Socialist Standard March 2011

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2 SocialistStandard March 2011

SubScription orderSshould be sent to the address above.rateS: One year subscription (normal rate)15. One year subscription (low/unwaged) 10.Europe rate 20 (Air mail). Rest of world 25(Air mail). Voluntary supporters subscription20 or more. Cheques payable to The SocialistParty of Great Britain.

march 2011

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contentsFeatureS

Egypt: Te d od to

politil deoy10

Tunisi people powe, but 13

Zbi: te iots in

Botselnd15

a entuy of pogess? 16

Wges nd te ost of living

(gin) 18

reGuLarS

Ptndes 4

Podution Vlues 5

mteil Wold 6

cooking te Books 1 7

Tiny Tips 8

hlo hlo 8

Gesy Pole 9

cooking te Books 2 19reviews 20

Pope Gnde 21

meetings 22

ation reply 23

50 Yes ago 23

Voie fo te Bk 24

Fee Lun 24

The next meeting of the Executive Committee

will be on Sy 2 al at the addressabove. Correspondence should be sent tothe General Secretary. All articles, lettersand notices should be sent to the EditorialCommittee.

th Sls py52 Clapham High Street

LondonSW4 7UNtl: 0207 622 3811eml: [email protected]: www.worldsocialism.org/spgbblg: http://spgb.blogspot.com

Uk Branches & contactsLondoncl Ld b. 2nd Wednesday6.30pm. Coffee Republic, 7-12 City Road,EC1 (nearest Tube and rail stations OldStreet and Moorgate).eld d higy b. Thurs 10thand 24th March, 8pm. Angel Community

Centre, Raynham Rd, NI8.Corres: 17 Dorset Road, N22 7SL.Email:[email protected] Ld b. 1st Tues. 7.00pm.Head Ofce. 52 Clapham High St, SW47UN. Tel: 020 7622 3811W Ld b. 1st & 3rd Tues.8pm,Chiswick Town Hall, Heatheld Terrace(Corner Sutton Court Rd), W4.Corres: 51 Gayford Road, London W12 9BY

MidLandsW Midld rgil b. Meetslast Sunday of the month in the Briar Rosepub, 25 Bennetts Hill, Birmingham B2 5RE.Tel: Tony Gluck 01242 235615.Email: [email protected]

northeast

n b. Contact: Brian Barry,

86 Edgmond Ct, Ryhope, Sunderland SR20DY. Tel: 0191 521 0690.Email: [email protected]

northwestL b. Meets every Monday8.30pm. P. Shannon, 10 Green Street,Lancaster LA1 1DZ. Tel: 01524 382380M b. Paul Bennett, 6Burleigh Mews, Hardy Lane, M21 7LB.Tel: 0161 860 7189Bl. Tel: H. McLaughlin.01204 844589cumbi. Brendan Cummings, 19 QueenSt, Millom, Cumbria LA18 4BG

clil: Robert Whiteld.Email: [email protected]: 07906 373975rdl. Tel: R. Chadwick.01706 522365su M. Enquiries: BlanchePreston, 68 Fountains Road, M32 9PH

Yorkshiresip. R Cooper, 1 Caxton Garth,Thresheld, Skipton BD23 5EZ.Tel: 01756 752621tdmd: Keith Scholey, 1 Leeview Ct,Windsor Rd, OL14 5LJ.Tel: 01706 814 149

south/southeast/southwestsu W rgil b. Meets everytwo months on a Saturday afternoon inSalisbury.Shane Roberts, 86 High Street,Bristol BS5 6DN.Tel: 0117 9511199

cbuy. Rob Cox, 4 Stanhope Road,Deal, Kent, CT14 6ABLu. Nick White, 59 Heywood Drive, LU27LPrdu. Harry Sowden, 5 Clarence Villas,Redruth, Cornwall, TR15 1PB.Tel: 01209 219293

eastangLiae agli rgil b. Meetsevery two months on a Saturday afternoon(see meetings page for details).Pat Deutz, 11 The Links, Billericay, CM120EX. [email protected] Porter, Eastholme, Bush Drive,Eccles-on-Sea, NR12 0SF.Tel: 01692 582533.Richard Headicar, 42 Woodcote, Firs Rd,Hethersett, NR9 3JD.

Tel: 01603 814343.cmbidg. Andrew Westley, 10 MarksbyClose, Duxford, Cambridge CB2 4RS.Tel: 07890343044

ireLandc: Kevin Cronin, 5 Curragh Woods,Frankeld, Cork. Tel: 021 4896427. Email:[email protected]: Nigel McCullough.Tel: 028 90852062.

scotLandedibug b.1st Thur. 8-9pm.The Quaker Hall, Victoria Terrace (aboveVictoria Street), Edinburgh.J. Moir. Tel: 0131 440 [email protected] Branchwebsite:http://geocities.com/edinburghbranch/Glgw b. 3rd Wednesday of eachmonth at 8pm in Community CentralHalls, 304 Maryhill Road, Glasgow. RichardDonnelly, 112 Napiershall Street, GlasgowG20 6HT. Tel: 0141 5794109.Email: [email protected]. Ian Ratcliffe, 16 Birkhall Ave,Wormit, Newport-on-Tay, DD6 8PX.Tel: 01328 541643W Li. 2nd and 4th Weds inmonth, 7.30-9.30. Lanthorn CommunityCentre, Kennilworth Rise, Dedridge,Livingston. Corres: Matt Culbert, 53 FalconBrae, Ladywell, Livingston, West Lothian,EH5 6UW. Tel: 01506 462359Email: [email protected]

waLessw b. 2nd Mon, 7.30pm,Unitarian Church, High Street. Corres:Geoffrey Williams, 19 Baptist Well Street,Waun Wen, Swansea SA1 6FB.Tel: 01792 643624cdiff d Dii. John James, 67Romilly Park Road, Barry CF62 6RR.Tel: 01446 405636

InternatIonaL contactsLi ami. J.M. Morel, Calle 7 edif 45apto 102, Multis nuevo La loteria,La Vega, Rep. Dominicana.

africaky. Patrick Ndege, PO Box 78105,Nairobi.swzild. Mandla Ntshakala, PO Box 981,Manzini.Zmbi. Kephas Mulenga, PO Box 280168,Kitwe.asiaIdi. World Socialist Group, VillGobardhanpur. PO Amral, Dist. Bankura,722122Jp. Michael. Email:[email protected]. Graham Taylor, Kjaerslund 9,oor 2 (middle), DK-8260 Viby JGmy. Norbert.E-mail: [email protected]. Robert Stafford.

Email: [email protected]. Gian Maria Freddi, Casella Postale n.28., c/o Ag. PT VR 17, 37131 Veronaspi. Alberto Gordillo, Avenida del Parque2/2/3 Puerta A, 13200 Manzanares.

coMPanIon PartIes oVerseasWld sili Py f auli.P. O. Box 1266 North Richmond3121, Victoria, Australia.. Email:[email protected] Py f cd/Pi silidu cd. Box 4280, Victoria B.C. V8X3X8 Canada.Email:[email protected] sili Py (nw Zld) P.O.Box 1929, Auckland, NI, New Zealand.Wld sili Py f Uids P.O. Box 440247, Boston, MA

02144 USA.Email: [email protected]

Contact Details

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WHATS THE alternative? As capitalism remains mired incrisis, and criticisms of the system become more common-place and compelling, expect to hear this question askedmore and more. It is often used politically and rhetorically because every sensible person is supposed to know theanswer. The idea that There Is No Alternative, or TINA, isone of Thatchers enduring political legacies. It will often beasserted angrily in political debate, which is revealing. Noone feels the need to angrily assert the truth of the law ofgravity. No one, then, should feel the need to angrily assertthe fact that there is no alternative if there isnt one. They dobecause there is.

The Trades Union Congress (TUC), a federation of Brit-ains main trade unions, has organised a national demon-stration against the governments spending cuts, which willtake place on 26 March. The demonstration has been calleda March For The Alternative. Which sounds great. At last,after decades of TINA, an alternative! Unfortunately, theTUCs alternative looks much the same as business asusual. The alternative, according to them, is Jobs, growth,justice. This is indistinguishable from what every politicalparty in this country, whether of the left or right, promisesevery election time. We should not be too surprised by this.The TUC, like all trade unions, exists to win a better deal forwage-slaves. This is a laudable aim, and we support it. Butwe do not just want to win a better deal for wage-slaves. Wewant to abolish slavery. We are wage-slavery abolitionists.

As one socialist famously put it, we ought not to exaggerateto ourselves what these trade-union struggles and dem-

onstrations and actions can achieve. We ought not to beexclusively absorbed in these unavoidable guerrilla ghtsincessantly springing up from the never ceasing encroach-ments of capital or changes of the market. Instead, we needto organise for something new.

