhood cries to me

from the narrow streets of my village,

whose hearts

were bigger than Mars and Jupiter

to embrace once more, all

that I left years ago.

Farid Gul is based in London and can be reached at [email protected]


PUKHTANA PEGHLA

Feroz Afridi

Pukhtana peghla malala

Benazira be misaala

Pa tyaru ki bal mashaala

Swazidalu ki khushala

Maseeha wee da ghamjanu

Maseeha wee da badhaala

Da be wasu pa tandee paas

Da umeed da jabeen khaala

Da mayan da zra pa dashta

Laka parkha pashakaala

Nandaara da hussan zaro

Khaaista badre jamaala

Pa baadoonu da khazaan k

iDa sparleed da mastai taala


Khpali khawri lara fakhar

Khpali jabi lara syala

Chi zawaal na laree dasi

Lazawaala bakamaala

Khudai warkaray chi seerat de

Khpal pradee di tri khushala

Da Pukhtun hussan pa ishq ki

Feroz hum paki lewaala.

Feroz Afridi hails from Khyber Agency and can be reached at [email protected]


MAAT SHO QALAM …..!!

Imdad ullah Khyal

Maat sho qalam pa zra me Gham paate sho,

Nom me nemgarey da Sanam paate sho.

Za afsaane sta da zulmono lekam,

Waya ashna kom yo Sitam paate sho?

Teyarah da hijar da manzal na khkari,

Rana khpal yaar pa yo Qadam paate sho.

Zra me barbad kro da jehan ghamono,

Zama pa stargo ke tash Nam paate sho.

Janana sta da naakardo da lasa,

Maa na sta kor kale ao Cham paate sho.

Ta kho da rogh surat peghor rakawy,

Zargi zama qalam Qalam paate sho.

Hagha che ta ba tal khere kre warta,

Hagha be soka KHIYAL Karam paate sho.

Imdad hails from Charsadda and holds a Masters Degree in Pashto Literature. He is

based in Islamabad and can be contacted at [email protected]


KAKAJI SANOBER HUSSAIN- A REVOLUTIONARY POLITICIAN

Zar Ali Khan Musazai

Kakaji Sanober Hussain was a

great hero of the war of

independence of sub-continent, a

fearless and committed politician, a

bold journalist and a good poet .He

spent most of his precious time

fighting against imperialists who ruled

India at that time. He was one of

those freedom fighters who struggled to

to liberate India, mould the society,

give political education to the masses

and help the downtrodden and the

poor and was having a clear

conscious heart and mind. He had a precious wealth of feelings for humanity and

was not satisfied with the man made class structure in society. He was a man who

did not believe in gods of color and race. It is true that he was basically a politician

par excellent but at the same time he was a poet of the Pashto language who had a

liking for other languages as well like Persian, Urdu and English. He believed that all

languages spoken in different parts of the world belonged to human beings and all

are to be given due respect and regard. Each and every moment of his life, he spent

for the service of his nation and entire humanity. He worked hard to promote Pashto

literature and culture.

Kakaji was a great statesman and an intellectual and men as great as he was,

are born once in centuries. He was born in January 1897 in a village named Kaka

wala situated about 8 kilometers south of Peshawar city on main Kohat road near

Badaber. He got formal education up to class 10 from Islamia High school Peshawar

city and adopted the profession of education, where he taught the children of lesser

gods. But he soon realized that his heart and mind were made for something

different and not what he was doing. He did not like to serve the government rather

wished to help his people and humanity from the atrocities and injustices prevailing


in society at that time. He believed that man is born free and thus it is in his nature to

stay free. He loved freedom for all and wanted to live in an atmosphere free of the

shackles and fetters of slavery which had fastened the humanity. He wanted to see

the Sub-Continent free from the plundering and looting of the imperialists.

Consequently, Kakaji said goodbye to the profession of education and started taking

active part in the practical politics. He founded, Anjuman Zamindaran, in his own

village in 1926. When he noticed that farmers and poor growers were taking interest

in his work, he was greatly encouraged and moved towards the atmosphere of the

city to expand the sphere of his work. Doing politics in those times was not as easy

as we see today because there were no facilities of travelling and other

communication means. By the time kakaji was a young man and participated in a

movement called, Nojwanan Baharat Sabha, which wanted a direct action against

the English contrary to the decision of the congress committee. His participation

gave a new spirit and hope to the movement. Kakaji was put behind the bars by the

imperialists on the crime of patriotism and love for his people. When he was set free,

he was a changed man who had more spirit in his heart to serve his people and soil

with a new enthusiasm.

