TRADITIO STUDIES IN ANCIENT AN D MEDIEVAL

IIISTOHY, TI-IOUGI IT, AN D RELIGION

Edi tors

EDW I N ,\. QUA IN CI-I AHL ES H. LOI-IH

HICH AR D E . DOYLE H. E. KASKE

E L 1ZAl3ET I I A. H. I3H OWN

L'dilors Emer iti

STEPHAN J(UTTNE H ANSE LM STR ITTMATTEH

BEI\NAHD M. PEEBLES

VOL UME XXX l

FORDHAM UN IVERS ITY PRESS

NEW YOHK

1975

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CHAHLEs H. LoHn, s.J ., Dr. phi!. R. E. KASKE, Ph.D.

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Avalon Foundation Professor in the Humanities Cornell University

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Werllimannplalz

RICHAHD E. DOYLE, S.J., Ph.D. E LIZADETII A. R. BnowN, Ph.D.

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B rooklyn Co llege of Lile City Univers ity of New York Brooklyn, New York 11210

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CONTEN'l'S

AHTI CLES

Pelix of Nantes: A Mcrovingian Bishop WILLIA1\I C. McDEnMOTT 1 'Exodus' and Lh e ' H erba Humilis ' . .JoI-IN F. VICKREY 25

The Mission to Constantinople in 968 and Liudprand of Cremona

.JoN N. SuTHEHLAND 55 ' .Judith': The Tlomily and the Poem IAN PmNGLE 83 Hippocrates Latinus: Repertorium of Hippocratic writings in the Latin

Middle Ages . PEAHL Kmrrn 99 The 'Entheticus ' of John of Salisbury: A Critical Text

RONALD E. PEPIN 127 Cardinal Simon of Beaulieu and Relations between Philip the Fair

and Boniface VI II .JoIIN MAHRONE and C1L\.nLES ZucKEni\IAN 195

Archbishop FitzRalph and the Friars at the Papal Court in Avignon,

1357 - 60 IC\.TllEl\INE WALSH 223 The Deposition of Edward V CHARLES T. Woon 247 The Diffusion of Aristo tle's i\foral Philosophy in Spain , ca. 1400 -

ca. 1600 A. R. D. PAGDEN 287

MISCELLANY

A Dagger in n elief on Stonehenge?

'Logos' bei Priscillianus

'Bagaudae' or 'Bacaudae'?

'The Hand of God': A Numismatic Study.

Bede's Use of Miracles in 'The Ecclesiastical

H. E. KASKE

t JOSEF MAHTIN CLIFFOHD E. MINOH

.JoI-IN D. MAclsAAC History'

315 317

318 322

.JOEL T. ROSENTHAL 328 Seigneurial Obligations and 'Lex Baiuvariorum' I, 13

THEODORE JOHN RIVERS 336 Lorenzo Valla and Isidore of Seville . H. J. STEVENS, Jn. 343

BI13LIOGHAPHICAL STUDIES

The Works of Giovanni di Conversino da Ravenna: A Catalogue of

Manuscripts and Editions . BENJAMIN G. K01-1L 349 Medieval Liturgical Books at Arouca, Braga, Evora, Lisbon, and Porto:

Some Provisional Inventories ANDHEw HuGI-rns 369

336 TRAD IT IO

SEIGNEURIAL OBLIGATIONS AND 'LEX BAIUVARIORUM' I,13

The development of Lhe pre-Carolingian scigneurie has received little attention, although this neglect is due in large part to a scarcity in source material. This lack may be supplemented by relying on other material, such as that supplied in the Lex Baiiwariorum. The latter, the Bavarian code, was promulgated within the first half of the eighth century and slightly before the appearance of the Carolingian estate organization. The development of manorial obligations in eighth-century Bavaria is illustrated by one major law in the Lex Baiuua­riorum, and this law is I,13 . However, the study of Lhc seigneurie in Bavaria is complicated by differing interpretations of the evidence. What follows is an attempt to re-evaluate the evidence as supplied in L. Baiu. I,13 and to show its relationship with the Carolingian estate organization.