That was Marx in 1865. Unfortunately, his advice has beenmostly ignored, including by those counting themselvesas his followers, ever since. As the linguist and social criticNoam Chomsky puts it, the effort to overcome wage-slav-ery [has] been going on since the beginnings of the indus-trial revolution, [and] we havent advanced an inch. In fact,were worse off than we were a hundred years ago in terms

of understanding the issues.Chomsky is right, and its the reason we in the SocialistParty devote so much of our time and energy to promotingan understanding of the issues. We seem, in fact, to be theonly political organisation in this country to take this task atall seriously.

The alternative, then, is not the amelioration of our suf-fering under the wages system. It is the abolition of modernslavery the emancipation of labour. Under slavery, youare sold to a master once and for all. Under wage slavery,you hire yourself out by the hour or the week or the month.The basic relationship between master and slave has notchanged. We need to get rid of the master, take the meansof making a living under our collective ownership and control,and organise our own lives, democratically, and on the basis

of freely organised, freely given work. In a word, the alterna-tive is socialism.

Whats the alternative?

The Socialist Party is like no other politicalparty in Britain. It is made up of people whohave joined together because we want toget rid of the prot system and establishreal socialism. Our aim is to persuadeothers to become socialist and act for

themselves, organising democraticallyand without leaders, to bring about thekind of society that we are advocatingin this journal. We are solely concernedwith building a movement of socialists forsocialism. We are not a reformist partywith a programme of policies to patch upcapitalism.

We use every possible opportunity

to make new socialists. We publishpamphlets and books, as well as CDs,DVDs and various other informativematerial. We also give talks and takepart in debates; attend rallies, meetingsand demos; run educational conferences;

host internet discussion forums, makelms presenting our ideas, and contestelections when practical. Socialistliterature is available in Arabic, Bengali,Dutch, Esperanto, French, German,Italian, Polish, Spanish, Swedish andTurkish as well as English.

The more of you who join the SocialistParty the more we will be able to get our

ideas across, the more experiences wewill be able to draw on and greater will bethe new ideas for building the movementwhich you will be able to bring us.

The Socialist Party is an organisation ofequals. There is no leader and there are

no followers. So, if you are going to joinwe want you to be sure that you agreefully with what we stand for and that weare satised that you understand thecase for socialism.

if y wl lk m ls

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Editorial

Introducing The Socialist Party

socialiststandard

march 2011

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dl bl

tlTHE PEOPLEQUAKE currently tearing up streets acrossNorth Africa is not just about dictatorial rulers and lackof democracy, its also about poverty, unemployment,corruption, social exclusion, simmering religious tensionsand, signicantly, rising food prices.

World wheat prices rocketed by 50 percent during2010, and countries which are net importers of wheat,and whosepopulationsspend on averagea third or moreof their incomeon food, are themost badly hit

by these rises.The Japaneseinvestment rmNomura hascreated a FoodVulnerabilityIndex (NFVI) of80 countries in its report The Coming Surge in Food Prices(http://tinyurl.com/6eoz4d9). In the top 10 of thesecountries are Egypt, Algeria and Morocco, as well asBangladesh, Sri Lanka and Hong Kong. In the top 20 areTunisia, Romania, Ukraine and Libya. If another surgein prices is imminent, as Nomura predicts, the NFVI maysuggest where the political heat will burn hottest.

Let us however dispose of one misconception at the

outset the volatility of food prices does not correspondwith a similar volatility in the supply of food. The 80percent increase in global wheat prices in 2008 occurredduring a super-harvest of American wheat and hasbeen blamed squarely on speculators in Chicago andMinneapolis who have only recently converged likelocusts on the worlds farm crops (see for instance HowWall Street starved millions and got away with it byFrederick Kaufman, Harpers Magazine, July 2010).That speculators were entirely responsible for creatinga nancial food bubble, as Kaufman claims, is frostilydenied by Goldman Sachs, the chief bad-guy of his essay,but also disputed by several other independent reports,citing other factors such as the 40 percent crop loss dueto the Russian drought, as well as oods in Pakistan

and China, and the spike in oil prices which nowadayscorrelate closely withfood prices. Nevertheless,speculator-frenzy wassufcient to alarm the Indiangovernment into banning allagricultural futures tradingin 2008.

Another misconception isthat population is causingfood prices to rise. Globalpopulation has been risingsteadily for decades whilereal food prices have beenfalling since 1970. Worldpopulation is expected toreach around 9.5bn by 2100but a recent report from the

UK Institution of Mechanical Engineers (http://tinyurl.com/4vodmec)argues that the anticipated food demandcan be met with current engineering methods and thatthe barriers are largely political. They point to the 25percent wastage of post-purchase food in developedcountries, and the staggering 50 percent average post-harvest crop loss in developing countries because ofpoor storage and management: It is evident that thebarriers to deploying solutions are not technological. Theissue is often one of implementation and in this areaaction should be taken by society and political leadersat national, regional and local levels (Population: OnePlanet, Too Many People?p.40).

Meanwhile, other researchers are less optimistic,citing the unsustainable exhaustion of non-replaceable

water supplies driving much of current global foodproduction. In China an estimated 130m people relyon food produced through overpumping groundwater,in India around 175m, while Saudi Arabia, currentlyself-sufcient in wheat, has almost drained its fossilaquifers and next years harvest may be its last (NewScientist, 5 February). Agriculture accounts for 70

- 85 percent of global water consumption and halfthe worlds population live in countries with fallingwater tables. Lester Brown, president of the EarthPolicy Institute, argues that this environmental foodbubble could burst at any time, with catastrophicconsequences: No civilization has survived the ongoingdestruction of its natural support systems. Nor will

ours..... the world is only one poor harvest away fromchaos (When Will the Food Bubble Burst?, Earth-Policy.org, 12 January).

The UK engineers agree over the problem: Indeed ifthere is one common factor that [we have] identied inthe issues relating to water around the world, it is theunsustainable abstraction of groundwater at a higher ratethan natural replenishment allows (Population report,

p.24) but they point out that this does not need to be so:Given current techniques and capabilities there is novalid reason why there should be a shortage of water forhuman use. Fundamentally, there is no shortage of wateron the planet to meet the anticipated rise in consumptionof 30 percent by 2030. There is however, a spatial andtemporal misalignment of supply and demand (p.5).China, whose water is mostly in the south and populationcentres in the north, is currently dealing with thismisalignment in a refreshingly low-tech way, with a bigcanal. Other countries, given the removal of economicand political barriers, could theoretically do the same.

World food supply is affected by a number of factors,including population growth and rampant urbanisation,land and water depletion, invasive species, pollution,

climate change and El Nino events. But prices are afunction of the market system andvolatility here is also driven byprotectionism, speculation, oil costsand consequent biofuel demand, andplain old fashioned hoarding to inateprices. The problem with the forecastsof Nomura, the engineers and theEarth Policy Institute, is that they areobliged to think within the capitalistbox, and as far as solutions go thatbox is pretty much empty. Socialistscan only hope that the world doesnthave to starve half its population to

death before coming to the conclusionthat leaders are not going to changeanything and that capitalism is thereal bubble that needs bursting.

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1 Bangladesh 101.5 53.82 Morocco 101.3 63.03 Algeria 101.3 53.04 Nigeria 101.2 73.05 Lebanon 101.2 34.06 Egypt 101.0 48.17 Sri Lanka 101.0 39.68 Sudan 100.9 52.99 Hong Kong 100.9 25.810 Azerbaijan 100.8 60.211 Angola 100.8 46.112 Romania 100.7 49.413 Philippines 100.7 45.614 Kenya 100.7 45.815 Pakistan 100.6 47.616 Libya 100.6 37.217 Dom Rep 100.6 38.318 Tunisia 100.5 36.019 Bulgaria 100.5 49.520 Ukraine 100.5 61.0

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Letters

sw iy?Dear EditorsI am writing to ask for your

further explanation of a matterwhich has puzzled me, arisingfrom the item A Merry Christmason page 23 of the January issue.Commenting on the annual appealof Crisis UK, the writer describes

the organisations workers andvolunteers as well-meaning andobviously sincere, but continueswith the words charity doesntwork. Well, no, inasmuch aswhile capitalism exists, there willalmost certainly be homeless peopleneeding help all through this andevery year; but, nevertheless, itdoes work in that, for those fewdays at Christmas, some homelesspeople had some relief and comfortwhich they would not have hadwithout that charity. Wasnt thatpartial and temporary help betterthan nothing? Isnt it possible that

some of the people who worked toprovide short-term help to some ofcapitalisms victims, might also beworking for the transformation ofsociety to world socialism? Isnt itpossible for socialists to have bothshort-term and long-term aims? Canthe achievement of world socialismreally come about through ignoringimmediate specic sufferings ofindividual human beings?adw Du, Gv,nwi

rply: Yes, charity can make adifference to an individuals life; it

is better than nothing. But its notmuch and certainly not enough,

like trying to empty a lake with ateaspoon.