Feeling the need for more integrated and stronger political organization, he

started publishing a weekly from Peshawar namely, SILAB, which indeed proved to

be a flood for the enemies and motivation of the general public. So the English rulers

considered it dangerous for their government and confiscated the publication. Not

only the publication was banned but his arrest warrant was also issued. His aides

and comrades advised him to leave his home for tribal area. Kakaji accepted what

his friends advised. He found that Haji Sahib Turangzai was already there who was

busy working against imperialists to liberate his people and country from their

clutches. Kakaji accepted his allegiance and stayed there for almost 18 years

working for the movement of freedom. When in 1947, the English left sub-continent

and India was liberated while Pakistan was born, he came back to his home once

again from tribal territory and started publishing a monthly named ASLAM which was

a quality Pashto magazine. Besides, he laid the foundation of a literary organization

named Anjuman Olasi Adabi Jirga .This Anjuman brought a revolution in the world of

Pashto poem and literature and gave a new tradition of the open critic. This trend not

only promoted the poem but prose also. The magical personality of Kakaji attracted

the poets of all shades and languages towards him. There was no question of

religion, cast, creed, color and political affiliation among those who used to sit around


kakaji. He was a social and political person, a writer and a man of principles and had

many books and writings to his credit. He wrote on social and political issues. Baba-

e-Ghazal Ameer Hamza Khan Shinwari writes about Kakaji, “ He wanted to over

power the imperialist and exploitative forces and wished that poor laborers and

growers be considered as human beings. He neither bowed before any despot nor

was he impressed by any cruel man or system. He stood like rock before the cruel

and exploitative system and nothing could move him from his chosen path. He was a

determined and committed man to his cause. The most precious part of life was

spent in mountains and deserts. Kakaji was a strong and firm Pashtun. He loved

Pashto language and served it till the end of his life. Once I said to him, it is the right

time to take rest now: He replied that it is the sign of weakness and death. He had all

qualities that a Pashtun have concerning hospitality. Mir Mehdi Shah Bacha says

about him in these words: He was a great man and a revolutionary. His words had

love and attraction. His face had a smile all the time for every one. His talks were

sweet and one wanted to hear him more and more.”

The great Pashtun nationalist politician and poet Ajmal Khattak says that

Kakaji was a living person and will live until the world exists as people like him never

die. Such people are alive in the hearts and minds of people. He was not only a

literary person but at same time he was a political leader and a reformer. Kakaji

believed that only change of faces would not work. Change of system is the real

thing which would solve the problems of the people. Condition of the poor can not be

changed until feudalism, capitalism and expolitation exists. If one likes to change the

fate of the poor then he will have to change the system of capitalism. Kakaji also

believed that rights can not be obtained by just demands and simple asking.

Kakaji Sanobar was an extra-ordinary human being and only one article is not

enough to describe his life and work. This great revolutionary politician, writer, poet

and intellectual departed for his eternal abode on January 3, 1963 in his village Kaka

wala and was buried there.

May Allah bless his soul: Ameen

The writer is the Chairman of Pashtun Democratic Council and can be reached at

[email protected]


Section 3 : Art, Culture & Entertainment

AFGHAN CARPET INDUSTRY

Azra Nafees

Afghanistan has always been the traditional manufacturer of Carpets and

rugs. However carpet industry and the export of carpets and rugs suffered badly

when the Taliban came to power. Most of the carpet weavers fled to Pakistan and

returned only after the Talibans were defeated.

Since there is an age old

tradition of carpet weaving in

Afghanistan and the carpets

woven here bear certain richness

and uniqueness in designs, a

promising strategy should focus

on the promotion of high quality

carpets made in Afghanistan.