Since the first title (and only the first title) of the Bavarian code concerns ecclesiastical Jaw, L.Baiu. 1,13 must pertain to a church or individuals of a church.1 Hence, it may be readily assumed that in the discussion of manorial obligations in L.Baiu. I,13, the church is depicted as a seigneurial lord. Those who work for this lord are the church's tenants, that is, ecclesiastical laborers. Furthermore, L.Eaiu. 1,13 distinguishes between two classes of tenants, coloni ecclesiae (freemen indentured to a church), and serui ccclesiae (slaves indentured to a church).

Obligations of the medieval manor are largely twofold, since they comprise agricultural tribute (lribula) and manorial service (seruilium). These twofold obligations already make their appearance in the pre-Carolingian seigneurie, as well as in L.Baiu. 1,13. But is there an essential difference in the obligations which coloni and serui render in the latter Jaw? One would ordinarily think so, since class in medieval society is of particular importance, and those of a lower class (serui) should be expected to be responsible for more olJliga lions than

1 The twenty-three title Bavarian code is divided into three parts: eeclesiastical, public (ducal), and private Jaw. The first part is made up of title I (1:3 laws), the second part of titles II-Ill (20 laws), and the third part of tilles IV-XXIII (240 laws). Only Beyerle's edition presents 23 titles; other editions contairi 22 titles. All references made to L .JJain. 1,13 arc taken from I<onrad Deyerle, ed. Lex l!ai11varior11m: J,icli ldruckwierlergabe rler In­

go/sit.idler Jlandscliri/l des bayerisclien Vo/ksrecli/s (i\lunich HJ2()) 44-49 . Also see Ernst von Schwind, ed. Lex JJaiwariomm (MGI-1: Legum scclio I, V 2; Hanove1· Hl26) 28()-290. For a modern translation, see I<arl August Eckhardt, Die Gesclze des f{arolingerreiclis (Ger­manenrcchtc Tcxte und Uebcrsetzungen II 2; Weimar 19:34) 89-91. Brief introductory descriptions to the Lex Baiuvariorum can be seen in Ileinrich Brunner, Deutsche Rechls­gescliicflle (2nd ed. Leipzig 190G) I '154-4G·1, and Hudolf Buchner, Die Rechlsque/len (Beiheft in W. \Vattenbach and Wilhelm Levison, De11/schlands Geschichlsquellen im l\1ille/alter, Vorzeil llllll f{arolinger (Weimar 1953) 2G-29. An introductory comparison of L.!Jaiu. 1,13

with later Carolingian economic sources (esp. to the Priim polyptych) is Wolfgang Metz, 'Die hofrechtlichen Bestimmungen der Lex Baiuuariorum 1,13 und die friinkische Rcichs­gutverwaltung,' Deulsches Archiv /ilr Er/orsclmng drs Millela/lcrs 12 (1956) 187-19G.

LEX BAIUVARIORUM ' 337

tho.se of a higher class (coloni). Conlrary Lo the pre-Carolingian seigneurie, th e obhgations of co loni a nd scrui ccclesiac in Bavaria as prese rved in L.Baiu . I,13 do not v ary ; there is no substan Li a l manorial diffe rence be tween these classes. If obligation s va ried, they w ould be easily di s tin guishable. An examination of the Carolingian seigneuri c , beginning in th e early -ninth century, shows that the two separa te classes or co loni and scrui begin to m erge as one, becoming the medieval sc rf.2 I propose that this is already evident in L.Baiu. I,13, a ~alf-eentury earlier (ca. 750) Lhan the dawn of the Carolingian seigneurie. \Vhat IS found in this Bavarian law should not be inlerpret.ed to apply to all other Germanic codes or to Lhe earl y Frankish polypt ychs, such as the polyptych of St. Germain. L.Baiu. 1,13 mu s t be s tudied as a separate legal entity which exemplifies economic precocily.

