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THIS THESIS WAS SUBMITTED BY P.M. JOTHI (REG. NO.2123) TO MANONMANIAM SUNDARANAR UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY
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SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE PIRAMALAI KALLARS
OF MADURAI DISTRICT
THESIS SUBMITTED TO MANONMANIAM SUNDARANAR UNIVERSITY
IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY
BY
P.M. JOTHI REG. NO.2123
DEPARTMENT OF P.G. & RESEARCH CENTRE IN HISTORY, NESAMONY MEMORIAL CHRISTIAN COLLEGE,
MARTHANDAM.
OCTOBER, 2008.
Dr. C. SELVARAJ, M.A.(His.), M.A.(Ind. Cul.), M.Phil., Ph.D. Senior Lecturer & Research Guide, Research Centre in History, Nesamony Memorial Christian College, Marthandam.
CERTIFICATE
This thesis entitled "SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE
PIRAMALAI KALLARS OF MADURAI DISTRICT" submitted by
P.M. JOTHI for the award of Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History of
Manonmaniam Sundaranar University is a record of bonafide research work done
by her and it has not been submitted for the award of any degree, diploma,
associateship, fellowship of any University or Institution.
Place: Marthandam Signature of the Guide
Date:
Acknowledgement
The following pages are the fruits of research undertaken under
F.I.P., X Plan period of the U.G.C., in the Research Centre in History, Nesamony
Memorial Christian College, Marthandam during 2005-2007.
At the outset I thank the Lord Almighty for having blessed me to
undertake this venture and submit this thesis successfully.
I would like to extend my special and heartfelt thanks to my learned
guide Dr. C. Selvaraj of N.M.C. College for his valuable pieces of advice,
guidelines and corrections. But for him I could not have completed this work. His
cordial and prompt response deserves much appreciation.
I express my sincere gratitude to the University Grants Commission
as well as Manonmaniam Sundaranar University for having provided me with an
opportunity to pursue my studies. I also express my gratitude to the Principal and
the Head and other staff of the Research Centre in History, Nesamony Memorial
Christian College, Marthandam and also to the Principal and the staff of the
Department of History of Lekshmipuram College, Neyyoor.
I am deeply indebted to PHF. Dr. A.D. Shobanraj, former Principal
of our college, who left no stone unturned to get me this opportunity and proved to
be a driving force and also to Mr. N. Martin Daniel Dhas, the author of several
books on Church History settled at Nagercoil, for having been instrumental in
myself choosing this topic.
I am particularly grateful to Rev. D. Chellappa, himself a Piramalai
Kallar and also elder brother of Mr. D. Pandiyan, CPI(M) General Secretary, for
having provided me with valuable information regarding the community despite
his old age and ill health. I am also grateful to other pastors Rev. Kanagu
Nelson, Rev. Arthur Jeya Kumar, Rev. Daniel Monoharan, Rev. Duraisamy,
Rev. Fr. Anto, Rev. Sisters Chandra and Syria Pushpam, and Pastor Prabhakar for
their spontaneous and unhesitating response in providing much information about
the community under study.
I am quite obliged to the librarians of the TTS, Madurai
Rev. J.Augustine and Mr.John ; Mrs.Rita Wesley and Mr.Stanley of the UTC,
Bangalore, Mr. Stephenson Manuel of the SABC, Bangalore ; Mr. Yesan Sellan of
the SAIACS of Bangalore ; Prof. Thirumurugan of the Madurai Kamaraj
University ; Dr. M. Sundararaj and Prof. M. Namasivayam of the Archives
Library Chennai, Mr. Manickavasagam of S.T. Hindu College, Nagercoil and
Mr. Paulson of N.M.C.C. Marthandam and also the other librarians who were
intent to help me in the true sprit of their profession by providing me with the
needed records.
I am equally grateful to Mr. Chinnasamy Thevar, Mr. George
Virumandi, Mr. Navamony of Thevar Sinthanai Mantram, my erstwhile Student
Dr. N. Austin John Manohar, Dr. J.M. Chellappa and Lalitha Chellappa,
Mr. Mathuram, Correspondent of the TELC School Usilampatti,
Mrs. Kanagavalli Asirvatham, the retired H.M. of the TELC School, Miss Krenapu Kalarani,
the present day H.M. of the same School, and also Rev. D. Justin Devadhasan, the
Presbyter and District Minister, C.S.I. Home Church, Neyyoor for their
magnanimity in getting me some valuable materials at their disposal. I also thank
all those who were kind enough to give interviews.
I am also grateful to late Mr. Cheembi Thomas and late Rev. Titus
Kadappaisamy for their friendly disposition and sincerity in getting me the needed
information and materials. Their untimely demise was a matter of great sorrow.
It will be a lapse on my part if I fail to recognise the valuable
services rendered by Dr. V. John of the Department of English, St. Xaviers
College, Palayamkottai and Mr.G. Haribaskar, my colleague, in giving this thesis a
proper shape.
For lack of space I have not mentioned many of the reputed
Institutions and Scholars who helped me in many ways in the completion of this
work. I acknowledge their services and thank them warmly.
I express my heartfelt thanks to our family friends Mrs. Merlin Lloyd
and family, Bangalore and Mrs. Joy and family, Nagercoil and Dr. V.
Geetha of Madurai for their genuine affection and logistic support in my venture.
I am extremely thankful for the moral and logistic support provided
by my sister Mrs. Helen and my brother-in-law Mr. I. Dhanapaul and family, my
sister-in-law Mrs. Nalini and brother Chandra Sekaran and family, my cousin
Mr. P.M. Mani and family, my niece Mrs. Annie and her husband Vinoth, my
nephew Arasu and family and my relative Adv. Edward and Family which went a
long way in making this attempt a real success. I express my heartfelt gratitude to
them.
Last but not the least is the involvement of my husband Mr.T.Sam
Thilagaraj and my daughters Sylvia and Cynthia who stood by me through thick
and thin by extending immense moral support to achieve my goal.
P.M. Jothi
CONTENTSCONTENTSCONTENTSCONTENTS
Chapter No
Title Page. No
Chapter I Introduction 1
Chapter II Historical background of the Kallar community
16
Chapter III Life of the Piramalai Kallar Prior to the
Introduction of Christianity 53
Chapter IV Entry of Christian Missions into Madurai
106
Chapter V The Kallars and Christianity 143
Chapter VI Impact of Christianity on the Piramalai Kallars
220
Chapter VII Conclusion 253
Bibliography
Annexure
ABBREVIATION
ABCFM : American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions.
AG : Assemblies of God.
AMM : American Madura Mission.
CGMM : Church Growth Missionary Movement .
CHAI : Church History Association of India.
CLS : Christian Literature Society.
CMM : Catholic Madura Mission.
CMS : Church Missionary Society
CPM : Ceylon Pentecostal Mission.
CSI : Church of South India.
CSM : Church of Sweden Mission.
CTA : Criminal Tribes Act.
FELC : Federal Evangelical Lutheran Church.
H.S.S. : Higher Secondary School.
HM : Head Mistress.
ICHR : Indian Church History Review.
ICGM : India Church Growth Mission.
IPC : Indian Pentecostal Church
ISPCK : Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.