The increasing demand all over the world for Afghan carpets and rugs has

stimulated a lively interest in this time-honored craft. The Afghan carpet is among the

few products left in the world today that are still made entirely by hand and, for the

buyer, represents good value in

terms of beauty and durability. An

Afghan rug (or Afghan carpet) is

a type of hand-woven floor-

covering textile traditionally made

in Afghanistan. Many of the

Afghan rugs are also woven by

Afghan refugees who reside in

Pakistan and Iran. In any case,

Afghan rugs are genuine, often charming and usually phenomenally inexpensive.


Most of the weavers in Afghanistan are the Ersari Turkmen, but other smaller

groups such as Chub Bash and Kizil Ayaks are also in the line of weaving rugs.

Various vegetable and other natural dyes are used to produce the rich colors.

The rugs are mostly of medium sizes.

Many patterns and colors are used, but the

traditional and most typical is that of the

octagonal elephant's foot (Bukhara) print, often

with a red background. The weavers also

produce other trappings of the nomadic

lifestyle, including tent bags and ceremonial

pieces.

Most Afghan weavers make rugs that

are about the same as those they have woven

for decades. Weavers in Afghanistan have

contributed greatly to the rug renaissance.

The rug industry in Afghanistan, which had been shattered by the loss of

Afghan weavers, is recovering fast now. Other Afghans are remaining in Afghanistan

and doing the best they can to re-establish rug production. Some weave rugs in

Afghanistan and truck them to Pakistan for finishing and for export.

Types of Afghan Carpets

There are many names for the type of

weavings found in Afghanistan and Central Asia.

For example, in Herat and the Northern Turkmen

tribes an ensi (or engsi) is a rug designed to serve

as an internal tent door. It is called purdah (or

purdhu) in other parts of Afghanistan - all of them

referring to a door curtain or closure.

The wellknown types of Afghan rugs are

Berjasta, Nakhunak, laghari, adraskan, maimana,

mashwani, kilainu and killim. Afghan War-Rugs are of particular interest which are

getting more and more popular among the foreigners after the 9/11 attacks.


The quintessential Afghan rug of the past fifty years is a wool-on-wool product

with a repeated octagonal figure (often inaccurately called elephant’s foot) on a red

field. In the trade it is called simply Afghan or Dulatabad. Afghan carpets are weaved

mostly in northern Afghanistan. A hundred years ago the guls (as the octagonal

figures are properly called) were large — often 16 inches wide in bigger rugs. Guls

have become smaller over the years until today they most often are no more than

several inches across. As the guls have shrunk, so

has the range of colors in the rugs. Today most

Afghans contain only two colors: a rather bright red

and a blue so deep that it looks black. Still, Afghan

rugs have survived because they are basically so

appealing. They are still popular with Afghan

people, including the many who have emigrated to

the West.

One of the most exotic and distinctive of all

Oriental rugs is the Shindand or Adraskan (named

after neighboring villages), woven near Herat in

western Afghanistan. Strangely elongated human

and animal figures are their signature look.

Another staple of Afghanistan is Baluchi rugs, most notably Baluchi prayer

rugs. These rugs are made by Baluchi people, especially in western Afghanistan


near Herat. Baluchi prayer rugs can be muddy-looking rugs in outlook. Virtually all

are made on wool foundations with synthetic dyes, and measure about 2′ 8″ by 4′ 7″.

The best pieces have lustrous wool, good body, balanced color, stable dyes, and

interesting designs.

There is a small quantity of finely knotted rugs on silk foundations in the

market, some with wool pile and others with silk. These are often called silk-warp

Mauri rugs. Mostly these pieces are made in the capital city of Kabul, but one line of

silk-warp Mauris is made in Dulatabad, designs with very small guls. Another line,

usually with a silk pile as well as a silk foundation, is in designs that suggest the

architecture of mosques.

A new genre of rug has appeared in the Afghan

carpet industry in the past fifteen years: the Afghan

War Rug. These rugs, which may be nearly of any

dimension but are usually prayer-rug size, depict

scenes from the everyday life of the Afghan people.

Sadly, of late that means scenes involving fighter

planes, helicopters, machine guns, troop transports,

and the like. Afghanistan's three decades of fighting

and insecurity have spawned a thriving "war rug"

business for an international clientele of military buffs

and soldiers. The carpets - which have moved from

Soviet-era imagery to U.S. and NATO insignia - are a reminder that even war is a

commodity in today's Afghanistan, where so many are trying to profit from the billions

pouring into the effort to stabilize the Taliban's birthplace.