You partly answer your own querywhen you say that while capitalismexists, there will almost certainly behomeless people. Its for this reasonwe stated that charity doesnt work i.e. that it cant cure the problemsit seeks to address. Whether itbe homelessness or some other

charitable concerns, such problemsare an inevitable product of a societywhere prots matter above all else.So while some individuals can anddo benet from charity, it doesntstop the problem continually arising.

The sufferings of our fellowhumans (and ourselves) is surelypart of the motivation for socialiststo organise to put an end tocapitalism. As individuals - ifinclined - we can choose to give whatwe can afford and spare time to helpwhere needed, but for the SocialistParty our sole aim is nothing but

socialism, however long it takes- Editors.

M mdDear EditorsDemonstrations in support ofdenied democratic rights in somecountries lacking free elections andfree speech are one thing; they haveno other way of expressing theirpolitics, so take to the streets. Herewe do have people power and it iscalled an election.

Governments in the UK knowthey have a mandate and they alsoknow that the opposition usually

has the same politics as they have.

This is true about the issues ofprivatisation and public sectorjob cuts. Labour councils under aLabour government were closingdown council-run residential homesfor the elderly before the 2010general election. Demonstrationsaimed at changing governmentpolicy have failed in their objectivesin the UK. CND rallied thousands toban the bomb in the fties and earlysixties. When the Harold WilsonLabour government was electedin 1964 CNDs high hopes weredashed. Britain stayed nuclear andvast sums went to the manufactureand maintenance of nuclear horrorweapons.

In 2003 a million marched againstthe Tony Blair Iraq attack. Blairlied, people died. There were noweapons of mass destruction, butthe USA and UK had them and stilldo. Despite being exposed a liarBlair got back in when Labour won

the 2005 general election. Marchingaround London streets, shouting atempty government buildings andtourists is futile. Violence at suchdemonstrations angers and disguststhe majority of workers. As forcuts, sackings in and privatisationof the NHS, these are going aheadand the majority of voters fullyendorsed these ConDem policies. Atleast the SPGB dont lead mobs ofconfused workers into riots. There isa minority amongst demonstratorswho are trying to do just that.rb Jm, Y

rply: You are right. We dont.- Editors.

A sideways glance at capitalism through someof its products. This month: the razor.

th bs M c G?

IT WAS a nostalgia web-site which rst coined the phrasejumping the shark. This referred to the decline in the qualityof the 1970s TV show Happy Days which ran out of ideasand ended up with a desperate episode where the shows starwater-skied over a shark.

Socialists argue over just when capitalism jumped the shark:when its dynamic and revolutionary nature was overtaken by itswastefulness and unhumanitarian priorities. It would be churlishto criticise all product developments inside capitalism. Just mostof them. A good example of this is the razor blade, the earliestexample of which was a long open sharp metal blade. Unlikelyto pass product safety regulations nowadays, it nonetheless inskilled hands - did the job. The development of the safety razorwas a useful advance. Encasing the blade in plastic to minimisethe depth of any inadvertent cut, the safety razor was a big hitwhen rst developed.

The market leader Gillette held the patent for stainless steelblades which did not rust so readily, but had not acted on it.Why not pass this benet onto the consumer? Because they

made more prot from selling lots of the inferior carbon steelblades which blunted easily. Perhaps not the best a man canget, then.

Similarly the move by Bic and then all manufacturers intodisposable shavers meant lower up-front cost for the consumerbut larger long-term revenue. In particular the adoption of thecartridge system (separate blade unit from the handle) meantthat the manufacturer locked in the customer to their brandwhich - unsurprisingly - wouldnt t any competitors.

The wholly disposable razor came next, followed byadjustable heads. One sharp cookie came up with the idea ofhaving two blades side-by-side, on the dubious grounds that

this somehow made for a closer shave. It wasnt long before themain competitor responded with a three-blade system.Whatever next? Crack teams of researchers worked night and

day in labs to keep ahead of the competition. They nally cameup with Quatro - yes, you guessed it, four blades. The carefulreader will have detected a trend here, and youd be right: a fthblade soon followed.

Your own local supermarket will betray a thousand similarstories of articial restrictions, articial needs and wastedhuman ingenuity. While we split hairs as to when capitalismjumped this particular smooth-skinned shark, the steel mills ofChina are ratcheting up production again as news comes in(January 2011 ) of the Dutch supermarket chain Albert Heijnannouncing the launch of ... yes, right again... a six-bladedevice. Happy days!

Next month: We look at that modern symbol of all that is great

about capitalism apparently, the laptop.

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Workers of the World

in it together

WHEREVER WE are situated on the globe we workersrepeatedly nd ourselves up against challenges we areunable to deal with as individuals. In isolation we are

feeble against the power of states, governments and lawsprotective of business owning interests. The only way tomake headway (often temporary) against overwhelmingodds is to be part of a larger group, usually a trade union.The challenges related to earning capacity, conditions ofwork, ability to support self and family are all necessaryconsiderations within the overall political system in whichwe live. There is no opt-out clause enabling real freechoice.

Because of the manner in which the political/economicsystem works there can only be room for a certain limitednumber, a percentageof the workforce, tobe employed. Even intimes of so-called full

employment there isalways still a pool ofunused labour, surplusto requirements inlarge areas of theworld. Capitalism isa competitive systemthrough and through;businesses competingwith each other for theavailable customersand resources, beingtaken over, goingbust, accumulatinginto larger and larger

conglomerations to cutor save costs; workers competing for fewer vacancies,being forced to accept longer hours, reduced pay andbenets to stay in the game. Who doesnt recognise thisscenario?

t giv f mpiiAwareness is growing worldwide that this competitive

system is wreaking havoc on the environment on everycontinent as it also increasingly causes misery for peopleon an ever-widening scale. Resources and labour are thetwo requirements to be accessed as cheaply as possiblein order to turn them into the biggest prot possible withlittle or no regard for any consequences. Externalities issues such as poor air quality leading to severe healthproblems, forced removal of populations to enablemineral extraction and large dam projects or large scalehomelessness and poverty following massive layoffs intimes of economic difculties are simply ignored.

Competition can certainly be a positive motivation insport and games for enjoyment, a healthy challenge,self-fullment and the like but not in day-to-day livingor as a requirement for putting bread on the table and aroof over our heads. In these situations the negative forceof competition puts undue stress on workers causingunnecessary aggravation, even going so far as to wreckfamily life and be the reason for thousands of suicidesevery year. Divide-and-rule has proved to work brilliantlywell against different sectors of the workforce nationally

and works equally well internationally; note the recentclamour for jobs outsourced to Asia and Mexico tobe brought back to the US and rising antagonism

across Europe, even government inspired, to groups ofimmigrants from other nations of the same EU who mightbe taking our jobs.

P uff For over a 100 years those who thought they knew

what was happening in the countryside around theworld have predicted the disappearance of the peasantry.Surely, by now, they should all be gone! Instead,integrated into La Via Campesina, peasants are turningup everywhere, a troublesome and discordant voice in thechorus extolling the praises of globalisation. (HistoricalOverview of La Via Campesinaby Annette Desmarais.)

La Via Campesina is a global organisation formallycreated in 1993 withmembers in 56 countriesacross ve continents. Itsees small farmers in the

South as the victims ofneoliberal globalisation(their term), and, with itsinexorable competitionfor prots, seeking outthe cheapest resources,the cheapest labour,countries with thepoorest safety records etc,a policy of discriminationagainst the poorestmembers of world society,

t i i uLand Grab, the

takeover of productiveland (and water) for the prot of outside interests and180 degrees opposed to traditional agricultural methods,is expanding in a growing number of African countries.Farmers in many parts of the world as well as Africahave traditionally lived together collectively, sharingland, with no concept of land ownership. Governmentsin these areas being taken over have been corrupted bythe chance of becoming mega-rich through deals withforeign third parties to sell land and water rights and as aconsequence, an externality, leave many of their citizenshomeless, landless and without livelihoods.

A chapter in Franois Houtarts Agrofuelson the deadlysequence of crises sums up the situation facing us all. Allof what we are up against is a logic which pervades ourentire economic history from the last two centuries. Inother words, it is no accident but a deliberate plan whichis causing so many of us so many different problems aswage earning workers, whether as public service workersin Britain, farmers in Africa, miners in New Zealand,Chile and China or manufacturing workers in NorthAmerica. We, the workers, are in this together if we are tomake a difference, if we are to bring about the change weso desperately need.

Shall we continue forever to accept being individualwage slaves in the great divide and free-for-all that iscapitalism or shall we, the common people, togetherreclaim what has been stolen from us and choose a socialsystem of life together in mutual cooperation, truly free

for all?Janet sUrMan

Victim of neoliberal globalisation? A Mexican corn farmer

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GORDON BROWN will go down in history as a failure. Politi-cally, as a prime minister who never won an election. Eco-nomically, as the man who arrogantly and pompously an-

nounced that his policies had led to the end of the boom/bustcycle, only to nd himself a year or so later presiding overcapitalisms biggest slump since the 1930s.