LELM : Leipzig Evangelical Lutheran Mission.
LMS : London Missionary Society.
MNNR : Madras Native Newspaper Report.
NCCI : National Christian Council of India.
RC : Roman Catholic.
SDA : Seventh Day Adventist.
SPCK : Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.
SPG : Society for the Propagation of the Gospel.
TELC : Tamil Evangelical Lutheran Church.
TTS : Tamil Nadu Theological Seminary.
UTC : United Theological College.
YMCA : Young Men Christian Association
ABSTRACT Title of the thesis: SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY AMONG THE PIRAMALAI
KALLARS OF MADURAI DISTRICT Name & Address of the Scholar P.M. JOTHI S.G. Lecturer in History & Tourism, Lekshmipuram college of Arts & Science, Neyyoor.
Name & Address of the Guide Dr. C. SELVARAJ, M.A. (His.), M.A. (Ind. Cul.), M. Phil., Ph.D. Senior Lecturer & Research Guide, Research Centre in History, Nesamony Memorial Christian College, Marthandam.
This thesis is an attempt to bring to light the unwritten pages of the history of a valiant community living in large numbers in western part of Madurai in Tamil Nadu, South India. The main objective of this thesis is to unravel the reasons and causative factors which led this untamable, aggressive and egoistic community towards Christianity, a religion with a diametrically opposite philosophy. This topic has been analyzed by following a methodology which is partly historical and partly analytical. This thesis has been arranged in seven chapters including Introduction and Conclusion. In the II and III chapters the historical background of the Kallar community and their socio-economic, cultural and religious life prior to the introduction of Christianity has been dealt with. While the IV chapter deals with the entry of the Christian missions in to Madurai, the V chapter deals with the Kallars and Christianity which forms the nucleus of the thesis and the VI chapter is about the impact of Christianity on them. This study has proved that they were attracted towards Christianity mainly because they believed that the missionaries through education, a magic wand, could show them a way for a better and a dignified life and not for bread and butter or simply to escape the punitive measures of the Criminal Tribes Act. The missionaries through their unstinted love, compassion and dedication and an agenda of social reforms were able to win over them. Though the number is relatively small, the impact of Christianity on their mind set and over all development is immeasurable. With the service of the modern missionary organizations, the spread of Christianity among them is an on-going process.
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
2
3
CCHHAAPPTTEERR -- II
IINNTTRROODDUUCCTTIIOONN
Several new trends in historical thinking have emerged with the passage
of time. The entire spectrum of recent writings in history throws up a challenge to the
conventional methods where readymade corpus of sources is available. Retelling
history in a mere descriptive way has already been rendered an anachronism and has
been replaced with an analytical approach. History is anthropocentric and charm has
been added by Subaltern Study which gives much importance to the every day life of
the working masses. The German term subaltern as a theoretical concept describes the
identity of an oppressed and exploited group. Hence it has opened up new vistas of
exploration and has accelerated the growth of many a branch of study such as
Anthropology, Sociology, History, Economics and Politics.
In tune with this modern trend of increasing interest in subaltern studies,
this topic Spread of Christianity Among the Piramalai Kallars of Madurai
District, dealing with one of the early settlers in Madurai in TamilNadu, South India,
has been selected with a view to bring to light the dark pages of the history of a valiant
community which once enjoyed a time honoured status but later on was reduced to the
level of a despised community with the stigma of criminal tribe. The European
prejudices are deeply embedded in the history of the Kallars. Owing to the inherent
4
limitations of their attitude, distortions are very commonly found. Hence the need to
examine this old cultural complex dispassionately arises so that the community which
deserves a special place in Tamilnadu history could be rendered justice. This
community which could have been regarded as 'South Indian Rajputs' has been
relegated to the background in the history of Tamilnadu despite their important role
played during the South Indian rebellion and the Indian National movement. Hence an
unbiased probe into this dark area of Tamilnadu history becomes necessary to bring it
to light and this aspect makes this work unique in character. In fact the "Spread of
Christianity among the Piramalai Kallars of Madurai district" is perhaps the least
studied subject by any historian as such. Dr. Hugald Grafe, a present day church
historian, says that scholarly investigations on the openness of this community to
Christianity are still wanting. It is mainly because the available works on these Kallars
are either secular or non-Christian in character. Hence with the scope for a diligent
examination this topic has been selected for a pioneering rather maiden effort on this
religious aspect with historical and analytical approaches.
At the outset it should be kept in mind that even though Kallars are
called by different names like Esanattu Kallars, Visangunattu Kallars, Seruvasal
Kallars, Ambalakara Kallars, Piramalai Kallars etc. no special significance can be
attached to their names except for the regions they live in. In Madurai alone, the
Kallars are divided into two endogamous groups territorial in origin.
5
(i) Kilnadu Kallars or the eastern country Kallars commonly known as
Melur Kallars.
(ii) MelNadu Kallars or the western country Kallars commonly known as
Piramalai Kallars.
Hence in this Thesis the word Kallar would refer to the Piramalai Kallar as well.
SSttaatteemmeenntt ooff PPrroobblleemm
A rare grafting, an incredible reality, but a true phenomenon that the
Kallars, known for their martial character, untamable nature and aggressive behaviour
with a flair for knives and sickles, had been attracted towards a religion with
diametrically opposite values and principles such as love, compassion, sacrifice,
forgiveness etc. These contradictory values and views of both Christianity and this
community which made them stand poles apart, kindled the curiosity in the researcher
to analyse the factors which were responsible for their conversion.
It is a common dictum that Christianity flourishes where there is
oppression, poverty or deprivation. But this does not seem to be too true with the
Kallars. The Kallars were / are known for their high sense of social superiority,
irrespective of their economic status, and pride in the dignity of their community
whose independence was tantamount to truculence in earlier times. Traditionally the
6
Kallars served the rulers in times of war as a corps of reconnaissance and harassment
and engaged themselves in cattle raid which was a conventionalized signal for
warfare. At other times they served them as spies and guerilla troopers. As skilled
vanguards, risking their lives for the sake of their masters, they commanded respect in
society so much so that the term Kallar was used in singular number honorifically.
During times of peace and settlement some of them were employed as kavalkarars
(village guards) of domestic and public property in villages. Thus they settled down in
society as semi-warriors and semi-agriculturists. They had organized themselves into
a village federation and were never in tune with the rulers of Madurai right from the
Nayak period to the British rule. The rulers including the British found it an arduous
task to subdue them and exact tribute from them. Thus they had never been a
suppressed lot.
In due course this community was reduced to poverty which
synchronized with the fall of the ruling dynasties. With their occupation as soldiers
gone the Kallars fell into evil days. Owing to the inhospitable nature of their land
agriculture was rendered insufficient for their maintenance and hence they felt
justified to employ their expertise to earn their livelihood. The recidivism of the
Kallars went on unabated and at times it appeared as though the British Raj was
powerless against the Kallar Raj. To bring these people to naught with calculated
moves the British cut across the very basis of their subsistence living through their
7
enforcement of denudation of arms and abolition of kaval system. Despite their
poverty stricken and hapless situation, this community which was exceedingly zealous
of rites, rituals and Hindu traditions was much averse to Christianity in view of the
persecutions which was sure to follow every conversion. They feared ostracism more
than death itself. Had they embraced Christianity for the sake of bread and butter,
there ought to have taken place a mass conversion. But on the contrary only a few
responded positively to the call of the missionaries in the beginning and only
gradually the number swelled. Hence it could very well be deduced that they had not
embraced Christianity just due to poverty.