Afghanistan's history has long been recorded by its

largely uneducated people in stories and in carpets. When

Soviet tanks rolled into Afghanistan in 1979, traditional

woven scenes of hunters or village life gave way to

Kalashnikov rifles, fighter planes and helicopters.

One such carpet shows the capital of Kabul under attack

by planes and tanks. In another, a pattern of squat shapes

reveals itself to be lines of Soviet tanks. A third carpet

depicts a peaceful city scene, except for helicopters flying

overhead.

Some carpet sellers say the war rugs make a bigger statement about their

country. Even the World Trade Center carpet is hopeful because it marks the

moment when the world started paying attention to Afghanistan. Afghans don't buy

the war rugs, but these carpets are important to their history, one seller says.

Viewing these rugs is a deeply defamiliarizing experience: woven in with

traditional geometric patterns and imagery are helicopters, AK-47s, jets and fighter

planes, land mines, grenades, personnel carriers, computer monitors, skyscrapers

and other signs of Soviet and western culture's violent incursions into Afghanistan.

The weapons are usually rendered accurately enough that it's possible to identify


their specific models; the curator's comments indicate that there are no fictional

weapons in any of these rugs.

The miracle of these pieces is that weavers are able to incorporate bizarre

elements into them, such as machine guns, and still they still manage to look like

Oriental rugs! It is assumed that such production will be sporadic until conditions in

Afghanistan improve.

Another very popular type of rug is Afghan

Killim. Killims are a flat-woven fabric made of

wool. The variety of weaving techniques, of

designs and colors is considerable, ranging from

the simple yet charming striped killims of the

Pasthun-speaking kouchis to the elaborate

Beloutch killims of subtle design, often with

decorative embroidery of great richness. The

different types of killims made in this region are

becoming very popular in Western markets, as

are those of woven by Uzbeks, Turkomans and

Hazaras in other areas of Afghanistan.

Afghanistan has always produced an

abundance of killims (flat-woven rugs) and still

does. One type is produced in enormous quantity:

the ubiquitous Maimana killim from the north

Maimana. Maimanas are woven in a slit-tapestry

weave, a type of killim weaving that leaves

characteristic small (up to three-quarters of an

inch) gaps or slits between areas where one color

leaves off and another begins. Their wool is

rather coarse. They come in most sizes, though

true 8 by 10s and 9 by 12s are rare. Maimanas

are phenomenally inexpensive but care should be

taken in choosing them for runny dyes, scratchy, lusterless wool and a loose weave

but by and large they have good body, clear, harmonious color, good wool, and a

pleasant aspect.


Andraskan Afghan rug, about 3 by 6 ft, features peculiar, elongated human and

animal figures. Often their dyes bleed, so many of these rugs get spoiled with due

course of time.

Serapi rug is also popular as it is woven and finished in Afghanistan using

natural dyes and handspun wool.

Materials Used in Making Afghan Rugs and Carpets

The materials used for making tribal rugs are basically what these nomads

have at their immediate disposal: wool from their sheep which is used in the warp

and weft as well as the pile. Some tribes use goat hair for overbidding the sides

(selvedges) or rugs. Camel hair is especially prized for the field areas of prayer

carpets. When possible the sheep are driven into streams to wash them prior to

shearing. The wool is then sorted by color and quality and then combed and spun.

The wool is then dyed. One person generally spins one kilo per day.


Dyes: Natural dyes are still used, but since the 1950s pre-dyed wool yarn

(using synthetic dyes) readily found in the towns and villages are often substituted

for or combined with the natural dyes. The wild colors (some almost iridescent) often

found in many Afghan rugs are surely synthetics. In natural dying, the yarn is

presoaked in a fixing bath of alum, copper sulfate, ferrous sulfate, tin or urine. The

yarn is then transferred to a dye bath and soaked until the desired color is obtained.

The yarn is then washed and hung out to dry. Dying was usually done by the men.