Philip Collins commented on this claim in his column in theTimes on 7 January:

Weirdly, the Labour Party appeared to have concludedthat capitalism had become stable, ordered and pliant. Theyneed to read their Marx again, Theyll nd a picture of capital-ism as creative, destructive, radical, disruptive and prone tocycles of boom and bust, even when commanded to behaveby Labour chancellors.

But had they ever read Marx in the rst place? Not that theLabour Party has ever accepted Marxs analysis of capital-ism. They havent even used the word capitalism for years.A previous Labour Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, once fa-

mously declared that he had never got beyond a long foot-note on page 2 ofCapital.

Brown, on the other hand, as a leftwing student leader inhis youth and as author of a book on the ILP leader JimmyMaxton, would probably have read some Marx. As would hissuccessor as chancellor, Alistair Darling, if he really was oncea member of the IMG (though he might have therefore beenmore familiar with Lenin than Marx). The Miliband brotherswould have heard of Marx and his ideas from their father andperhaps even read some.

Collins used to be a speechwriter for Blair but he doesntseem to have made Blair make this criticism of Brown. They,apparently, had other things to argue about. But his descrip-tion of Marxs view of capitalism is substantially correct.

If Harold Wilson had persisted he would have found (some

500 pages later) Marxs description of the course of capitalaccumulation:

The life of industry becomes a series of periods of mod-erate activity, prosperity, over-production, crisis and stagna-tion (chapter 15, section 7).

In a boom the competitive struggle for prots leads tooverproduction (in relation to its market) of one sector of theeconomy that then spreads to other sectors. Capital accu-mulation stalls. During the resulting slump the conditions arecreated (through lower wages, interest rates, and asset val-ues and the elimination of unprotable businesses) for a slowrecovery and eventually another boom which, like the previ-ous one, will eventually bust. And the cycle continues.

Browns Tory opponents forget that he wasnt the rstchancellor to have claimed to have ended the boom/bust cy-

cle. Nigel Lawson, Thatchers chancellor from 1983 to 1989,also believed he had done so. David Smith, the economicseditor of the Sunday Times, recounted in his 1991 book FromBoom to Bust:

Even before an economic miracle was being proclaimedin the late 1980s, the Conservative Partys boosters had de-clared that Nigel Lawson had achieved something, withoutexplicitly trying for it, that had eluded all previous post-warChancellors. He had, it was said, abolished the business cy-cle, a boast that Lawson was happy to live with (p. 196).until, Smith added, it proved to be woefully misplaced,when the recession of 1990-91 broke out.

So, its not just commands from Labour chancellors to be-have that capitalism ignores. It does the same to commandsfrom Tory chancellors too. In fact, to commands from any

government, including Tory-Liberal coalitions, as the declinein GNP in the last quarter of 2010 showed.

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Jumpers for Jesus?

DO YOU, in your area, get those

leaets designed to look likecharity appeals stuffed throughyour letterbox every week or so,asking for y our unused itemsof clothing (in good condition) tobe sold to help others in need?If you do, check the small printat the bottom to see if there isa registered charity number.There probably wont be. (Thepoint here is not that charitiesare better than anyone else atdealing with poverty. Theyrenot. Its just an example of howsome businesses will happilypretend to be charities in orderto make a few bob.)

Where I live there are atleast three commercial groupswho come round regularly leaving large plasticbags to be stuffed full of clothing which they then cart offand og. Its a lucrative business. They even pinch eachothers bags of goodies sometimes.

One of these leaets recently had in large red printacross the bottom:God will reward yourgood hearts.

I took it down tomy local Trading

Standards Ofceand pointed out thatthe claim was totallyunreasonable. IfGod is happy to siton his arse and donothing while millionsstarve needlessly Ithink its being a bitoptimistic to expecthim to reward me forgiving my old socksand underpants toa private recyclingrm. The man behind

the desk gave me apuzzled look, thentook the leaet andconsulted one of hiscolleagues. He cameback a few minuteslater and quietlyapologised. No,he said, there wasnothing they coulddo.

Apparently its quiteacceptable to not onlymake these claimson behalf of God in

churches up and downthe country everySunday, but now, even

on commercial rms trading leaets as well.Now it seems that the Salvation Army is also willing

to let a commercial business make vast prots outof peoples charitable donations of clothing madeunder the assumption that because it is the SalvationArmy, their donations will be used to aid the poor.

An article in the Guardian(31 January) describeshow a rm in Kettering does very well out of SalvationArmy charity. Its boss and three fellow directors have

apparently made almost 10 millionfor themselves since 2008 through adeal in which they collect some 2,500tonnes of clothes each month from theSalvation Army recycling banks andsell them in eastern Europe.

Trying to justify this Dave Hinton (orLieutenant Colonel David Hinton, togive him his full Salvation Army title)stated It would be nave to believe orexpect that such an operation wouldnot incur administrative costs.

The boss of the company, NigelHanger, was much more open aboutit though. Clearly not a man to mince

his words, he stated: At no point have Iever not said what I am in this for, I amin business to make prot as best I canin the proper manner and to make asmuch money as I can for myself and myfamily.

Doesnt it make a refreshing change to meet an honestbusinessman?

n.W.

A quarter of all of Britains income taxrevenues this year will be paid by just one percent of earners, according to ofcial data:

h://yl.m/5x

The British crime map doesnt featurecorporate crime so it is a bit like a British oodmap that registers only bathroom oods:

h://yl.m/6fm

Egypts secret police, long accused oftorturing suspects and intimidating politicalopponents of President Hosni Mubarak,received training at the FBIs facility inQuantico, Virginia, even as US diplomats

compiled allegations ofbrutality against them, according to US StateDepartment cables released byWikiLeaks:

h://yl.m/6zf8w

Four decades after the Green Revolutionseemed to be solving Indias food

problems, nearly half of Indian children age 5or younger are malnourished. Andsoaring food prices, a problem around theworld, are especially acute in India:

h://yl.m/6g47j9

In one of the deadliest strikes on thePakistan army, a schoolboy suicide bombersneaked into a heavily-guarded Pakistani

army training centre in the countrysnorth-west today and blew himselfup in the midst of a parade, killing31 soldiers and leaving 40 more

wounded. It was a suicide attack by a 12-year-old bomber in school uniform, top police ofcerMr Abdullah Khan said:

h://yl.m/6y7vsk

A jury in western New York deliberatedfor only an hour on Monday before nding atelevision producer, who ran a cable studiodesigned to promote understanding of hisMuslim culture, guilty of beheading his wife:

h://yl.m/4wfxh4w

It seems President Hosni Mubarak isnt theonly leader who has grown out of touch withordinary people following an extended period

in power. Tony Blair has praised the Egyptiandictator as a force for good. Appearingon Piers Morgan Tonight on CNN, theformer British PM said: Where you stand on[Mubarak] depends on whether youve workedwith him from the outside or on the inside.

Ive worked with him on the Middle Eastpeace process between the Israelis and thePalestinians and on that issue, I have to say,hes been immensely courageous and a forcefor good.

h://yl.m/6944

Joe Biden says Egypts Mubarak no dictator,

he shouldnt step down...and wonders what theEgyptian protesters want:

h://yl.m/4v7482

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Grow up and understand

YOU CANT help feeling sorry for coalition ministerswith their sleepless nights and restless days having todo something they call Taking Tough Decisions evenwhen these lead to thousands of people catapulted intounemployment, agonising over whether to pay the rent ormortgage or buy food or try to keep warm in the winter.So it helps to know that, at any rate for those strugglingministers, there is another way. Some spin doctor in thedeeper recesses of Westminster has come up with theidea that the victims of current policies might regardthemselves as less repressed and impoverished if theycould accept it all in a more mature and perceptivemanner. One great advantage of this reasoning wouldbe that it promises to be stunningly cheap to operate.Another is that any residual resentment by penuriousbenet applicants and the like might well be stied bytheir feelings of guilt at their own inadequacy in acceptingreality.

clggHere, for example, is Deputy Prime Minister Nick Clegg,seemingly unshaken by his being abruptly transmogriedfrom the focus of a national mood of Cleggmania intothe most hated man in Britain. The tension betweenthe LibDems and their patient fans was aggravated bythe fact that Clegg had led his party into the coalitionalong a path of dishonoured pledges and his excitedcomplacency at holding so eminent a governmentalpost. Last November, before the Commons voted on theproposal to increase the university tuition fees, Cleggwrote to the President of the National Union of Studentsand, after asserting that the governments intention wasthat graduates on lower incomes would be better off thannow, stated that I believe it is crucial that all of us are

able to ensure that people know the true picture. Takenote of the use of words like crucialall of usensuretrue picture designed to imply that anyone who doesnot t into this compliant mould has defects which are well, crucial. This argument might be more effective if itwas not put by the same Nick Clegg who, when he wastouting for votes during the general election, said thatto raise tuition fees would be a disaster. So while weconsider how to maintain a maturely informed attitudeamong the confusion, can we also settle where we placeClegg? Are we impressed that he eventually admittedthe LibDems (including himself) should have thoughtmore carefully before signing those amboyantly recklesspledges? Or would it be more instructive to rememberthat this confession was a response to lost votes

and the fact that Cleggmania had decayed into aseptic memory of a disreputable past.