The only factor left behind is deprivation. A few questions as to the
nature, causation and effect of deprivation may arise. These are some of the moot
questions to be analysed. There ought to have been a driving force that made this
setting of the Thames on fire possible. Hence a probe into the possible reasons and
motives behind becomes imperative and that forms the nucleus of this Thesis.
RReevviieeww ooff lliitteerraattuurree
Louis Dumont, a French Sociologist, in his book A South Indian Sub-
Caste: Social Organisation and Religion of the Piramalai Kallars, available in
8
many libraries, has made a professional and sophisticated analysis of their social
concept and has contributed much to a better understanding of their complex social
institutions. However its focal area is confined to just two villages of the Piramalai
Kallars and is out and out non- Christian in character.
C.N. Natarajan's, Piramalai Kallars of Tamilnadu - A study of their
Marriage, Kinship and Clan System, a Ph.D. Thesis of 1978 housed in Madurai
Kamaraj University Library, Madurai, is highly informative regarding their social
concepts since it has dealt with the subject from the sociological point of view.
A.Ganapathy's The History of the Kallars of Melur Region, a Ph.D.
Thesis of 1987, also available in Madurai Kamaraj University Library, Madurai, is a
wonderful piece of work but it deals mainly with the Melur Kallars and is also out and
out non-Christian in character. However with regard to the origin and etymology of
the Kallars in general, it gives substantial information.
The Piramalai Kallars - Their Social, Moral and Religious
Background and the Presentation of the Christian Gospel, is a B.D. Thesis by
Rev. G.J.R. Athistam, submitted in 1950 and housed in United Theological College
(UTC) Bangalore. This small work of less than 35 pages is very much general in
character giving much importance to the missiological aspect only. However its value
cannot be undermined as it does supply some useful pieces of information about the
9
life of the Kallars which have been incorporated and duly acknowledged in this
Thesis.
So also a recent work, an M.Th. Thesis in Missiology by P.Ramanathan
under the title Spiritual Warfare Among the Kallars, submitted in 2005 and housed
in South Asian Institute of Advanced Christian studies (SAIACS) Bangalore, is
nothing but a missional appraisal, giving importance to their vision and mission
among the Kallars.
Though all these works have supplied useful information, they are very
much limited and highly superficial and have no direct bearing with this topic is
concerned, thus adding to its uniqueness.
SSoouurrcceess ooff IInnffoorrmmaattiioonn
Primary Sources
The Primary sources consist of the official documents of the
Government of Madras and the private accounts of the missionaries.
For the secular (non-Christian) aspect of the Kallar history, the official
records of the Madras Presidency form the most important source of information.
Preserved in the State Archives, Chennai, these records such as Gazetteers, Census
Reports, Manuals, Newspaper Reports, various Government Orders connected with
10
Criminal Tribes Act and Kallar Reclamation, Working Reports of the Criminal Tribes
Act, Administration Reports on Kallar Reclamation and Settlements, Assembly
Proceedings, Petitions and Telegrams prove to be of great help for the reconstruction
of the history of the Kallars prior to the introduction of Christianity among them.
For the ecclesiastical aspect, the Annual Reports of the AMM published
from Pasumalai, Madurai, for various years (1834 - 1921) housed in Tamilnadu
Theological Seminary Archives (TTS) at Arasaradi (Madurai); the Missionary Herald
published annually from Boston, available in American College Library, Madurai;
Minutes of the meetings of the AMM, Personal Letters of the missionaries, Comity
arrangement among Missions all kept preserved in the UTC archives, Bangalore;
Caritas, a family magazine of the Jesuit Order found in the Seminary at St. Joseph's
College, Trichy, and the Seminary at Arul Anandar College, Karumathur (Madurai)
all these furnish valuable information, though limited, on the activities of their
respective mission among the Kallars. Written in simple English, these records throw
profuse light not only on the religious activities of the missionaries but also on the
then socio-economic and political scenario in an interesting way. Undeniably the
accounts of the missionaries prove to be very reliable and valuable since corroborated
by official records.
Personal interviews with elders of the Kallar community and pastors
connected with the community also have helped in the reconstruction of this history.
11
These interviews provided extensive opportunities for interaction with people who
were eye witnesses and had direct contact with the missionaries as beneficiaries. In
fact it was nothing more than an attempt of rescuing from oblivion the information
possessed by living characters before it should be lost for ever. Since it is permissible
for any researcher to rely upon less important but equally compelling sources like
tradition, myth or even distorted information in the absence of written records all these
had been taken into account. However bias has been eliminated in order to arrive at
bare truths.
SSeeccoonnddaarryy SSoouurrcceess
Many secondary sources are available in Tamil also for the study of the
life of the Kallars. Important among them are Venkatasamy Nattar's Kallar
Charithram, Muthu Thevar's Muvendra Kula Thevar Samuga Varalaru and
Sivanandi Servai's Muvendra Kula Charithai. All these furnish a good deal of
information about the origin, development and the life of the Kallar community.
However all these are very general in character and no trace of the Kallar contact with
Christianity could be seen in them. These books are available in so many libraries
such as Central Library, Madurai, Regal Talkies Library, Madurai, Thevar Sinthanai
Mantram, Madurai, and in the private collections of many Kallars.
12
There are ever so many published works in English to throw light on the
non-Christian side of the Kallar history. Important among them are Edgar Thurston's
Castes and Tribes of Southern India in 7 volumes which is a scholarly field work in
the history of social organization, available in S.T. Hindu College Library, Nagercoil
and Roy Burman & Co.s Encyclopaedia of Indian Tribes and Castes in 24
volumes, available in Madurai Kamaraj University Library, Madurai. History of the
Madras Police Centenary 1859 1959, Mullaly's Notes on Criminal Classes of the
Madras Presidency, Muhammad Abdul Ghani's Notes on the Criminal Tribes of
the Madras Presidency all available with T.N. Archives Library, Chennai, explain
vividly Kallar crimes and their criminal activities.
For the study of the religious aspect a number of valuable books are
available. Important among them are History of Christianity in India from CHAI
Publication in 5 volumes, J.S. Chandler's Seventy Five Years in the Madura
Mission, J.J. Banninga's Notes on the American Madura Mission since its Seventy
Fifth Anniversary, Houpert C. Joseph's The Madura Manual, M.X. Miranda's The
Jesuit Experience in Tamilnadu, J.S. Ponniah's The Christian Community of
Madura, Ramnad and Tirunelveli, Fenger J. Ferd's History of the Tranquebar
Mission etc. These books, available in Tamilnadu State Archives Library, UTC
Library, TTS Library and Gurukul (TELC) Library at Purasawalkam, Chennai, supply
13
valuable information, though limited, about Christianity in connection with the Kallar
community and thus have a direct bearing with the topic.