Natural dyes fade beautifully and often show as uneven coloring (abrash). Abrash

(meaning speckled or marbled) is commonly the result of a weaver running out of

wool and having to dye another lot or buying a similar color from elsewhere. Abrash

in no way detracts from the value of a tribal carpet, but is a desirable characteristic of

a tribal weaving. Naturally dyed wool will fade right through whereas synthetic dyes

will fade only on the tips where the light hits it. A newer tribal carpet can be

"mellowed" by placing it in the direct sun for several days.

Natural dyes originate from the following materials:

Reds: Madder - Root of Madder Plant - (ranges from reds to orange and purple)

Cochineal: Produced from the female shield louse (Blue /red tone)

Lac Deep purple: From the excretions of a scale insect native to India Kermes.

From an insect which breeds on the Kermes oak

Blues: Indigo plant (Dyers Wood)

Black: Can be achieved by using a very dark blue or by use of a bath of tannic

acid, acorn cups, pomegranate skin, oak galls, and then adding to a bath iron

sulphate to make the color fast. This can produce a weakness in the black wool

which in carpets 50 to 100 years old can be seen as worn black areas where the

remaining pile is still fresh.

Yellow: Many sources including; Dyers weed; Saffron; wild chamomile; tanners

sumac; buckthorn; pomegranate tree; isperek (a flowering larkspur)

Green: Obtained from walnuts and olive leaves.

Brown: Can be natural undyed wool or by dying with fresh or dried pods of the

walnut, oak guls or acorn cups.


Looms: Tribal carpets are almost always done on the horizontal or ground loom.

This is due to the fact that the nomads rarely remain in one location for more than

two months. The horizontal loom can be easily dismantled and packed on an animal

to the new location and then staked out on the ground again.

The Writer hails from Dir and is a teacher trainer by profession. She holds Masters

Degrees in Economics, English and Education from the University of Peshawar. She

also edits a monthly online magazine SAHAR-The Voice of Pashtuns.


IRFAN KHAN REVEALED

(An Interview)

Irfan Khan (IK) was talking to the

Editor SAHAR (ES)

Irfan Khan Was born on May 5th

in Dubai, UAE where his father was

working in a Pakistani bank .He got his

early education in Dubai but later moved

to Pakistan with his parents and

continued his High schooling in

Edwards College Peshawar. Irfan Khan

has a Bachelor Degree in Advertising

and Publicity Designing, from The

University of Peshawar, under his belt.

Irfan started his career in music

at a very tender age. He is an accomplished singer and musician with two successful

records to his name. Since his first solo song “ Faseley “ , Irfan Khan has become a

household name on the Pashto music scene.

SAHAR catches up with Irfan Khan and

peeps into his musical journey, new album,

media boom and a lot more.

Happy reading!!!

ES: When you sang your first song, you

couldn't have predicted that much success.

What was your take on it at that time?

IK: Well, that‘s true Azra.. I was very

much apprehensive and could never imagine

that audience will appreciate my work so much. I sang my first song for AVT Khyber


in 2004 and Allah has been very kind to me. That song was an instant hit and I was

so glad about it you can’t imagine.

ES: When did you realize that you had a talent for music? Which was your first

song?

IK: I was in Matric (High School) when I sang my first song “Faseley.”

ES: Is there anyone else from your family

in the music industry?

IK: Smilingly….No, I am the only one in

this field so far.

ES: Who were your biggest musical

influences?

IK: Well, I had a freak for good music

since my childhood days and I used to sing

songs and Naats for my school shows and

functions. Later I started listening to singers

like Sonu Nigham, Mohammad Rafi, Nayara

Noor and many more. So I think these are a

few singers who left an impact and influenced me to try my luck in the music arena.

ES: Like most young people, who become famous as performers start off with

their work quite early in life, you too took up singing quite early, how did it feel when

your dream came true as a successful glamorous singer?

IK: Well, I would again say that I consider myself very lucky and blessed to have

achieved that much love and appreciation at such a young age. I really thank my

fans and audience who liked my work and made me reach a point where I am today.

ES: When did you release your first solo album?

IK: I released my first solo album in 2004, titled as "Brekhna”.

ES: How many albums have you recorded so far?

IK: I have recorded two albums so far, and the latest has just been released

which is an Urdu Album, titled as “Chouney Dey”.


ES: Did you go out on any International Tour to promote your albums?