cblWhich brings us to the Deputy

Prime Ministers deputy who, whilenever embellished by Cablemania, hascoincidentally been reduced from theworlds most immaculately insightfuleconomist to piteously Vincible Vince.Among a procession of savaging blundersin early November Cable boasted to twoundercover reporters fromthe Daily Telegraphwho

came to his constituencysurgery pretending toneed his advice that hehad the power to scupper

Rupert Murdochs attempt to completely take overBSkyB and that to get his own way in the coalition hecould operate the nuclear option of threatening toresign from it. Although supposedly a hardened politicaloperator, the terror of afuently bonused bankers, Cableseemed powerless of suspecting that he was being setup precisely to embarrass himself in such an unwise,almost terminal, style. An outraged David Cameronswiftly relieved him of these feverish delusions and ofsome of his ministerial responsibilities. But he clung onas Business Secretary, in which post he had brushedaside the protests at the planned rise in tuition fees: Ithink a lot of the people who are protesting actually dontunderstand whats being proposed. It doesnt actuallyaffect them were talking about a system of graduatecontribution that will only affect people who start going touniversity in a couple of years time. There are howeverproblems for anyone eager to give any weight to Cablesviews in this matter since he has himself demonstrated a

distinct confusion in understanding at times declaringhimself to be in favour, then against, the rise in fees, thenthat he would abstain from voting (there are no prizes forguessing that, when he came to it, ambition overruledand he obediently supported the rise). But how are we toregard anyone so susceptible to trickery and confusion,who nevertheless tells us that we dont understand oureveryday problems?

cmFrom the other bit of the coalition David Cameron,

in what seemed like a t of exasperation, hit out atthe opponents of the reform of what are called publicservices (in which this government is merely followingLabours policy). Camerons complaint is that the critics

need to grow up and realise that what counts is thestandards of the service rather than which organisation state, private, charity delivers it. Well growing up although not in the way Cameron means is mostlya useful, not to say necessary, process from which acertain education is assumed to follow. But until thathappens we must work with the outrageous fact thatan Old Etonian, ex-member of the vandal BullingdonClub such as Cameron can lecture us about maturitywhen he is unable or perhaps reluctant to confrontthe fact that the working class exist under continualpressures of survival in their everyday lives. Dependencyon employment in order to survive is a vastly educative,

maturing experience. For example the housingcharity Shelter recently reported that some

3 million people have problems payingtheir rent or mortgage, which meansthat millions of people live under thepersistent threat of being homeless.According to Shelters chief executivethousands of people are hanging

on to their homes by the skin oftheir teeth. That is the kind ofexperience which should be enough

to result in such enlightenment aboutcapitalism as to be mightily serious for

the Tories, Labour, LibDems and allother supporters of this chaotic,

degrading social system.

IVan

Sleepless nights and restless

days... its time to grow up

SocialistStandard March 2011

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at the time of going to press,the revolution of anger inEgypt seems to be entering a

new phase. Tahrir Square has beenreopened to trafc and commerce.Massive political demonstrationsare over, at least for the time being,but strikes and protests by variousgroups of workers continue. Theemployees of the National Bank ofEgypt have forced the resignationof its chairman, a Mubarak ally.Ambulance drivers, public transport

workers, and even the police aredemonstrating for better wages andconditions.

Many Egyptians are dissatisedwith what has been achieved so far,and with good reason. Mubarak hasgone. But what sort of democrat isthe man who took over from himon 31 January Omar Suleiman,assassin and torturer-in-chief ofthe dreaded Mukhabarat (GeneralIntelligence Service)? The demandto suspend the emergency law thatpermits detention without chargehas not been met, nor have politicalprisoners been released. The rulingmilitary council has set no rm time-table for elections and transition to

civilian rule. They have made plentyof promises, but who is nave enoughto trust them?

To understand what is happeningin Egypt, we must rst understandthe nature of the ruling regime.

a miliy ligyThe regime is not a personal dicta-torship. It can survive the removalof Mubarak or any other specicgure. It is a military oligarchy. Themain power centre is the supreme

command of the armed forces (theeleventh largest in the world). In ad-dition, there is a ruling party underNasser the Arab Socialist Union,renamed by Sadat the NationalDemocratic Party but its role issecondary.

The military regime has its originsin the Free Ofcers Movement, whichoverthrew the British colonial puppetking Farouk in 1952. Its domesticand foreign policy has changed overtime, under the successive leadershipof Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak, butthe regime itself has remained thesame. It has never been in the leastbit democratic.

Why then does the Trotskyist

International Socialist Reviewtell usthat Egypt has been ruled by a dic-tatorship for 30 years, with arrestsand torture a constant occurrence(socialistworker.org/2011/02/11)?Only 30 years? Didnt Nasser too jailthousands of political opponents?Ah, but those were progressive andanti-imperialist jails and thatmakes all the difference, doesnt it?

Before regaining independence,Egypt was ruled by a succession ofempires. Before that it endured the

despotism of the pharaohs. Mubaraktoo was popularly known as thePharaoh. Egypt has been a dictator-ship for 11,000 years.

Fm n sd dMubThis is not to deny important differ-ences between the Nasser and post-Nasser periods.

Nasser conducted a protectionistpolicy on behalf of national capital. Astate-owned iron and steel industrywas created. The Aswan Dam wasbuilt. In 1956 the Suez Canal wasnationalised, leading to armed inva-sion by Britain, France and Israel.Social reforms were undertaken.

What will happen in Egypt now? Will the army keep control until a new leader acceptable to

the West emerges?

Egypt: The hard roadto political democracy

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Land was redistributed and rentspaid by tenant farmers controlled.A minimum wage was established.There were also reforms in the ar-eas of housing, health, education,womens rights and family planning.In foreign policy Egypt was formallynon-aligned; in reality it became aclient state of the Soviet Union.

Nassers successor Sadat expelledSoviet advisers, realigned Egypt withthe West (and eventually with Israel),and replaced protectionism by anopen-door policy. Currency controlswere loosened and foreign companiesinvited to invest in tax-free enter-prise zones. Mubarak went furtherin the same direction. Cheap foodimports were allowed to ood thecountry, ruining Egyptian farmers.The gap between rich and poor wid-ened. The country fell deeply in debtto the international nancial institu-tions and became nancially depend-

ent on US aid.Much of state industry was pri-

vatised. As was later to occur inpost-Soviet Russia, valuable stateassets were acquired on the cheap bya handful of businessmen with insideconnections. That is how AhmedEzz, a close friend of Mubaraksson Gamal, emerged overnight as awealthy steel tycoon.

Another lucrative scam was the le-gal requirement that a foreign inves-tor must give(not sell) a local partnera 20 percent stake in his venture.The local partner always happenedto be a general or high ofcial.

Mubarak and his family werethemselves the greatest beneciariesof this crony capitalism. The familyfortune has been rumoured to be asmuch as $70 billion (43.5 billion).Both of Mubaraks sons are billion-aires in their own right. Most of thismoney is held in British and Swissbanks or invested in American realestate.

It should be noted that underMubarak the regime did not serve theinterests of the whole capitalist class.

Some businessmen didvery well,while otherslost out.For exam-ple, Ezzused hispoliticalclout to

force other businessmen to buy hissteel rather than importing cheapersteel from China. Similarly, it wasdifcult for businessmen lackinginside connections to obtain bankloans. This helps explain why somebusinessmen back the opposition.

t l d gim

While most Egyptians want an endto the military regime, the immedi-atetarget of the revolution of angerwas the Mubarak clan Mubarak,his family and their closest allies andassociates. The demonstrators wiselytook care not to offend the militaryas an institution. According to someanalysts, the Mubarak clan hadpowerful enemies inside the regime(resentful, perhaps, that they werenot getting their fair share of the loot)who used the protests to mount ahalf-coup meaning a coup againstthe clan but not the regime. Perhaps

this is to overstate tensions insidethe regime. It is clear, however, thatthere were people in the ruling groupwho did not belong to the Mubarakclan and who were prepared to sac-rice it in order to save the regime.(Apparently they were encouraged totake this step by the Obama admin-istration.)

This was one reason why no at-tempt was made to use the armyto suppress the protests. Anotherlikely reason was that the generalsjudged that the soldiers and juniorofcers could not be relied upon toobey orders to shoot into the crowds.The security police the thugs whomysteriously appeared out of no-where riding horses and cam-els could be used, becausethey were more isolatedfrom ordinary people andmore effectively underclan control, but therewere too few of them toscare off the enormousmasses of demonstra-tors.