LLiimmiittaattiioonnss
At the outset, it must be confessed that the search for original, often
unpublished sources, was not crowned with a grand success. The transition of the
Kallars from ferocity to a community has not been recorded properly and housed in
any of the archives. In spite of running from pillar to post enough of primary records
could not be obtained. There are many reasons for this.
The first and foremost reason is the lack of historical sense among the
Kallars. Recording of events had never been their practice. Even their cultural,
religious and clan-behaviour had been passed on from generation to generation
through oral transmission only. Even today they are not in the habit of recording their
panchayat proceedings. The tragicomedy is that most of them are not even aware of
the names of their fore fathers and the first converts of their family. So it is but natural
that they could not recall the names of the missionaries who were instrumental for the
conversion of their ancestors. The questionnaire supplied to them failed miserably as a
source of information since they had not taken it up seriously. This lapse on their part
made this study an arduous task entailing much research in libraries and archives.
14
Secondly the non-availability of adequate primary records was a major
handicap. The temporary closure of the Jesuit archives at Shenbaganur, one of the
probable places for scholars for getting Christian records about the Kallars, added to
the difficulty.
As far as TELC is concerned, the desperate search for records of their
missionary activities among the Kallars in their Seminary (Gurukul) at
Purasawakkam, Chennai, Tranquebar Bishop House at Trichy, T.B.M.L. College
Library at Poraiyar and TELC Higher Secondary School Library at Usilampatti
(Madurai) etc. ended in terrible disappointment. Except for some photographs of the
missionaries concerned no worth while record could be collected from those places.
This fact gets vouchsafed by an incident that took place when Rev. Dr. D.
Winkler, a missionary cum professor of the LELM was asked to contribute some
materials to the Golden Jubilee Souvenir of the TELC. As nothing was available in
India he had to depend on a selection of records sent from Leipzig. Even among the
available Christian literature about the Kallars most of them are either in German or
Swedish thus making it unattainable. To make matters worse, most of the records are
in a dilapidated and brittle condition.
Even with the available Christian sources in English no adequate records
pertaining to different castes could be found. Moreover for the missionaries, Kallar or
Piramalai Kallar or Maravar all meant one and the same and were all referred to as
15
thief caste or robber caste only. Even in churches no caste wise records of the
members are available. Hence furnishing of precise statistics on the conversion of the
Piramalai Kallar could not be thought of.
Finally there was the problem of authenticity of information. Some of
the informers preferred to narrate what was good and pleasant for them rather than the
truth. Hence the researcher had to sift the grain from the chaff from the available
information.
In spite of some of these factors which proved to be stumbling blocks
for the reconstruction of a comprehensive and cogent history of the Kallars and
Christianity, with unflinching determination and perseverance a bold step has been
taken towards unveiling this aspect of the Kallar history which is otherwise likely to
be forgotten or not taken notice of.
Hence with the available materials this topic Spread of Christianity
among the Piramalai Kallars of Madurai District has been analyzed to the best of
ability by following a methodology which is partly historical and partly analytical not
out of any fascination for complexity but out of necessity. This Thesis is a sincere
attempt to research in the real sense of the term and present a continuous and
systematic account of the spread of Christianity among the Piramalai Kallars which
has not so far received the attention it deserves.
16
CChhaapptteerriissaattiioonn
This Thesis has been arranged in seven chapters including Introduction
and Conclusion.
In the Introductory chapter statement of problem, review of literature,
sources, limitations and methodology are analyzed.
The Second chapter Historical background of the Kallar community
deals with the different theories of origin of the Kallars, the etymology of the term
Kallar and their settlement in Madurai.
In the third chapter Life of the Piramalai Kallars prior to the
introduction of Christianity the socio-economic, cultural and religious background
of the Kallars has been described elaborately. The general traits of the Kallars, their
customs and tradition which were tied up with every stage of their life cycle such as
birth, puberty, marriage and death, their clan system, their crimes and their cults are
given due importance.
The fourth Chapter Entry of Christian Missions into Madurai is
mainly about the advent of Christianity and Christian Missions in India in general and
Madurai in particular. In this chapter the then prevailing socio-religious conditions at
Madurai as seen by the missionaries, the establishment of the three Missions
17
connected with the life of these Kallars and their services to the society in general are
dealt with elaborately.
The fifth Chapter the Kallars and Christianity forms the nucleus of the
Thesis. It focuses on the attitude of the Kallars towards Christianity in different stages,
the methodology adopted by the missionaries to win over them and their hardships,
analysis of the reasons for conversion, the persecutions the converts endured and the
various activities of the missions are explained vividly.
The sixth Chapter Impact of Christianity on the Piramalai Kallars
analyses the change in their attitude, mind-set and their over all development in
various walks of life.
In the concluding chapter the summary of the findings and suggestions
are included.
16
CHAPTER II
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF
THE KALLAR COMMUNITY
17
CCHHAAPPTTEERR -- IIII
HHIISSTTOORRIICCAALL BBAACCKKGGRROOUUNNDD OOFF TTHHEE KKAALLLLAARR CCOOMMMMUUNNIITTYY
Situated principally between 70 571 and 110 101 of north latitude and
between 770 301 and 790 851 of east longitude, Madurai lies entirely within the
tropics.1It extends from the Western Ghats in the west to the Bay of Bengal in the
east. On the north, it was bounded by the state of Pudukkottai and the districts of
Coimbatore, Tiruchirappalli and Thanjavur and on the south by the district of
Tirunelveli.2 Because of hot climate, scanty and faulty rainfall, absence of
perennial rivers and irrigational facilities, poor productivity of the soil etc., the life
of the people of Madurai was becoming highly miserable. Dravidian by race,
people were divided in to numerous communities of whom the prominent were the
Mukkulathor and of the three the Kallar alone formed about 1/3 of the total
population of the district.3
1. K. Rajayyan, History of Madurai (1736-1801), Madurai University Historical Series, No.1,Madurai, 1974, p. 18. 2. Hamilton Walter, A Geographical, Statistical and Historical Description of Hindostan, vol. I, Delhi,
1971, p. 466. 3. W. Francis, Madras District Gazetteer, Madurai, Govt. Press, Madras, 1906, p.88.
18
Many theories have been put forward with regard to the origin of the
Kallar community legendary, historical, analytical and logical. In this chapter an
overall view of the origin of the Mukkulathor, etymology and settlement of the
Kallars in general and the Piramalai Kallars in particular have been dealt with.
Mukkulathor4 is the common term to denote the cluster of three identical clans of
the Dravidian stock viz, Kallar, Maravar and Agamudaiyar. These three Tamil-
speaking communities consider themselves as brethren and take pride in calling
themselves Mukkulathor in recent times. These people were one of the earliest
settlers in southern peninsula. They are known for their valour, courage and
independent nature. They are numerically strong in the southern districts of
Tamilnadu. They claim to be the offspring of same parents. The origin of the
Mukkulathor is mythologically traced to Lord Indra, the General of the Holy forces
in Heaven and Aghalia, the wife of Rishi Gautama.
F.S. Mullaly narrates the mythological origin in the following way.
Indra and Rishi Gautama were, among others, rival suitors for Aghalia. Somehow
Rishi Gautama was the successful one. This so incensed Indra that he was
4. To exhibit the solidarity of the three clans was founded "All India Mukkulathor Sangam" on January 28th, 1934, under the Presidentship of Rajaram Pandiyan, the Sethupathy of Ramnad. Thence forth the term Mukkulathor came into vogue.