Before discussing the con lcnl s of L.Baiu. I,1 3, one other important point should be introduced, and this pcrlains to the modern editions of the text. Part of the problem in correctly interpreting L.HaiLz. 1,13 stems from the manu­scripts. Arc there one or two paragraphs in this Jaw? If there are two, it is assumed that one p cr lains t.o the coloni a nd the other to scrui. This has n ever been proved Lo everyone's sa tisfac tion; neve rtheless, Lhe inlerprelation of this law d epends to a certain extent on ·what edition one uses, and Lhis is especially p ertinent for any paragraphic div isions of the law. The edition that I use in this study (as cited in note 1 above) is that by Konra d Bcyerle, which is cited by most to be one of the best eclilions. Beyerle's edition presents a continuous text; he does not r ecognize a div ision of this law. The highly useful edition by Ernst von Schwind (al so cited in no le 1 a bove) divides L.Baiu. 1,13 into two parts, thereby indicating lhal this law contains two differen t ideas or con­cepts, each of which is presented in a separate paragraph. The older edition of Ferdinand \Vallera presen ts a different case: he honors a six-part division of the law b ased not on the manuscripts, bul on hi s own interpretation of their contents. This preliminary di scussion of the alleged inlernal division of L.Baiu. I,13 is of capital importance in any criticism of l lli s law, since Lhe acceptance of a two-part division implies tha l coloni and scrvi ccclcsiac a re trea ted sepa­rately within the same t cx l; such an assumption gives substance, however small, to differ ent condilions of their seigneurial obligations.

2 Hobert Latouche , 'J'he Dirth of W estern Economu: E conomic Aspects of the Dark Ages (trans. E .i\T. 'Wilkin son; London 1961) 182. Thi s is not to say that all differentiation between servi and co loni in the Carolingian age will cease, but th ese t e rms begin to be used inte r­changeably with increa sin g frequ ency. See Marc Bloch, 'Co mment e t pourquoi fin it l' escla­vage antiqu e, ' Anna/es (r'conomies, societes, civilisa tions) 2 (Hl47) 35 (reprinted in his Me­langes historiques [Pari s J963J I 2GG), and !'. Bo issonade, Life and Work in J\fedicvat Ellrope (Fifth to Fifteenth Centuries) (trans. Eileen Power; New York 1927) 05. CL Marc Bloch, French Il11ra/ llistoru: An Essau on its Dasie Chw·acteris tics (trans. Janet Sondheimer; London 1966) 69-70. For a gen eral treatment of the terminology of the serf, see Leo Verriest, 'Les fait s et la terminologie en matiere de condition juridique des p ersonnes au moyen age . Serfs, n obles, villains, sainteurs,' n ev11e du Nord 25 (1939) 101-127.

3 Corpzzs lllris Germanici Anliqui (Berlin 182 4) I 2-18-249. This law is cited as L .Bai11. I,14. Fustel de Coulanges, 1-Jisloire de in stitutions poliliq11es de /'ancienn e France: L 'alleu el le domaine rural (3rd ed . Paris 1922) 357 11. 3, believes there is a four-part division of this law, g iving the fir s t three parts to co /011i , and the fourth part to servi.

338 TRADITIO

Prior to Lh e appearance of Lhc Carolingian scigncuric, coloni were thought to render to their lords arbitrary service known as andec inga, which means 'piece­work,' executed at the discretion of the lord whenever crops are read y to be sowed or harves ted, or buildings, roads, and bridges are in nee<! of repair. 4 Servi a re thought to rend er service by working a certain number of clays, usually three per week, for Lheir lord on the latler's estalc. The oth er days of the week a re used by scrvi to cullivate their own field s. The tillc5 of L.Daiu. I,13 concerns how coloni and servi ecclesiae arc to serve and render tribute : De colonis uel servis aecclcsiae, qualilcr servianl vcl qualc lribula recldanl. The tille does not indicate that coloni and servi will be discussed individually, but rather as a unit. Although the law itself could discuss co loni and servi individually, this intention should not be inferred from the tille; only internal divi sion of the Jaw warrants otherwise.

The first agrarian condition discu ssed in L.Baiu. I,l:l is the customary grain t ax (agrarium): a fee required from manorial tenants, which the law says is regulated according to the estimate of the judge, and according to what one owns.6 Rendering agrarium according to Lhc estimate of a judge is interpreted as pertaining exclusively to coloni; 7 it is not thought to pertain Lo servi. Never­theless, there is no evidence within L.Baiu. I,1:3 to demonstrate that this inter­pretation is true, since rendering a{frarium is also regulated according to what property one owns. A tax regulated according to one's possessions is usually associated with serui.8 Hence, agrariwn in this Jaw pertains to both co loni and scrvi ecclesiae.9 How is this regulation evident in an eighth-century Bavarian law, unless this law describes a universa l grain tax pertaining to anyone who worked on an estate, regardless of class? Therefore, the agrarium, which per­tains to all tenants in the Carolingian seigneuric, is already exacted from both