Yu mvm dd uiThe key role in organ-ising the demonstra-tions seems to havebeen played initially bythe April 6 Youth

Movement.This organisa-tion began as aFacebook groupset up to call onall workers to stay

at home on 6 April 2008 in solidaritywith striking textile workers. (Therehas now emerged a new umbrella or-ganisation called the Youth Coalitionfor the Revolution of Anger.)

So the demonstration organisersappear to have been closely con-nected with the workers movementand, in particular, with the campaign

to create independent trade unionsto replace the old state-controlledEgyptian Trade Union Federation.The textile workers tried to establishan independent union in 20062008,but large-scale arrests of activistsmade this impossible at that time.One of the major gains of the revolu-tion was achieved on 30 January,when an independent trade unionmovement nally emerged in theform of the Federation of EgyptianTrade Unions.

An important point that mediacoverage fails to convey is that the

mass political demonstrations areonly part of the upheaval. There arealso numerous strikes and protestsover bread and butter issues. Thatis not surprising when you considerthe rising prices of staple foods andthe fact that 40 percent of Egyptianshave to survive on under $2 (1.30)a day. While political demands areuppermost in Cairo, it seems thatmaterial demands are much moreprominent in other cities. In PortSaid, for instance, crowds angry overthe shortage of housing set re to thelocal state

Out: Hosni Murabak

with George W Bush.In: Omar Suleiman

SocialistStandard March 2011 11

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security headquar-ters, the governorsofce and the mainpost ofce.

t ppiipiThe regime selectivelyand intermittently

allowed oppositionparties to exist butrestricted their activ-ity. As a result, theseparties are all verysmall except forthe Moslem Broth-ers, who despitebeing illegal wereable (like Islamistsin other countries)to take shelter in themosques. Observersestimate that only 5percent of Egyptians

support any of the parties.Almost all of the opposition parties

belong to one of three categories.First, there are several liberal capi-

talistparties that advocate civil rightsand free enterprise. An example isthe New Wafd Party. These partiesare backed by a number of prominentbusinessmen.

Second, there are various Islamistparties. The Moslem Brotherhood isthe largest of these, but not the onlyone.

Third, there are parties that regardthemselves as leftist or socialist.What this usually means in the Egyp-tian context is loyalty to the legacyof Nasser, so it is more accurate tocall these Nasseriteparties. Thus,the National Progressive UnionistParty (known for short as Tagammu)defends the principles of the 1952revolution.

Some parties combine Nasseritewith Islamist ideas. For example,the Umma Party stands for socialistdemocracy with Sharia (Islamic law)as the main source of legislation (!).Finally, there is also an environmen-

talist Green Party.It is hard to see what can come outof the negotiations that Suleiman isconducting on behalf of the regimewith leaders of various oppositionparties. None of the parties playedany part in organising the revolu-tion and few demonstrators regardedthe parties as representing them. Infact, due to popular suspicion thenegotiations may further weakenthe parties base of support. A reportfrom Suez mentions mass resigna-tions from the parties participating inthe negotiations, including Wafd and

Tagammu, and connects this devel-opment with the creation of a Councilto Protect the Revolution in Al-Arish

(near the border with Gaza).

W wuld wi f li?The weakness of the parties makesit very difcult to predict who wouldwin free elections if they were heldtoday. As the theme of social justicehas been prominent in the upheaval,the popular appeal of the liberalopposition may be limited. Socialprotest can work to the advantage ofeither Islamists or the left. Given thesecular nature of the protests (notonly were Islamic slogans conspicu-ous by their absence: there werealso slogans in support of Moslem-Christian unity), the left may do quitewell. The Moslem Brothers obviouslyhave considerable support, but theythemselves apparently do not thinkthey are strong enough to gain powerat this stage.

The existing left-wing oppositionparties, however, are handicappedby their Nasserite orientation. Tothe extent that the demonstratorsare against the military regime andcommitted to democracy, they mighthesitate to vote for parties that harkback to an earlier form of the same

anti-democratic regime. And, ofcourse, only the older generation hasdirect memories of the Nasser period.So conditions may be favourable forthe emergence of a new democraticleft, possibly linked to the independ-ent trade unions. There may even bepotential for the spread of genuinesocialist ideas.

Dggig u iiThe uncertain outcome of elections isone reason why the generals aim todelay the transition to democracy aslong as they can. They may also seek

to retain a power of veto and otherprerogatives even after a civiliangovernment takes ofce, as well as an

ability to reassertcontrol wheneverthey consider it nec-essary as in theTurkish model.

The wish to delaydemocratisation isclearly shared bythe American and

European govern-ments on whom theEgyptian gener-als depend. Thesegovernments aregreat champions ofelections, but onlyprovided that theoutcome is predict-able and acceptableto them. They needtime to prepare theground for such anacceptable outcome in particular, to

select parties and politicians who canbe trusted to respect Western inter-ests and then give them nancial,PR and other aid to help them win.Candidates for this role El-Baradei,for instance are well aware thatpleasing Egypts Western patrons isat least as vital to their prospects aspleasing their fellow citizens.

hw mu im i dd?Statements from the ruling militarycouncil hint that six months maynot be enough. German chancellorAngela Merkel has drawn a parallelbetween the transition in Egypt andthe process of German reunica-tion, suggesting that a whole yearmay be needed. And just in case theresults of political engineering aredisappointing, the generals and theirpatrons probably want to keep openthe option of dragging out the transi-tion indenitely, perhaps co-optinga few handpicked opposition guresinto what remains basically a militaryregime.

In the meantime, it is the job of theregime to restore and maintain or-

der and normality. Ordinary peoplemust stop making trouble and getback to work! To achieve that, the re-gime can be expected to combine orperhaps alternate between sweettalk and arrests, appeasement andrepression. Neither approach willeasily succeed.

As socialists, we do not regard po-litical democracy in itself as sufcientto emancipate humanity. But we dorecognise that it provides by far thebest conditions for the developmentof the socialist movement. That iswhy we wish those well struggling for

political democracy in Egypt and,indeed, throughout the worldsteFan

Day of Anger protestors

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The lightning rapidity and relative ease with whichZine El Abidine Ben Ali was chased out of Tunisiain January, is a clear testimony not only of the

power of the masses but also (though unknown tomany) how vulnerable and cowardly many a dictator is.Hours before his ignominious ight, Ben Ali appeared ontelevision visibly shaken and pleading with the peopleto give him time to address their problems. Too late;the masses were already up in arms. It is said that thecapitalist system digs its own grave. But it does not doso willingly. It is an inevitable fate that it must full; itdeveloped the internet to enhance its insatiable cravefor prots but, ironically, it is the same internet that themasses will use as a collective organiser to mobilise theexploited to bury the system. The present upheavals inthe Arab countries are one such example.

Elsewhere in the Arab lands, this deant action of theTunisians sent frosty shivers down the spines of the otherdictators and, apprehensive of a possible domino effect,some of these rulers started making jittery reforms toavert a similar (and deserved) fall.

In Tunisia, discontent with the government was deepand widespread, cutting across class lines. The lowincome earners had no hope of escaping poverty becausethe government had no way of providing them with jobs.The middle income earners had little chance to improveits lot because the government had so badly sapped theeconomy that there were few government services and thedevelopment of business was virtually impossible except

for the few who had close ties with top ofcials. Many ofthose who did no more than merely question or complainabout injustice were thrown into jail. Many useful peoplewere turned into beggars.ps lThese dramatic events in the Arab lands (and theyare still unfolding) also reveal, in black and white, thenegative role that the corporate media plays in thestruggle for the emancipation of mankind. On the eve ofthe uprising, one would have thought, going by what themedia wanted the world to believe, that Tunisia was akind of heaven-on-earth. For instance, in 2002, a numberof Special Reports on Tunisia were published in NewAfrican so far the leading English Language magazine

on continental Africa that need some paraphrasing andscrutiny here. They were, in the main, prepared by oneAnver Versi.

According to him, visionary political leaders like Ben

Ali are saviours and so when Ben Ali took charge of thecountry 15 years ago, he called the process The Change.Many at that time took the words at their literal value;most at that time did not fully grasp what he meant.When one looks at Tunisia at that time and what it hasbecome today, one feels the full, stunning impact of thewords, The Change:

These 15 years have seen one of the most remarkabletransformations in modern history of the world. Froma country teetering on the brink of social economic andpolitical collapse, Tunisia today is on the threshold ofentering developed world status. And this was achievedwithout any miraculous discovery of gold or oil. Thecountry has also not borrowed heavily to nance itsgrowth, neither has there been any Marshal Aid fromwealthy nations. Growth has been maintained at asteady 5% per annum despite a four-year drought.Industrial efciency has been gained without the lossof employment. The infrastructure has quadrupled.Education is universal and incomes have increased by400%. Eight out of ten households own their homes andthere is hardly any poverty. The rights of children areprotected by law. An advanced social security programmeis in place.