P. Muthu Thevar , Muvendra Kula Thevar Samuga Varalaru, (Tamil) III ed.,R.K.K. & sons, Thirumangalam, (Madurai) 1994, p. 309.
19
determined to win Aghalia at all hazards. By means of a cleverly devised ruse he
succeeded and Aghalia bore him three sons, who respectively took the names
Kalla, Marava and Ahamudya. The three castes have the agnomen Theva or God,
and claim to be descendants of Thevan (Indra).5
According to another version of the same legend, once upon a time,
Rishi Gautama left his house to go abroad on business. Devendra, taking
advantage of his absence, debauched his wife and three children were born. When
the Rishi returned, one of the three hid himself behind a door, and as he thus acted
like a thief, he was henceforth called Kallan. Another climbed on a tree and was
therefore called Maravan from maram, a tree whilst the third brazened it out and
stood his ground, thus earning for himself the name of Ahamudaiyan, or the
possessor of pride which name was corrupted into Ahambadiyan.6
According to another legend, quoted by Louis Dumont,7 the three
sons later went with their mother to meet their father Indra in order to obtain a
position for themselves. Since it was impossible to get them a share in the
heavenly institutions, Indra created village occupations for them so that they could
5. F.S. Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Classes of the Madras Presidency, Govt. Press, Madras, 1892, p. 85. 6. Edgar Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol III, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi,
1987, p. 63. 7 . Louis Dumont, A South Indian Sub-Caste: Social Organisation and Religion of the Piramalai Kallar,
Oxford University Press, New York, 1986,p. 12.
20
dispense with justice and recover lost objects. He distributed them geographically -
the Kallar to the north, the Maravar in the centre and the Agambadiyar to the
south.
It would be sagacious to set aside all these, since mythological
concepts can have no currency in this world of science and technology. As
Ganapathy suspects,8 it might have been from the orthodox elite with a fertile
brain of invention to maintain their superiority over the native tribes by branding
them as immoral offshoots of Devendra.
Nevertheless almost all Mukkulathor have a belief in the concept of
their origin from Indra, the 'Warrior God', and hence they style themselves Indra
Kulathavar (People of the clan of Indra) and adorn their names with the common
agnomen Thevar (sons of God). There is a very close connection among the three
clans in their appearance, customs, manners, traditions and war like qualities.
According to tradition, these people formed the important and strategic sections of
the armies of the Tamil Kings and Chiefs in olden days when fighting was even
more an important profession than agriculture and supported a larger population.9
But at present all the three have taken up farming. In spite of the alleged common
8. A. Ganapathy, History of the Kallars of Melur Region, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Madurai Kamaraj University, Madurai, 1987, p. 33.
9. A. Ramaswami, Gazetteer of India, Ramanathapuram District, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, 1972, pp. 137 - 138.
21
ancestry, these three classes in early times formed themselves in to distinct castes
and inter-marriage between the Kallars and the other two was not allowed.
However this trend has changed to a great extent in the twentieth century mainly
due to the concept of Mukkulathor.
It would be highly apt to deal with these three clans separately in a
nut shell.
TThhee MMaarraavvaarrss
The Maravars were found in the present Ramnad and Tirunelveli
districts and the Arantangi taluk of the present Pudukkottai district at the beginning
of the eighteenth century. The Ramnad district, then known as the Marava country,
was the place where the Maravas originally settled and from there they had
migrated to Tirunelveli country of the Nayak kingdom of Madura. The head of the
Maravas was the Sethupathi or the Raja of Ramnad.10 According to the traditional
stories the Maravas of the Ramnad region helped Sri Rama in his war against the
demon Ravana and as a token of gratitude for their services, Rama gratefully
exclaimed in Tamil Maraven (I will never forget) and that they have ever since
been called Maravans and thenceforth they were hailed as Deva or Theva meaning
gods.11
10. S. Kadhirvel, A History of the Maravas, Madurai Publishing House, Madurai, 1977, pp 6-7. 11. Ibid.,p. 6.
22
With more probability, the name may be connected with the word
maram which means killing, ferocity, bravery and the like as pointing to their
unpleasant profession of robbing and slaying their neighbours. Being noted for
their military prowess, they assisted the Pandyas and the Nayaks and were a
nightmare to the British.12 They were essentially a community doing military
service to the chiefs or were rendering police duties.13 To this class belonged most
of the poligars or feudal chieftains like the Marudu brothers. They did not evince
any interest in agriculture, trade or industry as they considered themselves superior
people whose solemn duty was to protect others and not to till or toil.14
As F.S. Mullaly writes," a Marava of today as a member of a
caste which is numerous and influential, as a man of superior physique and bold
independent spirit, thief and robber, village policeman and detective combined is
an immense power in the land."15
AAggaammuuddaaiiyyaarrss
The Agamudaiyars are found in Thanjavur, Madurai and Tirunelveli
districts. Since their profession is agriculture, they are found in most of the
12. B.K. Roy Burman, K.K. Misra, Buddhadeb Choudhuri and Subhadra , ed., Encyclopaedia of Indian Tribes and Castes, Vol. XIV, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 2004, p. 4340.
13. S. Kadhirvel, Op. cit., p. 13. 14. Ibid. 15. Roy Burman, et al., Op. cit., Vol. XIV, p. 4342.
23
districts of Tamilnadu such as Chingelput, North Arcot, Salem, Coimbatore and
Trichirappalli. They are much less in number than they were some thirty years ago
may be due to the fact that they have risen in the social hierarchy and have
identified themselves as Vellalas. But in Thanjavur, the number has nearly doubled
due to the assumption of the name by the Maravans and Kallans. In their manners
and customs they closely follow the Vellalas.16
This fact has been corroborated by Dumont when he says that from
the point of view of typical customs, an Agamudaiyan is closer to an orthodox
Vellalan than to a Kallan.17 Of the three clans, the Agamudaiyars alone are said to
have been greatly influenced by contact with Brahmanism. They engage Brahmin
priests and perform their birth, marriage and death ceremonies like the Vellalas.18
The ordinary agnomen or titular name of an Agamudaiyar is Servaikkaran, but
many of them even call themselves Pillai, Adhigari and Mudaliar.19 Agamudaiyars
are not so ferocious and martial as the Maravars or Kallars. Because of their
economic prosperity, they have adopted a more respectable attitude to life. They
are comparatively a peace loving people.20
16. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 20. 17. Louis Dumont, Op. cit., p. 10.