IK: Yes, I have been to the USA and Malaysia for promoting my albums and

holding live concerts and shows. The title song for my latest album “Chouney Dey”

has been shot and picturised in the USA.

ES: What exactly is the producer’s role in the

recording studio? Would you elaborate?

IK: Well, a producer, I believe, is like a person

who sketches the outlines of a portrait and the

singer fills in the colours to make it appear lovely

and lively.

ES: Which do you like doing the most? State in

order - Producing, recording, composing,

performing live?

IK: Humm okay…composing, performing live,

recording, producing

ES: Time has changed a lot since you started in the business…significantly

because of the internet. Has it helped or hindered the music profession in general?

IK: Well, previously only TV and Radio were promoting artists’ talent and

potential, but now through internet, an artist can expose his talent to the world all

over which I believe is awesome.

ES: Now I must ask you the age-old question. What does a young person, looking

to break into the business, need to realize his goals? Many aspiring singers have

talent but no links and contacts. How would you advise such a person who may be

reading this to proceed?

IK: I personally believe that if a person is dedicated to his work and is passionate

to achieve his goal, he can make it to any heights. Moreover, true talent barely

needs any contacts and links to prove his capabilities. His talent shows him the way

through.


ES: Do you have any plan to re-record / re-mix any of the archive songs?

IK: I have already sung archive songs in my first album “Brekhna”, which were

greatly appreciated by my audience.

ES: Your recent album “Chouney Dey” which is an urdu album, has created a lot

of controversy among your Pashtun fan club. Do you have anything to say to this?

IK: Azra, I know this, but I personally

believe, music doesn’t know and recognize

any ethnicity. We are committed to provide

entertainment to our listeners and that too

through music. So music is a global

language which everyone has the right to

listen to and enjoy.

ES: How much loss have you suffered

so far due to the current situation in the

country? As many musicians were forced

to quit the singing profession or leave the

country for risk of their lives?

IK: Well that’s true that things in this

profession had been quite tough and hard

lately but Iam committed to my passion and have an extreme amount of love for my

homeland which gave me my identity and gave me wings to fly with. So leaving my

soil is out of question for me. I love my homeland more than anything else.

ES: Pekhawar khu Pekhawar de kana (laughs)

IK: Smiles…yeah true.

ES: Any particular song writer with whom you would like to collaborate?

IK: No, Not any particular writer but I would love to sing subjective and mature

poetry.


ES: You have recently recorded a number “Janaan” with Hadeeqa Kiyani. How

was the response?

IK: Well, the response was really encouraging and I received lots of appreciation

from my fans and admirers

ES: Which direction you think your career is taking you ?

IK: I’m glad that my career is leading me towards all these directions step by

step.

ES: Any message you want to leave for your fans?

IK: Thank you for your continued support and enjoy the new album.

ES: Thank you Irfan for being with us

IK: The pleasure is all mine.


EMERGING PASHTUN TALENT FROM WAZIRISTAN

Rafia Zakaria

Maria Toor Pakay, Pakistan’s

19-year old emerging squash star

challenged every stereotype

regarding the potential of her fellow

tribeswomen who languish in tents

awaiting aid. Young, determined

and undeterred by the unceasing

pressures of patriarchy, Toor is

beginning to compete in squash

championships nationally and

abroad.

These scenes are familiar to Pakistanis...the hordes of internally displaced

people from Waziristan fleeing in trucks and lorries; their bedrolls and possessions

tied up with ropes. The faces of women are nearly always invisible, covered in either

a burqa or chaadar. The stories by women also tell a tale of a seemingly

undifferentiated landscape of fear and terror. Most had never before left their homes

even to go to a market. Many do not know how to count currency to buy staples for

their large families and hardly any have ever had any access to health services. The

destitution of Waziri women at the hands of conflict has become one of the most

tragic catastrophes to affect Pakistan in recent years.

It was heartening therefore to see the narrative of woe challenged by a

woman who originated in the same culture and environment as the women

mentioned above. Maria Toor Pakay, Pakistan’s 19-year old emerging squash star

challenged every stereotype regarding the potential of her fellow tribeswomen who

languish in tents awaiting aid. Young, determined and undeterred by the unceasing

pressures of patriarchy, Toor is beginning to compete in squash championships

nationally and abroad. Recently, she had been nominated to Women’s International

Squash Player’s Associations’ Young Player of the Year Award. Maria Toor Pakay,

originally from Waziristan, has already defied innumerable odds to be able to play.