4 Technically, andecinga means the land upon which task-work is executed, and the description of the work itself is taken from the land upon which it is performed. Anrlecinga is Iate1· equated with riga. Joseph Schnetz, 'Das FHichemnass andei;ena, anrlecinga der Lex Baiuvarion1m . Sprachliche Verlegung,' Zeilschrifl fiir bauerische Landesf1eschichle 4 (1931) 75-80; Josef Briich, 'Etymo logi~·ches,' Zeilschrifl fiir franzosi sche S prache w1d Lilleral11r 48 (1926) J 03-105, and Jacob Grimm, Deutsche Rechl.rn llerll1i:imer (4th eel. Andreas I-Ieusler and Rudolf HOimer; Berl in 1899) II 68. Cf. E . Perrin, 'De la condition des terrcs elites ancingae,' in Melctnf1es d'hisloire du il'lo!fen il.'fe offerls a l\!f. Ferdinand Lot (Paris 1925) 619-640 (esp. 622-625), although this article should be read with caution.

5 'Title' in thi s sense is different from that used ahovc as one of Lhe twenty-three topical divisions of the Bavarian code. Herc, 'title' means the brief Latin description directly preceding a Jaw which summarizes its contents .

G 'Hoc est agrario sccundum aeslimationem iudicis ; providcat hoc iudex, sccundmn quod

habet, donet. ... ' 7 Charles Edmond Perrin, 'Une Ctape de la seigneurie: L'exploitation de la reserve it

Priim, au 1x• siccle,' Anna/es d'ilisloire economiq11e cl socia/e 6 (1934) 463 11. 5. 8 See Franz Gutmann, Die soziale Gliederung der Bayern wr Zeil des Volkrechles (Ab­

handlungcn aus elem staatswissenschartlichen Seminar zu Strassburg 20; Strassburg 1906) 117-11 8, and Franz Beyer le, 'Die siiddeutschen Leges und die merowingische Gesetzebung. Volksrechtliche Studien II,' Zeilsclirifl dcr Sa viflll!J-S liflung fiir Rechlsf1eschichle, Germ. Ab t.

49 (1929) 318. 9 This interpretation is also upheld by I<arl Theodor von Inama-Stcrnegg, Deutsche Wirl­

schaflsgeschichle bis zwn Sch/uss der J(arolinf1erperiode (2nd ed. Leipzig 1909) I 201 n. 4 .

' L EX BAI UVAnI OHUo l ' 339

coloni and scrvi ccc les iae in cighlh-ccnlury Dava ria : there is no va riation in Lh c agrarium obligations of these Lwo kind s of ecclcsias li cal tcnants.10

The pasturage tax (pascuarium) is also described in L. Baiu. I, 13, and it is P_aid according t o the custo m of the prov ince (disso lval sccundwn uswn provin­lzae). There is no evidence within this law to exclud e scrvi completely from paying thi s t ax, althou gh it is usually described as a colonary tribule. The pascuarium is m erely a cus tomary tax owed to one's lord based on the use of the lord 's grazing land, whi ch either co loni or scrvi a re accus tomed to use.

One of the principa l obliga li ons contain ed in L. JJa iu. I,13 is simple manual duties, esp ecia lly important for planting or ha rves ting crops. These duties are, in summary , sowing, plowing, enclosing, ha rves ting, and s toring away produce, besides additional obligalions of planting, enclosing, replanting, grafting, and pruning gr apevines, plu s gathering in Lhe vintage. These duties conslitute part of seigneurial serviliwn or ser vice. A very few authorities assume that these duties could be p erformed onl y by co loni.11 H ow is t his inlerpret a tion possible, since servi arc kn own to r ender their se rvice by working three days per week for their lord ? \Vhal would m anorial slaves be doing t hese three days, but t ending to their manua l obligations, which would naturally be simply physical tasks like those cnumerat eel above for co loni ? If co loni perform these simple manual duties, and servi a re obliged t o work on Lheir lord's es ta tes on such tasks as planting and harvesting grain and vineyards, there is no essential

10 Walter Goffart, 'Prom H oman Taxation to l\fodieval Scigneurie : Three Notes,' S pec­

uhzm 47 (1972) 185 n . l OO, believes tha t libera ted slaves in L. V isig. X II,2,13 were' assessed "secundum corum pcculium iusliss im a aderationc."' This proves very little, since this is b as ically the same as say in g th a t free men pay tribu te acco rding to their means. Any rele­van ce between L. V isig. X II,2 ,1 3 and L. J3ai11. J,13 is los t sin ce the fo rmer refers to manumitted slaves, not to t hose still en slaved.