18. Roy Burman , et al., Op. cit., Vol .I, p. 21.
19. Ibid. 20. S. Kadhirvel , Op. cit., p. 14.
24
KKaallllaarrss
The Encyclopaedia of Indian Tribes and Castes describes the Kallars
as a dark race of small stature and of many distinctive peculiarities pointing them
out as having sprung from an aboriginal tribe.21 Here it would be more appropriate
to take into account the view of B.S. Guha regarding the term aborigines. He feels
that the term aboriginal population of India is not usually applied to the tribal
population of India, not in any derogatory sense but to indicate their being the
earliest among the present inhabitants of the country.22
The Kallars are known for the retention of their customs and
traditions. Hence they attract the attention of sociologists, anthropologists and
historians alike. According to Nelson, the Kallars are in many respects the most
remarkable of all the castes in the Madurai district and have played an important
part in history.23 The Kallars are numerically large and form the primary unit in
the jati-cluster of Mukkulathor. An estimate made by T.N.B.C. Commission in
1971 shows that the population of the Kallars was 9.75 lakh, the Maravars and the
21. Roy Burman , et al ., Op. cit., Vol. IX, p . 2765. 22. B.S. Guha , Indian Aborigines and Who They Are? Adi Vasis, In Ministry of Information and
Broadcasting, Govt. of India, 1960, p. 28. 23. J.H. Nelson, The Madura Country-A Manual, Part II, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1868,
p. 44.
25
Agamudaiyars were 8.31 lakh and 6.70 lakh respectively.24 In view of their
concentration in the districts of Thanjavur, Trichirappalli, Pudukkottai and
Madurai, this area is sometimes referred to as Kallarnadu or Kallaham. They are
also found settled in certain portions of Ramanathapuram and Tirunelveli districts.
The life of the Kallars is principally governed by geographic and
economic factors. Because of the inflow of the river Cauvery, the districts of
Thanjavur and Trichirappalli are blessed with fertile soil and copious water. Hence
the Kallars of these wet land areas have mostly taken to agriculture and a settled
living whereas the Kallars of Madurai district where large portions of land remain
dry, have continued to remain with their primitive agriculture, subsistence living
and with no scope for socio-economic betterment.25
The following table shows the district wise distribution of the Kallars
in Tamil Nadu.
24. Backward Class Commission, Tamil Nadu Pirpattor Nalakkuzhu Arikkai, Part II, Govt. of Tamil Nadu, 1974. p. 5.
25. K. Bose, Forward Bloc, Tamil Nadu Academy of Political Science, Madras, 1988, p. 54.
26
District Number of People Percentage
Thanjavur 3,81,660 39.1
Madurai 3,43,157 35.2
Trichirappalli
(including Pudukkottai) 1,44,327 14.8
Ramanathapuram 83,444 8.5
Tirunelveli 23,124 2.4
Total 9,75,712 100.0
Source: T.N.B.C. Commission, Report, Part-II, Govt. of Tamilnadu, 1974, P.5.
The demographic constitution of Madurai is such that the Vellala
community constitutes nearly 12% and the Kallar community, about 10% of the
total population.26
OOrriiggiinn ooff tthhee KKaallllaarrss
H.A. Stuart is of strong opinion that the Kallars must have been one
of the first of the Dravidian tribes that penetrated into the southern peninsula, thus
were the oldest among the South Indian tribes. Hence the origin of this ancient
tribe poses to be a baffling question to the historians. Many theories have been
26. P.K. Nambiar, Census of India, 1961, District Census Hand Book, Madurai, Vol. IX, Govt. of Madras, 1966, p. 19.
27
advanced by learned historians, identifying them with so many tribes/clans. The
most important among them have been classified here below.
11.. NNaaggaa tthheeoorryy
V. Kanagasabhai, a Tamil savant, identifies the Kallars as the
descendants of Eyinar or Vedar, the most lawless branch of the Naga tribe who
were a primitive people of the early Tamil land. His theory rests on the basis of the
commonality of their profession viz. cattle lifting, pillaging and murder and also of
their worship of the dreaded goddess Kali with animal sacrifices, to secure her
favour in their plundering raids and justifies that their descendants are now known
by the appropriate title of Kallars or thieves. He tries to adduce that one Dhirataran
Murti Eyinar, the great chief of Viramangalam, referred to in the Plates of Jatila
Varman, a Pandya King of the 12th century A.D., appears to have belonged to this
tribe.27
However linking a group with another on the basis of mere
semblance of profession and worship cannot be an astute derivation.
22.. KKuurruummbbaa tthheeoorryy
This theory is propounded by Gustav Oppert who links the Kallars
with the Kurumbas, the martial clan of Tondaimandalam, who were the very old
27. V. Kanagasabhai, The Tamils 1800 Years Ago, rpt., Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1979, p. 43.
28
inhabitants of Tamilaham. He firmly believes that on the capture of
Tondaimandalam by Adonda Chola, they took to marauding and thereby earned
the notorious title Kallan or thief as a tribal appellation.28
Oppert cannot be wrong when he states that the Kurumbas must be
regarded as the very old inhabitants of this land who could contest with their
Dravidian kinsmen the priority of the occupation of the Indian soil. His view has
been ratified by one S. Radha Krishna Iyer who opines that the earliest settlers in
the Pudukkottai region must have been Kurumbars, the modern representatives of
the ancient Pallavas who were once so powerful in Southern India. They were
found in Tondaimandalam, the land of the Pallavas, in large numbers and must
have drifted to these parts from that tract or directly come over here from the
Canarese country through the Palani Hills.29 Moreover the relics of the Pallava
rule, found in Pudukkottai region which could be assigned to the 8th century A.D.,
has made Rev. Taylor surmise that the Kurumbars might have settled in the
Pudukkottai region in the earliest centuries of the Christian era, after driving out
the Veduvars or Vedars, the aborigines from there.30
28. Gustav Oppert , On the Original Inhabitants of Bharatvarsha or India, Oriental Publishers, Indian rpt., Delhi, 1972, pp. 257-258.
29. S. Radha Krishna Iyer, A General History of the Pudukkottai State, Brihadamba State Press, Pudukkottai, 1916, p. 43.
30. William Taylor, Catalogue of Oriental Manuscripts in the Tamil Language, trans., Vol. III, Madras, 1857-62, p. 409.
29
Hence it is proved beyond doubt that the Kurumbars were the very
old inhabitants of Tamil land. However, the validity of Oppert's findings is
objectionable when it comes to the question of identifying these Kurumbars with
the Kallars, on the basis of references of Kallars as Kurumbars in some documents
and the worship of the Kurumba goddess Viralakshmi by the Kallars of the
Pudukkottai district.31
After all, Tamil words are elastic and susceptible of diverse
interpretations. According to Tamil Lexicon the word Kurumban means a wicked
person. No wonder the Kallars who would have proved wicked to their neighbours
might have been referred to as Kurumbans. Regarding the worship of the goddess
of the Kurumbas, it would not have been a matter at all to the Kallars, since they
being poly-theistic in character.