Undeterred by the threats of the Taliban and refusing to submit to dogmatic


interpretations of faith that denounce athletic competition, Toor has persevered in

her efforts to show Pakistanis and the world what indeed is possible if Pakistani

women are merely given the opportunity.

In a recent interview to a major Pakistani newspaper, Toor recounted the

many struggles she faces as a female athlete in a country that invests notoriously

little in athletes in general, let alone female athletes. Not only are the bureaucratic

governing institutions skeptical of the ability of young athletes to compete in

international competitions in general, they are even less likely to commit already

scarce resources to the uplift of women’s sports. A variety of factors contribute to the

situation; including the

lack of political will to

stand up to religious

lobbies that want to

eliminate women’s

athletics from the public

sphere. Others in Maria

Toor Pakay’s cohort

complain of the lack of

facilities, lack of interest

in providing coaching to

female athletes and a

general lack of incentives to pursue sport in general. Toor’s own story substantiates

all of these factors, with one crucial difference that allowed her to rise above the fate

that sentences most girls of her heritage to silence and isolation. Her father, an

open-minded man, noticed his daughter’s abilities and realized early that her skills

would be wasted if they did not move to a larger city. It was the family’s move to

Peshawar and the resultant training that Maria was able to receive there that

enabled her to transcend the usual constraints and become a competitive athlete.

Maria Toor Pakay is undoubtedly just at the beginning of her career and I,

along with women around the world, marvel at her ability to be undeterred by the

many obstacles facing her. Her courage and the challenges that face her represent,

in a microcosm, the potential and tragedy of Pakistani women. On November 5,

2009, an inside source within the Pakistan Squash Federation announced that it

would not be sending any young players to compete in the British Open Junior


Squash Championship that was due to start in the upcoming weeks. The reasons

cited, expectedly, were lack of funds (the players have been told to go if they can

finance their own trips) and the fact that they had performed poorly in previous

championships. Because of this, no funds were being allotted to send the young

players and all, including Maria Toor Pakay, are expected thus to sit out the

competition.

The excuses are

not new and in their

circularity represent the

decrepit situation of

sports in general and

particularly female sports

in Pakistan. The question

of whether the young

players are not good

because they are unable

to compete or whether

they languish behind

other nationals because

of their lack of exposure

to international competitions can perhaps never be answered. However, what can be

focused on is the urgent need of female role models like Maria Toor Pakay for

Pakistani women.

At a time when their very participation in the public sphere is in question; the

powerful image of a woman proud of her physical ability is an incredible call to arms

against intimidation. Her refreshing candor, earnest spirit and overt faith all combine

to create a young lady that represents a glimpse of all that Pakistani women, even

from impoverished areas, can be if they are merely given the chance.

It is undoubted that Pakistan is facing several crises right now, and arguments

or pleas before the government to put aside funds for sports is likely to meet

significant opposition. However, anyone having witnessed the indomitable spirit of

Maria Toor Pakay would attest to the reality that despite many pressing budgetary

concerns, the flailing image of Pakistan as a country of unabated repression


unpunctuated by stories of survival and resistance must also be contended with. It is

precisely this illustration of the survival of spirit and the perseverance of Pakistani

women in the face of incredible adversity that the world needs to see.

Pakistani women inhabit perilous times; in the past few years they have borne

the brunt of the impact of conflict. Whether it is the burning of their schools, the signs

erected in markets prohibiting them from attending, the floggings in public squares or

the drastic increases in domestic violence, they have borne these inflictions on their

spirit without remonstrance. Maria Toor Pakay represents then the hardy courageous

flower that dares to bloom even in the most forbidding climate. Given the incredible

potential she has to provide much needed inspiration to millions of Pakistani girls,

she should be given the opportunity to represent Pakistan in the upcoming British

Open Junior Squash Championships.