Versi wrote further that in Tunisia the term solidarityis not a political slogan for organised groups. It standsfor the principle one for all and all for one. Solidaritymeans that you are never alone; your problems are notyours only; you are not isolated but part of an intricate

chain. Since a chain is as weak as its weakest link, it iseverybodys duty to ensure that the weak links becomestronger with each passing day. Versi added thataccording to Ben Ali, the National Solidarity Fund, whichis the vehicle used to reintegrate marginalised groups,has been so spectacularly successful that delegationsfrom virtually all corners of the globe arrive almost everyweek to study how it works. It is a remarkable journeyundertaken at a dizzying speed. A miracle indeed!

The above pernicious adulation typies the mercenarymedias manipulation of public opinion which,unfortunately, is swallowed hook, line and sinker bymany. But even if that was actually the reality in Tunisiaonly a few years ago, how could the situation of themajority of the people be so messy today? To be able

to reconcile this rather bizarre equation, one needs toconsider the inner workings of the trap set for Tunisia(and indeed all peripheral states) by the capitalist

tuii ppl pw, bu

March 2011 bdh.indd 13 21/02/2011 11:13


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system..

F wh h euTunisia was the rst country to sign an AssociationAgreement with the European Union. According to theterms of the Agreement, the EU and its Associationpartners would introduce a Free Trade Zone in 2010.This would mean that tariffs and other protectivebarriers would be eliminated. This was way back in

July 1995. The Agreement provided that Tunisia wouldbe given enough time and room to adjust its nationalstructures to t into the partnership. It would also notsurrender its competitive advantages, such as its cheaplabour. Naturally, a less developed nation joining an

advanced economic market such as the EU has as many

advantages accruing from it as there are dangerouspitfalls. One thing, however, is clear: removal of tariffsand deregulation always leads to the importing ofcheap goods from the West which greatly damages localproduction.

But the Tunisian rulers, and that is always the bait,were made to believe that with time they could competeon an equal footing with their European counterparts.The Agreement also provided for a 12-year transitionperiod after which it would come into force for theimplementation of the free trade arrangement. However,Tunisia had started dismantling tariffs on industrialgoods in 1996, two years before the agreement came intoforce in 1998. It would therefore be able to enter the FreeTrade Zone by 2008.

The EU opened an ofce in Tunis and the grantsstarted owing in. A 40-strong team from the EuropeanCommission ew in. Its function was to carry out EU

policies and co-ordinate with Tunisian authorities.They would work together with the Tunisian Ministryof Co-operation and Investment and provide technicalmanagement assistance to improve productivity. Theywere also to budget aid money against reforms anddisburse funds after checking that targets had been met.They would also link with lending institutions like theWorld Bank for more loans. The ofce then proceeded toopen up trade services such as insurance, banking and

other commercial and professional set-ups.That marked the beginning of the end. The government

failed to understand that the tighter the grip of thecapitalists on industry, the more intense is the povertyof the masses and the more marked are the riches of the

few.

d kysComing back to thecrisis, the demonstrationscontinued in spite of theignominious ight of BenAli. This is understandablebecause those individualswho, in one way or the

other, helped mess upthe lives of the ordinarypeople were the same whocame back as the interimgovernment; a clear case ofthe decorated donkey stillbeing an ass.

But one thing is obvious;no matter who are broughtin to assume leadershipof the country, the plightof the ordinary Tunisianwill not see any signicantimprovement. The so-called opposition are nobetter than the likes ofBen Ali. At the beginningof 2002, for instance, theopposition parties andsome civil organisationswere invited to contributeto the framing of a draftconstitution before it wasput to the public to voteon. Later, the secretary-general of the PopularUnity Party (PUP) oneof the six opposition

parties, Mohammed Bouchiha, gleefully commented

that the reforms marked the crossing of the Rubiconand signied a point of no return in the development ofmodern Tunisia. The system has now been changed aswe demanded, he said.

On the issue of the reforms dropping the limitationon presidential terms, Bouchiha said, defending theopen system, That was an irrelevancy; the clause wasbrought in when President Ben Ali revoked the President-for-Life system introduced in the latter stages of HabibBourghibas administration. But if the electoral systemis fair, why should the public be denied the opportunityto vote in the candidate of their choice as many times aspossible?

Now, observers across the anti-capitalist spectrum mayenthusiastically welcome the courageous action of the

people but the fact is that the opposition is not a uniedideological entity. It is a random collection of (oftenirreconcilable) groups whose interest in getting rid of the

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government only happens to coincide now. Though suchan amorphous group may be able to seize power, they canhardly help the masses as they do not have any commonand well-thought-out agenda except that they want to seethe back of the leader. And even if they are able to hammerout some sort of radical programme, they will soon beforced to make concessions to the same ruinous capitalistworld around them as there is virtually no possibility thatmassive foreign aid will be offered them to alleviate the

poverty of the populace.Thus, the untold hardship visited on the masses and

which necessitated the mass action can only be possible(and will always be so) under the capitalist system. Thissystem is based on an insignicant minority of the worldowning all the means of production and distribution ofwealth i.e. land, factories, transport and communicationnetworks, the media etc. These few individuals control allthe wealth of the world whereas the majority have nothingand have to work for the owning class to continue makingtheir prots. It is this sort of relations that is the source ofall the suffering in the world.

Therefore, it is only when this prot-driven system isabolished and replaced with a system that is operatedon the basis of ownership of the worlds resources by the

whole of humanity that such uncalled for situations insociety can be done away with. But this cannot be achievedexcept when there is a concerted action on a global scale.Individual countries may rise up and chase away theirleaders but it does not solve the problem. It is only whenthe majority of mankind and in particular the workingclass understand the capitalist system and, based uponthis understanding, decide to do away with capitalism andreplace it with a better mode of organising society (call itsocialism) that the human race will be really human. For,such a socialist system will be run on the basis of collectiveownership of the worlds resources for the use and benetof all.sUhUYInI

Zm: h s

bsl

The events that took place in Western Province on 14 Januarystrongly and correctly underpin that Zambias politics are tribalist that tribalism in Zambia exists and is partly instigated by self-seeking politicians through inciting disgruntled ethnic groups inorder to advance their political objectives.

What is called nationalism comes to emphasise politicalallegiance to the state. Political states in Africa were mappedout by European imperialist nations under the guise of economicinterests and military inuence. Thus African kingdoms andempires were brutally decimated and different ethnic groups wereforcibly integrated into colonial states and protectorates.

British imperialism (colonialism) was politically, religiouslyand poetically lampooned as bringing civilisation. What isknown today as Zambia consists of 72 ethnic groups and theLunda-Luba speaking tribes comprise 90 percent of Zambiaspopulation. Politically and linguistically the Bemba remains oneof the dominant tribes. The Lozi and Tonga remain linguisticallyand culturally differentiated from the Lunda-Luba complex tribe. Itis undeniable that rigid ethnic and tribal patterns exist in Zambiatoday as a major factor determining the strength of politicalparties.

The Barotseland Agreement was enacted on 7 May 1974 inLondon between the then Prime Minister of Northern Rhodesia

Kenneth Kaunda, the Litunga of Barotseland and the Britishcolonial government. The document in itself signied the end ofBritish protectorate of Barotseland and entailed the incorporation

of Barotseland (Lozi) into a self-governing independent state ofZambia under the leadership of Dr. Kenneth Kaunda. There isnothing sinister about the Barotseland Agreement that needs tobe revised today as a way of protecting and safeguarding thepolitical and economic aspirations of the Lozi-speaking peoplesof Western Province,. Thus recent calls for political and ethnicseparation of the Lozi-speaking people from Zambia is mainlypropagated by a bunch of political hooligans without any viablebacking from the political fraternity.

It may be juxtaposed that calls for revising the BarotselandAgreement and the consequent bouts of mob violence thattook place in Western Province in January were partly theoutcome of economic backwardness that still prevails inWestern Province. The mob went berserk, stoning vehiclesand damaging public property. The police replied with liveammunition and two lives were lost.

What we are now saying is that economic underdevelopmentthat prevails in Western Province was the main motivatingfactor behind the violence that took place otherwise thanpolitical dissatisfaction with the Barotseland Agreement assuch.

Political rebels within the ruling MMD have blamed PresidentRupiah Banda for having seemingly deviated from the politicallegacy of the late Levy Mwanawasa economic development

through tackling corruption and money laundering.Favoured by political fortune Banda automatically became

acting President when Mwanawasa died in 2008. In thepresidential elections held in 2008, Banda managed to winwith a mere majority of 350,000 votes against Patriotic Frontpresident Michael Sata and became the fourth president of therepublic of Zambia.

Apart from the Bemba, the Lozi and Tonga have played aprominent rle in Zambias domestic politics such that anybeleaguered political pronouncements on events takingplace in Western Province tends to elicit feelings of Lozi tribalparochialism against the ruling MMD. Because the violentmobs in Western Province were attacking non-Lozi we mayinfer that there is any ethnic rebellion there.