PPaallllaavvaa tthheeoorryy
This theory is advanced by scholars, no less than the Tamil savant
N.M. Venkatasamy Nattar, A. Soma Sundaram and the eminent historian,
V.A. Smith. N.M.Venkatasamy Nattars History of the Kallars is based
essentially on the identification of a Kalvar Koman Pulli of Venkatagiri (modern
Tirupathi in Andhra Pradesh) appeared in Sangam literature as a Kallar. He
31. Gustav Oppert , Op. cit., p. 257.
30
inclines to the view that the Kallars had a regal status in northern Tondaimandalam
from ancient times and were reduced to the status of feudatories when the Pallavas
conquered their territory. To him the similarity of the Pallava titles and those of
certain modern Kallar clans especially of the Kallars of Thanjavur district such as
Thondaiman, Pallavarayar, Kadavar, Sethibar etc. go a long way in proving the
link between the two.32 A. Somasundaram supplements it by his claim that on the
fall of the Pallava dynasty, their descendants lost their occupation as soldiers and
took to other occupations. While the fortunate settlers of the fertile areas took to
farming, their unfortunate brethrens who settled in dry and infertile areas took to
pillage, undeniably an easier means of livelihood.33
As far as V.A. Smith is concerned, he holds the view that the
Pallavas were a tribe, class or caste which was formed in the Northern part of the
existing Madras Presidency possibly in the Vengi country between the Krishna and
the Godavari. The persistent hostility of the Pallavas to the territorial Tamil states
and the fact that tradition does not assign any territorial limits to the Pallava
dominion are clear indications that the Pallavas were distinct in race from the
Tamils. According to constant tradition their rule was super-imposed upon that of
32. N.M. Venkatasamy Nattar, Kallar Charithram (Tamil), Nadukkaveri, Tiruchirappalli, 1923, pp. 20-42. 33. A. Soma Sundaram, Kallarum, Kallar Abhiviruthiyum (Tamil), Vittuvan A. Shanmuga Sundaram,
Thanjavur, 1956, pp. 8-9.
31
the Rajas of the Pandya, Chola and Chera countries, which covered the whole area
of the South. In the subsequent lines, the point Smith tries to drive home is that
the Pallavas were a mixed race of many predatory clans who governed and welded
them together into an aggressive force.34 Thus the Pallava race must have been
cosmopolitan in character just like the Rajput race which included all those who
had war as their profession i.e., the Kshatriyas. This hypothesis is testified by the
view of Sir Walter Elliot who feels that the Kallars, a predatory clan, with their
bold, indomitable and martial habits resembled more the ancient Pallavas in their
characteristics.35 Perhaps that could have been the reason for the cultural and
religious semblance between the Kallars and the other predatory clans such as the
Nagas, the Kurumbas, the Kalabhras etc. The Raja of Pudukkottai, a tributary
principality, who was the recognised head of the Kallars styled himself Raja
Pallava (Tondaman), claiming descent from the ancient royal family.36 Gradually
the Pallava power declined and the later Pallava Chiefs sank into the position of
mere feudatory nobles and officials in the service of the territorial kingdoms. By
the close of the 17th century, all traces of the Pallavas as a distinct race disappeared
and their blood is now merged in that of the Kallars, Palli, Vellalar castes.37
34. V.A. Smith, The Early History of India, IV ed., Oxford University Press, London, 1967, p. 466. 35. V.A. Smith, Op. cit., p. 492. 36. Ibid., p. 493. 37. Ibid.
32
The last sentiment partakes of the nature of an ex cathedra utterance
and Smith nowhere elucidates how he has arrived at that positive conclusion.
Regarding the foregoing, only two remarks seem necessary. Firstly the mere fact
that there had been persistent hostility between the Pallavas and the Tamil
Kingdoms need not necessarily connote different racial origins where there is no
other testimony on the point. Secondly it has not been shown of the Pudukkottai
Raja claiming lineal or racial descent from the Pallavas. But it would appear that
the name Pallava must have had its origin still further south than imagined by
Smith and implied a ruling dynasty and not a mere tribe or clan. It is difficult to
assert if the Vellalar or Kallar in South India claim any relationship with the
Pallavas.38
CChhoollaa tthheeoorryy
C. Sivanandi Servai39 and P. Muthu Thevar40 claim that the
Kallars are the descendants of the Cholas and hold that the Agambadiyars, Kallars
and Maravars who form the Mukkulathor jati-cluster, are the descendants of the
early Tamil Regal Trinity the Chera, Chola and Pandya respectively. But they
38. Indian Antiquarry, Vol. III ,The Journal of Oriental Research ,The Educational Societys press, Bombay, 1923, p. 80.
39. C. Sivanandi Servai , Muvendra Kula Charithai (Tamil), Muvendra Kula Publishing House, Madurai, 1940, p. 31.
40. P. Muthu Thevar, Op. cit., pp. 104 - 106.
33
have failed to substantiate their claims with solid evidences and thereby making it
appear as a tall claim. However there is a possibility for the inference that it is the
Cholas who have been misnamed Kallar. It is pertinent and necessary to bring to
light that the foreign historians like William Taylor in Vol. I & II of Oriental
Historical Manuscripts and Robert Sewell in Vol.I of the Archaeological
Survey of Southern India have misspelt the word Chola and the word Cholan
transliterated as soren has been misinterpreted in its current meaning of Kallar or
thief. Contributory to the above misinterpretation is the name assigned to one of
the Chola kings, Kalvar Koman after whom the name Kalla in modified form must
have arisen. Further the General History of Pudukkottai State also adds strength
to the aforesaid hypothesis. It states that the Raja of Pudukkottai was the head of
the great Kalla and robber caste of South India, mentioned in the edicts of Asoka.
Confirmatory of the fact is the detail given in the same history of eleven more
tribes that settled there along with Tondaman whose cognomens, with very many
others, are in common use with this community, Tondaman being not a title or
rank but a family name, borne by many ryots of the Tondaman Stock.41
KKaallaabbhhrraa tthheeoorryy
This theory has been analysed by many historians who speak for and
against the Kallar Kalabhra identity. Learned Tamil scholars like
41. S. Radha Krishna Iyer , Op. cit., p. 117.
34
M. Rajamanickam42 and Paramasivanantam43 trace the Kallar descent from the
Kalappirar (Kalabhras) who came from beyond the northern frontiers and ruled
the Tamil land for about three centuries, from the middle of the third century to the
end of the sixth century A.D. Thus they attribute non-Tamil identity to the
Kalappirar. But R. Gopalan, despite his positive note on the Kallar Kalabhra
descent, considers them as a set of Tamil speaking people living on the frontier of
the Tamil country, rather predatory in character accustomed to cattle-lifting and
thereby flourishing upon it as a profession and these people were Kalabhras in
Sanskrit and later Kallar in Tamil.44 Mayilai Sreeni Venkatasamy disagrees with
the view that Kallar and Kalappirars were one and the same. He identifies the
Kalappirars with the Vakatakas of Kannada region.45 Raghavaiyangar, another
Tamil scholar, agrees with the first part but holds that Kalappirar were Tamil
speaking population that lived by farming.46
42. M. Rajamanickam, Pallavar Varalaru (Tamil), Then Indiya Saiva Siddhanta Nur Padhippuk Kazhagam, Tirunelveli, 1944, pp. 37, 43.