Rafia Zakaria is an attorney living in the United States where she teaches courses

on Constitutional Law and Political Philosophy. She can be contacted at

[email protected]


ABOUT US

Welcome to SAHAR - The Voice of Pashtuns-a monthly publication that

commits to engage with the ever-evolving and increasingly significant paradigm in

ashtun thought and psyche transformation.

The need of SAHAR was felt due to the ever increasing misconceptions about

Pashtuns in the region and the criticality of the same in the development of various

stereotypes about Pashtun nation in general. SAHAR is an initiative to engage the

Pashtun intelligentsia and youth, both at home and in the Diaspora with the aim to

discuss Pashtun issues and contribute to a more informed debate on the Pashtun

question on both sides of the Durand Line. The Magazine also intends to provide a

forum to our youth to remain in touch with their culture, art and literature and at the

same time, to illustrate a softer image of the Pashtuns to the outer world.

On another level, and more importantly, it is of particular relevance to mention

that SAHAR aims to provide input to the policy and decision makers in the

public/private sector both at home and abroad by providing a more authentic and

indigenous debate and analysis on the various aspects of the crises currently being

faced in the region.

Finally, SAHAR will act as a platform to bring out the immense talent in our

youth and make them stakeholders in the debate with the long term aim of preparing

them for leadership role in the future.

It is our hope that the contributions in SAHAR will help burnish and restore the

credibility and essence of true Pashtun society while also proving useful to provide

input to policy making in the region.

SAHAR works in association with Aryana Institute for Regional Research and

Advocacy (AIRRA) in Pakistan and Pashtun Peace Forum ( PPF) Canada and PPF

(UK).


GUIDELINES FOR ARTICLE SUBMISSION

SAHAR-The Voice of Pashtuns welcomes article submissions by all,

particularly Pashtuns, regardless of their age, location, creed, caste, as intend to

become the real ‘Voices of Pashtuns’. If you have an article you think would be

suitable for publication in SAHAR, please send an e-mail with the subject heading

“Submission” to the editor at [email protected]

Articles that adhere to the guidelines given below shall be considered for publication.

Please remember that SAHAR does not pay for submissions as we work as a

volunteer team.

Content

You can write on any subject that relates to Pashtun issues (ie Pashtun

history, politics, geo-politics, economy, society, current affairs and contemporary

issues, culture, war/peace, leadership, interviews of Pashtun celebrities, travelogues,

cuisine, art and heritage or anything that revolves around Pashtuns). If you want to

know first whether we would be interested in featuring your article before you write it,

e-mail your proposal to us at the given mailing address and we will be glad to

discuss it.

SAHAR seeks fact-based analysis and opinions but well-thought out views or

arguments that are well supported will have a much better chance of being featured.

If you source information used in your article, you must mention the source at the

end of the article or provide footnotes. Please facts check your work. Particularly if

your article is about something controversial, it’s best to provide sources to support

your assertions.

Format

Please attach articles as a Word document with your email. Please single-

space and do not indent. Type your articles in Aerial Style, Size12 font. Also send

photos if any with relevant captions. Submitted articles should be final drafts. Please

take care to proofread your own work before submitting it. If you think that your

English is not up to the mark, the editor will be happy to work with you provided

sufficient time is available.


If the editor decides your article requires any kind of significant revision before

publication, you will be notified and given the opportunity to approve of any such

changes. Such revisions may include correction of factual statements, revisions for

grammar and readability, and changing the title to something likelier to draw more

readers’ attention or improve search engine optimization. Any proposed revisions are

intended only to improve the quality of each article.

Please include a short bio with your submission to let readers know a little

about you, just something brief to let people know who you are. You may also submit

a photograph of yourself that will appear with your bio.

Please let the editor know whether a piece is an exclusive submission or not,

and whether it has been published elsewhere previously (this will not affect the

consideration your article is given, but the courtesy is appreciated).

Deadline for receipt of articles

Articles should reach the editor by the 10th of each month. Your articles, after

due editing might find place in any of the upcoming issues depending upon the

quality and suitability of the articles. However, selection of articles for publication is

the sole discretion of the Editorial Board.

Disclaimer

The views and opinions expressed in articles published at ‘SAHAR- The Voice

of Pashtuns are the respective author’s own. Every effort is taken to ensure that

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SAHAR January 2010