L.Alam. XX II,1 ('De liberi s autem eccles ias licis, quocl colonus vocant , omnes sicut e t coloni regis ita reclclant ad ecclesia m. Si quis legitimum tributu m antes te terit per iussioncm iuclicis sui , sex solidos s it cul pa bilis . . .. ') is s imila r to L . /Ja ill . I, 13 only in tha t co loni are obliged t o rende1· tr ibute, and t h a t a judge interven es when tribute is withh eld. L.Bai11. 1,13 makes n o mention of the kin g . If this were true, there wo uld be little difference between an ecclesiastical and a lay lord in Bavaria . See Roger Grand and Raymond Delatouche L'agricizllure au m oyen dge de la fin rle /' empire romain a11 XV f c s icc le (L'agriculture a travers

!es ages 3 ; Paris 1950) 242. This conclusion agrees with Benjamin Guerard, eel . Polyplyqlle l'abbe Irminon 011 derwmbrem enl des m anses , rles serfs el des revem zes de l'abbaye de Sainl­

Cermain-des-Prt!s so ils le rcgne de Charlem agne (Pari s 1844 ) I 353 , who says that ' the condi t ion of ecclesiastical slaves is much superior to lhat of ordinary slaves .' All r eferen ces to L.Alam. XX II,1, and late r in the discussion to X XI, are taken from Karl Lehmann, ed . Leges [Le:t:] .A lamannorwn (ed . Karl August Eckhardt, MGH: Legum sectio I, V 1; Hanover 1966) 82-83 ( XX I) , and 83 ( XX II, 1) . Cf. Karl August Eckhardt , ed. L eges rl lamw111orum, II : R ecens io L anlfridana (Lex) (Germanenrechte n eue Folge, west germanisches R echt VI; Witzenh a usen 1962) 32 (XX I), and 33 (XX II,1) .

11 See Philippe Dollinger, L'evo lnlion des classes rurales en JJavi i!re, depuis la fi11 de l'epoque

caroli11gienne jnsq1.1 'a u miliCIL du X I I Jc s ii!c le (Paris 1949) 157 n. 58, and Goffa rt, S peculum 47 (1972) 185 n. 100. Also see Charles E dmand Perrin, SeignC1Lrie rurale en France el en A. llemagne du debut du I X 0 a la fin du X [[c s ii!cle (Paris n .cl. (1966]) 90, although Perrin adds (89) tha t the resp ective obligations imposed upon coloni and servi t end t o be identical.

340 THAD ITIO

difference between these classes, since both derive their living on the sam e estat es, both performing simple physical labo r. In thi s respect, there is no difference in the service rendered hy coloni and servi ecc les iac in L.Baiu. I,1 3. The difference between these two classes grad uall y disappeared in the Carolingian age, but this merging is already evident in t he L ex B aiuuariorum a half-century earli er. Few historians have seen this similarity.12

Agrariwn and pascizarium are not the only tribute required of ecclesiastical t enants in L. JJaiiz. I,13. A bundle of linen (flax), t en jars of honey, four chickens, and fifteen eggs are also required.13 That thi s tribute is a pplicable to coloni no one will deny. But is it applicable to serui as well? A t Lhis point, a law from the L ex Alamannorwn must be introduced in order to answer thi s question. L.Alam. XXI describes how ecclesiastical slaves a rc Lo render tribute, and it shows remarkable simila rity with L. Baiu. I,13. In facl , no discussion of the latter wo uld be complete wit hout the introduction of L.Alam. XXI, which begins by giving th e tributary obligations of servi ccclesiae. These a re: fifteen measures of beer, a pig valued at one tremissis, two measures of bread, five chickens, and twenty cggs.11 If t he additional tribute in L. Baiu. I, 13 besides the customary agrariwn and pascuariwn applies only to co loni, why a rc serui ecc/es iae in L .A lam. XX I obliged Lo render similar tribute ? Granted that beer, a pig, a nd bread are not discussed by L.Baiu. I,13, but chickens and eggs arc . Although chickens and eggs are obvious commodities for anyone engaged in agriculture, it is the type of commodity rather than their quan tity that is of importance here. If coloni are responsible to render chickens and eggs, et c. in L. Baiu. I, 13, then serui are obliged to render the same kind of tribute. This cannot be disputed since L. A lam. XX I explicilly assigns chickens and eggs, etc . to serui.15 The obligations of slaves and freemen (coloni) do not vary in L.Baiu. 1,1:3 . Again, t he point should be emphasized that thi s equality in tributary obligations per­tains only to this Bavarian law .