It is sad to note, come 2011 general elections, the majorityof workers and students in urban areas of Lusaka and theCopperbelt will massively vote for Michael Sata of the PF,whereas the peasants in rural village communities will vote forthe MMD. The people who live in towns believe that PF leaderSata will achieve economic miracles in the belief workingconditions in Chinese-owned mines will improve and new jobswill be created. Those who live in rural village communities arecontent with fertiliser subsidies, new schools and paved roadsand will vote for the MMD.

But wealth and power under capitalism can only be realisedthrough legalised exploitation of some people by others. Thisis a complete contradiction of socialism that envisages a futuresociety in which economic and political privileges will not existbecause goods will be produced for consumption and not or

sale while racial and ethnic taboos will not prevail becausethere wouldnt be political leaders nor class interests to defend.KepHaS MuLenGa

thgh a Jg

th Sls py?For further information about membership of The Socialist Party,return this form to: The Socialist Party, 52 Clapham High Street,London. SW4 7UNNAME ..............................................................................................ADDRESS ...........................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................

.........................................................................................................POSTCODE.....................................................................................

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March 25 will be the centenaryof the greatest workplacedisaster, prior to 9/11, in

Americas history the infamous reat the Triangle Shirt Waist Factoryin New York. Because of a lockeddoor, 146 people died, most of whomjumped to their deaths on the streetnine storeys below, obviously prefer-ring a quick and painless end overbeing burned to death.

The Triangle Company occupiedthe top three oors of the ten-storeyAsch building at the intersection

of Washington Place and GreeneStreet in Greenwich Village. ArchitectJoseph Asch had boasted his build-ing was re-proof, which structurallyit was. This didnt mean everything init was.

No one knows exactly what startedthe re, but the most likely explana-tion was a cigarette end that had notbeen extinguished, was thrown intoa barrel of unused clothing mate-rial. Smoking was prohibited for theobvious reason that the materialswere ammable. Some of the cuttersconstantly deed this ban, believing

themselves to be a cut above the oth-er employees (no pun intended) andas such, thought the law didnt applyto them. Workplace snobbery beinganother of the many ways capitalismdivides worker against worker.

The re began around 4:45 p.m.which was quitting time for the near500 employees. Factory manager,Sam Bernstein, the brother-in-lawof one of the owners, Max Blanck,attempted to douse the ames ratherthan sound the alarm, an action thatcost many lives.

The re, which began on theeighth oor, sped rapidly to theninth and tenth, cotton be-ing very ammable. Manydid escape, some inthe elevators (a feweven threw them-selves on topof it) and

some made it to the roof. Ladderswere extended from a nearby buildingto the roof.

Among those who scaled them werethe owners, Max Blanck and IsaacHarris, (betcha couldnt see that onecoming.)

Twenty four died on the re escape,which did not extend to the groundand was too imsy to hold that muchweight and collapsed.

Though the re department wascalled and arrived quickly and extin-guished the blaze in thirty minutes,

their ladders could only reach ashigh as the sixth oor. Those whodied did so because the door on theWashington Place side of the ninthoor was locked. Controversy ragedbetween whether it was locked to pre-vent people leaving early or to makethem leave by the Greene Street door,then enveloped in ames. The usualprocedure was, when they left by theGreene Street door, they would havetheir handbags checked to see theywere not taking home products theyhad made. In other words, the com-pany had to protect their legal theft

as opposed to illegal theft. Whateverthe reason for the locked door itmade no difference to the deceased.Their choice was death by re, orjumping.

Most of them were young immi-grant women from Italy and theJewish communities of East-ern Eu- rope. Thoughno one knows whattheir thoughts

were,its

possible that Jewish girls, havingseen in the pogroms, what re coulddo to their bodies, jumped so theywould be identiable. Those whoremained in the building were identi-ed by a shoe or a lock of hair, orjewellery; six were never identied.

Nothing should have been sur-prising about the re which was atragedy waiting to happen, especiallyat a time where there was so littleworkplace safety legislation in effectin America.

In the early 20th century, approxi-

mately 40,000 people lost their livesevery year to workplace injuries: inmines, foundries, factories and onrailroads. What made the Trianglere sensational is the fact that somany died so quickly, so horricallyand in Americas most populated city.

For three months ofcialdom didnothing about it except point ngers.State governor, John Dix, said hewas powerless, an amazing com-ment, which was interpreted as, Idont care. Mayor, Bill Gaynor, toldhis secretary to deal with it, who thenreferred the matter to the Fire Chief,

Ted Croker. This worthy had risen topower by the patronage of his uncle,Richard Croker, once head of Tam-many Hall, the most powerful politi-cal organisation in America. Crokerblamed the Building Department,who blamed the Fire Department.

State Labour Commissioner, JohnWilliams, said it didnt come underhis jurisdiction and building owner,Joseph Asch, said he had fullled allhis obligations. Harris and Blancksaid the doors were never locked dur-ing working hours. The head of the

reformist Socialist Party of America,Meyer London, sneered that, whilstsafety reform should be enacted, it

probably wouldnt be, and thatnothing would be done about

the tragedy.The press understand-ably demanded that

someone be held ac-countable. Wil-

liam RandolphHearst, even

createdhis own

panel

of

A century of progress?Workers are still being killed in res in garment factories because of locked doors.

The Asch building today. Contemporary accounts of the re stated

that fty girls jumped to their deaths from upper storey windows


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experts in engineering, real estateand re prevention to suggest newlaws for safer workplaces for his pa-per, American, to advocate.

For a time, it looked like Londonwould be proved right, but a youngman, ambitious for political ofce,District Attorney, Charles Whitman,persevered in his attempts to pros-

ecute the owners.Whitman interviewed survivors and

hired a detective to go to the ninthoor and nd the lock of the doorthat opened onto the WashingtonPlace stairs. This lock showed it hadnot been opened, whereupon thedetective, Barry Flood, secured an in-dictment against Blanck and Harris,whom he arrested.

The defendants obtained the serv-ices of Manhattans most successfulattorney, Max Steur, who had himself

once been a garment worker.Steur, knowing he couldnt prove

the door was unlocked, resortedto cheap tricks like examining thehandbags of survivors to see howmany garments they could possiblyhave smuggled out. This was done inattempt to create sympathy amongthe jurors and to show the reasoningfor keeping it locked.

Blanck and Harris, naturallyenough, said they werent aware ofany doors being locked during work-

ing hours. Steur emphasised it wouldbe ridiculous if they were locked,considering the constant coming andgoings of delivery people, errand boysand salesmen etc. All this was ludi-crous when one considers that, whena re prevention expert inspectedthe premises in 1909, he noticed thedoor on the Washington Place side

was locked during working hours.Survivors, themselves, had said Har-ris was constantly checking to seethe door was locked.

Judge Thomas Grain, charged thejury to decide, beyond a reasonabledoubt, whether or not the defendantswere aware the door was locked dur-ing working hours. The jury conclud-ed they were not aware of it, so theywere acquitted.

The innocent partners successful-ly led insurance claims that worked

out to about $400.00 for every deadworker.

Civil lawsuits were brought againstthe owners by the relatives of thedeceased, but since Steur again de-fended them, nobody got a penny. In-stead, twenty three relatives managedto get the princely sum of $75.00each from an insurance company.

It is of small, if any, consolation to

the relatives of the victims that thefortunes of the Triangle Companygradually declined, and by 1918 hadceased to exist. By 1920, Harris andBlanck split up, neither being pros-perous after.

A person who took a great deal ofinterest was Frances Perkins, herselfan eyewitness to the re. Fifty yearslater she unveiled a memorial plaqueto the victims, at the sight of thetragedy. Perkins became Americasrst female cabinet minister, whenPresident Roosevelt appointed herMinister of Labor in his New Deal

government. This proved womencould run capitalism just as incapa-bly as men.

During the century since the re,laws concerning workplace safelyhave been passed and enforced, tillby 2006, (the last year this authorcould get gures for), only two per-cent of all deaths by accidents inthe US were workplace related. Asnecessary as such legislation is, itis nevertheless merely an improve-ment within capitalism. But, as longas capitalism lasts, such eventswill occur. The fact they occur lessfrequently is no reason to defendcapitalism

Obviously, they will happen morein countries where safety laws eitherdont exist or are not enforced. InBangkok in 1993, nearly 200 workersdied in a toy factory, where the doorshad been locked by their bosses toprevent them from taking toys home.There are other examples, especiallyfrom Bangladesh (see boxes).

Despite the tremendous technologi-cal advances weve seen, life hasntchanged much under capitalism. Nor,can it be argued, such events are his-tory in capitalisms greatest power.In 1991, in Hamlet, North Carolina,

25 people died in a re at a poultryplant, also because of locked doors.

With the prot motive being themain determining factor in produc-tion, it would be naive and idealisticto expect capitalists and politicians,who attempt to administrate capital-ism, to care. Perhaps, nobody said itbetter than software capitalist and in-vestor, Kevin OLeary, who

Documents

Socialist Standard March 2011