T enants described by L.Baiu. I,13 a re also responsible, using either horse or wagon, for bringing supplies from as far away as fift y leagues; they a re not

12 H istorian s who see no substantial differe nce in the se igneurial obligations of co loni

and servi in the period s tudied in t hi s paper arc: Guera rd , Polyp/yqne l'abbe lrminon I 337; Frederic Seebohm, Th e English Villa!fe Commnnily (4th ed. London 1905) 323; P. Guil­hiermoz, Essai .rnr l'ori!fine de la noblesse en Fran ce lllL m oyen <ige (Pari s 1902) 120; Lincoln Hutchin son, 'Homan and Anglo-Saxon Agrarian Conditions,' Quarterly .Jo11rnul of Econom­

ics 7 (1 892) 20(); Agnes Mathilde Wergeland, S lavery in Germanic Soc iety dnrin!J the Middle

Ages (Chicago 1916) 128-129; and Frnn9ois L. Gan shof, 'Manoria l Obligations in the Low Countries in the Seventh, Eighth and Ninth Centuries,' Transactions of the Royal J-lis /oricn l

Soc iety 4th ser ies :.ll (UH9) 52 . This v iew is also supported by Perrin, Sei!fnwrie rurafo 89, cited inn . 1 l above. Also sec J.E. A. Jolliffe , The Cons lilnlinnal Ilis /ory of 1Wedieval England

from the English Se lllemen/ lo 1485 (4th ed. London HlGJ) 21, and David Herlihy, 'The Pattern of Social Mobility in Medieval History,' .Journal of Tn/erdiscipli11nry llis /oru il

( 1972/73) ()35. 13 ' .. . Heddant fascem de lino, de apibus X vasa, pullos IVor, ova XV rcdd ant. .. . ' 11 'Servi, enim eccles iae tributa sua lcgitime reddant: quindecim siclas de cervisa, porco

valente tremisso uno, pane modia duo, pullos quinque, ova vig inti. ... ' li> I ~· hould also add that Schwind, Lex Ila iwariorwn, 28G-290, co mpares L.Alam. XX I

with L.Ilniu. I,1 :3 without any appa rent conflic t.

'LEX 13A IUVAH IOHU~I ' 341

required to go farther than Lhis distance. They arc a lso obliged to repair t he lord' s build in gs, such as his hayloft, grana ry, wineprcss, or st.one (lime) oven, and to bring s tone wherever it i s ncedccl .16 All of t hesc obligations constitute part of the tenant's servilium. There is no indication in this Jaw to exclude servi from rendering Lhese services. That scrvi, in addition to co loni, could be responsible for these a dded seigneurial obliga tions is illustrated by ea rly-ninth­ccntury cartularies of Lh e abbey of St. Bertin.17 Although these cartularies do not include all of the serv ices required by L.flaiu. J,13, they do include that of wagonagc, wh ich perlains to any ecclesiastical tena nt, regardless of his status.18

Apart from all the conditions already contained in L.flaiu. I,13, servi eccles iae are al so to render Lribu te acco rding to their possessions (sccundum possess ionem suam reddanl tribula) . This appears contradictory to what has been said above, and especially with what is contained in L.A/am. XXL If servi are to render tribute acco rding to how much property they own, why does L.Baiu. I,1:3 also add that slaves must work three days per week for their lords, and three days for themselves? Inama-Sternegg19 indicat es t hat the wo rkload required by m anorial laborers in L.Baiu. I,13 contradicts the regulation of tribute based on their possessions. This is to say that t he earlier concept of tributary obli­gations based on one's possess io is superseded by the la ter concept of day-work.20

With the appearance of the Lex Baiizvariorum, tribute begins to be fixed, and applicable to anyone who works an estate, regardless of class. Rendering tribute according t o one's possess io is no more than a vestige of a former time when coloni and servi had some difference in manorial obligations, indicating the early seventh-century roots of lhis law in the Bavarian code. The question to ask is not whether t he obligations of coloni and servi eccles iae differ, but why a seventh-century regulation survives into a largely eighth-cenlury law code which no longer enfo rces tribute based on one's possessio. In addition, L.Alam . XX I also requires its slaves to ren der three days' m a nual labor to their Iords,21

IG ' .•. An garias cum carra faciant usque quinqueginta lewas [sic], amplius non min etur. Ad casas d omini cas stabilirc , fcnilc, gran ica ve l tunino recuberanda petituras rationabilcs accipia nt, et quando n ecesse fuerat , ornnino conponant. Calce furno, ubi prope fuerat, ligna aut petra L homin cs fa ciant; ubi longc fuerat, C homin es debeant expctiri, et ad civitatem vel ad villam, ubi n ecesse fu erit, ipsam calcem trahantur .... '

17 Benjamin Guerard, ed. Car/1!/aire de l'a/Jbaye de Sa ini-Ber/ill (Co llection des cartulaires d e France III ; J>aris 1840). In particular, sec cartularies nos. XX I (p. !J9), XX IV-XXV (pp. 100-10 1), XX VII (p. 102), XX I X -XXX (pp. l 03-104), and XX XIII (p. 106). There arc other early ninth-century cartularics from SL. Bertin in addition to these that demon­

strate this point. 18 Cf. Ganshof, Transaclions of the n oyal His torica l Society 4th series 31 ( t!J.'l!J) 52. Gans­

hof, ibi<l., also indicates that tenants of St. Bertin render beer, flour, chickens, and eggs to the abbey every year, and this, too, is rendered regardless of the tenant's legal status .

ID Deu tsche W irlscha fls(feschichle, I 208. 20 Sec Paul Hoth, Geschich/e des Benc/icia lwcsens von den tlllcren Z eilcn bis in.~ zelmle

Jahrlmnderl (Erlangen 1850) 377, and E rn st Mayer, Die obertleulschen Vo lksrecille (Leipzig 1929) 93. This agrees in large part with Marc Bloch, 'The H ise of Dependant Cultivation and Seigneurial In s titutions, • in The Cambridge Economic History of E1.irope (2nd ed. Cam ­

bridge 1966) I 288 (reprinted in his Melanges his toriq11es [Paris 1966) I 257). 21 ' .. . et si super hacc est, sicut scrvi ecclesias tici ita faciant tres dies sibi e t tres in clo­

minico.'

34'.2 THADITIO

but nowhere docs this law mention rendering tribute according to one's posses­sions. A look at the cartularics from ninth-century abbeys illustrates that tribute is largely uniform and fixed, that it pertains to either coloni or servi equally, and tliat this comprises agricultural produce (chickens, eggs, etc.) and day-work.22 All of these conditions are evident in L.Baiu. I,13 for both coloni and scrui ecclesiae. As indicated above, the obligations of servi ecc lesiac to work three days per week for their lords equals those services required from coloni ccclesiae, comprising evcrylhing from planting and harvesting to simpl~ t ask-work , such as wagonage. L.Baiu. I,1 3 concludes by saying that scrvt ecclesiae are to work only within the limits of possibility, and that they arc not to be oppressed unjustly.23 Are serui accuslomed to being exploited? Arc they obliged to perform manual labor three days per week and render tribute on their meager holdings? Otherwise, there would be no need for this last comment.24

It should not be assumed that since the last few lines of L. Baiu. I,13 specify servi, then this cons titutes the last of a two-part division of the law. The obliga­tions described by L.Baiu. I,13 do not warrant such a division. Whatever com­parison other .Alamannic laws make to this Bavarian law on the nature of wer­geld, such as LA.lam. VIII and LV which indicate that coloni are a distinct class, adds little to the issues discussed here. .Although there still is a d ifference in the wergelcl of coloni and scrv i in the .Alamannic and Bavarian codes, this has no bearing on these classes' seigneurial obligations. Wergeld payments

22 Benjamin Guerard, ed. Garlttlaire cle l'abbaye cle Sa int- Vic tor de 1Vlarse ille (Collection des cartulaires de France VIII; Paris 1857) I 309 (no . 291), Guerard, Cartula ire de l'abbaue

de Sa int-Berlin as cited inn. 17 above, and his Pol11pt11qne l 'abbe I rminon I 245. 23 ' •.. tantum serviant, quantum eis per possibilitatem inpositum fuerit; tamen iniuste

neminem oppremas.' 24 The combination of clay-work and task-work for seI'll i is interpreted by Perrin, Seiy­

mierie nirale 91, <JS an exa mple of unlimited service. A more accurate int erpretation is to set the task-work as part or the day-work, which should be termed fixed service . This is illustrated above in the equation of the slave's three-day labor service with task-work. Few agree with Perrin that the servilium of servi is unlimited (unfixed). Two such authori­ties, however, who agree with Perrin in principle are Andre Dcleage, La vie r11rale en Bo1ir-

11ogne j usqu'an clebul du 011zieme sicc le (Macon 1941) I 506, and Ludmil Hauptmann,' Colonus, Barschalk und Freimann,' in Wirlschaft und Kullur: Jlestschri ft zum 70. Geburlslag von

Alfons Dopsch (Vienna 1938) 173 . Both Deleage and Hauptmann equate variable or unlim­ited labor service with the number of days (usually three) per week a slave must worl• for his lord. Yet, Hauptmann in an earlier article(' Hufengrossen im bayerischen Stammes­und Kolonialgebiete,' Vicrtel j ahrschrifl fiir Sozial- um/ Wirlschaflsyeschichte 21 [1928] 397) tloes not equate unlimited er arbitrary se •·viee with t he thrnc-day :abor service; he finds the latter a supplement lo I.he former . Brunner, Dwlsclle Jiecl!lsgeschichte I 376, and Georg Caro, 'Die Grundbcsitzverteilung in tier Nordostschweig und angrenzcnden alamannischen Stammesgebkten zur I<arolingerzeit ,' .Jahrbilcher fiir Na tio11a/Olconomic ttnd Statistik 76 (1901) 484, speak of fixed services and tribute for slaves in L.Alam. XXI, to which Brunner adds L.Baiii. 1,13 as well. F ixed tribute is also upheld in very general terms by George Duby, Rura l Economu anrl Counlry Life in the Medieva l West (trans. Cynthia Po~tan; Columbia [S.C .] 1968) 39, as docs Inama-St ernegg, Denlsche Wirlsclwftsgeschichle I 213 11. 1 for L .A lam . XXII,1.

VALLA AND ISIDORE 343

differ according to one's status, but there is no basic class difference in L.Baiiz. I,13 as far as obligations are concerned.25

Since the obligations of ninth-century cartularies are clearly present in the eighth-century L.Haiu. I,13, the historical significance of Lhis Jaw must be re­examined. Indeed, Konrad Beyerle26 believes L.!Jaiu. I,13 was introduced into the Bavarian code a long 'Nith L.flaiu. I,11-12, and this at the Synod of Din­golfing (770/772). Such a proposal places L.!Jaiu. I,13 closer to the appearance of early ninth-cenlury cartularies, resulting in increased similarity between the agrarian conditions contained in both. Since the obligations of co loni and servi in L.Baiu. I,13 are not substantially different, this Jaw predicts the manorial conditions of the Carolingian seigneuric.

New York THEODOHE JOI-IN RIVEHS

LOHENZO VALLA AND ISIDOHE OF SEVILLE*

Lorenzo Valla in his De Linguae lalinae eleganliis is highly critical of pre­vious Latin grammatical studies. In particular Valla seeks in this linguistic treatise to revise for his contemporaries the teachings of Donatus, Servius, and Priscian which he found in confli ct with his ideal of classical Latin usage; and in general he seeks to complement the extant grammatical tradition of antiquity.1

25 F ustel de Coulanges, Recherches sw· quelques problemes d' his lo ire (4th ed. Paris 1923)

155, concl udes that the obligations of co loni and servi ecc lesiae in L.Baiu. I,13 vary because they are compensa ted by different wcrgelds. If he did not' know the wcrgeld differences, would he draw the same conclusion?

26 Lex Baiiwariorum, Jxxxvi.ii-lxxxix. This view is also put forth by Georg Baesecke, 'Die deutschen Worte der german ischen Gcsetze,' Bei/riige zur Ccschiclllc der deulschen Sprache imcl Lileralur 59 (1935) 14.

I I