43. Paramasivanantam , Tamizhkkalai Varalaru (Tamil), Tamizhkkalai Padhippakam, Chennai, 1972, p. 178.
44. R. Gopalan, Pallavas of Kanchi, Madras University, Madras, 1928, p. 28. 45. A. Ganapathy, Op. cit., p. 38. 46. Ibid.
35
S. Krishnaswamy Iyengar also subscribes to this theory and states
emphatically that the Kalabhras were none but the Kallars of old Tamil poetry. He
holds the view that the Kalvar or Kalavar flowed to the South under the Pallava
pressure, leaving their habitat in Tondaimandalam viz. Kanchipuram which was
converted into a Pallava territory, reached south Arcot and Tanjore and there
presumably putting an end to the Tamil Sangam civilisation as Kalabhra. Finally in
the anarchy, following the decline of the Cola State (Chola), they established
themselves in the frontier region between the Cola and Pandya Kingdoms
Pudukkottai whose Kallar sovereign assumed the title Tondaman or Tondaiman.47
He also tries to substantiate his theory by adding that the word Kallar is the
synonym of the term Kalvar. Kalvar was usually written in ancient manuscripts
without the dot on the head of l became Kalavar which turned into Kalabar,
Kalabara, Kalabhara and ultimately Kalabhra.48 This KallarKalabhra etymology
is strongly refuted by M. Arunachalam who has done an extensive research on
this subject. Since in Sanskrit the word Steya denotes 'Kalvar', the need to
Sanskritize the word is rendered unnecessary. He has also arrived at the conclusion
that the place of the origin of the Kalabhras was not Venkatam and they have not
descended from Pulli.49
47. Louis Dumont, Op. cit., p. 13.
48. A. Ganapathy, Op. cit., p. 38.
49. M. Arunachalam, The Kalabhras in the Pandya Country and Their Impact on the Life and Letters There, Madras University, Madras, 1979,pp. 26-27.
36
Though Nadana Kasinathan has identified Kalpappunadu, the
modern Shiravanabelagola in Karnataka State, as the original abode of the
Kalabhras, he identifies the Kalabhras with Kalvar in the strength of the inscription
at Ponnivadi in Coimbatore district.50
Amidst the divergent views on the origin of the Kallars, it is
impossible to arrive at an unassailable conclusion. This aspect is an enigmatic and
intricate one, worth dining into by a researcher who could focus attention on this
aspect alone.
EEttyymmoollooggyy ooff tthhee tteerrmm KKaallllaarr
Mystery continues as to how and when this Kallar community came
to be called so. Different interpretations of the derivation and meaning of the word
Kallar have been put forth.
Comale, a Tamil writer, opines that the word Kal means to collect
secretly. Since the Kallars had originally served the Tamil Kings as spies and
collected information secretly, they might have been called so.51 This view is
endorsed by the Ramanathapuram district gazetteer which says as advance guards
50. Nadana Kasinathan , Kalabhirar (Tamil), Publisher not traceable, 1981, p. 6. 51. Comale, Ramanathapuram Mavattam (Tamil), Pari Nilayam, Madras, 1972, p. 89.
37
and spies, the Kallars formed an important section of the armies of the Tamil
Kings and collected information about enemies secretly for their masters.52
Muthu Thevar claims that the Kallars originally lived in Marutham
or agricultural area and were called Kalamar meaning agriculturists which might
have got corrupted into Kallar subsequently.53 But Sivanandi Servai slightly
differs. To him, the word Kalamar is the derivation from the word Kalam meaning
battle-field. So in all probability, Kalamar were battle-field soldiers. In course of
time it would have been corrupted into Kallar.54
N.M. Venkatasamy Nattar feels that the Tamil word Kallan means
a dark person and also an enemy who seizes others property. In view of their dark
colour and hostile nature, the Aryans must have used the word Kallan to the
ancient Tamilians.55
But this kind of explanation of the meaning of the word is not
acceptable to some others who equate the word Kallan to thief. B.S. Baliga says
the name Kallan literally means a thief and there is ample evidence to show that
until recently they continued as professional robbers and thieves.56
52. A. Ramasamy, Op. cit., pp. 137 - 138. 53. P. Muthu Thevar, Op. cit., pp. 75-76. 54. C. Sivanandi Servai, Op. cit., p. 58. 55. N.M. Venkatasamy Nattar, Op. cit., p. 60. 56. B.S. Baliga, Madras District Gazetteers: Madurai, Govt. of Madras, 1960, p. 116.
38
N. Subramanian is of strong opinion that the Kallars were never
soldiers of an organised army. According to him the word Kallars literally means
robbers since they lived by banditry, under the pretext of their 'more hilly and less
fertile' lands.57 Gustav Oppert also expresses the same view. He strongly believes
that as the Kallars made themselves obnoxious by their theft and robberies, the
term Kallan (thief) was applied and stuck to them as a tribal appellation.58
M.A. Ghani also states that in view of their thieving habits, the
name is very justly applied to them.59
The idea of associating this community with thieves or robbers, as
meant by the word Kalla in several southern languages, is repudiated by Nelson in
his Madura District Manual wherein he says that they having been after fearful
struggle and bloody massacres, immigrants from Tondaimandalam and settlers
from southern parts from whom sprang a large community struggling for
independence and imbued with a bold independent spirit which they never failed to
evince.60
57. N. Subramanian, Sangam Polity : The Administration and Social Life of the Sangam Tamils, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1966, p. 143.
58. Gustav Oppert , Op. cit., p. 257. 59. Muhammad Abdul Ghani, Notes on the Criminal Tribes of the Madras Presidency, Thompson & Co.,
Madras, 1915, p. 74. 60. J.H. Nelson, Op. cit., p. 44.
39
Sir Athelstane Baines feels that though it is probable that the
original meaning of the name Kallan was different, in view of the absence of any
other suitable alternative, the interpretation is unfortunately justified by the history
and habits of the caste.61
However according to Ganapathy, there is difference in meaning
between the words Kalvar and Kallar. The word Kalvar definitely means thief as it
is derived from the root word Kal meaning theft or robbery. But the word Kallar is
closely related to words found in Sangam works such as Kalam, Kalamar,
Kalathavar etc. which denotes one who is closely attached to the field. In the
Sangam age, under the Tamil Regal Trinity, there were many feudatories. One
among them was Pulli of Venkatam, a feudatory of the Chola. He was a bounteous
patron and was the chief of the Kallar clan. Apart from him, there were many other
chieftains and Zamindars among the Kallars. The Raja of Pudukkottai was a Kallar
chieftain of a later date. Such was the decency and decorum and hence the name
Kallar might not have represented a thieving caste.62
All the above interpretations, however plausible, do not convincingly
bring home how a community came to be named that way neither dignifying nor
61. Sir Athelstane Baines, ed., Ethnography (Castes and Tribes), Indian rpt., Concept Publication, Delhi, 1976,p. 47.
62. A. Ganapathy, Op. cit., p. 31.
40
relishing and susceptible of a debasing interpretation. The saying that tho;e;jhd; tho;e;jhd; tho;e;jhd; tho;e;jhd;
nnnnfl;lhy; tiu fl;lhy; tiu fl;lhy; tiu fl;lhy; tiu NNNNahl;Lf; fhfhd;ahl;Lf; fhfhd;ahl;Lf; fhfhd;ahl;Lf; fhfhd; is familiar to all meaning that a mud pot
worshipped and respectably carried on the priests head and used for divine
adulations is cast away as refuse when broken, implies all the heart rending
degradations, a subject class will be put to. It is to be borne in mind that what goes
by the name of diplomacy among fighting Rajas and Kings will be summarily
disposed of as rebellion, mutiny and theft in the case of clans or individuals.
Likewise, a community once served the Kings and Emperors as vanguards, risking
their lives came to be denounced as thieves, robbers, dacoits, culler, colleries etc.
At this juncture, it would be worthwhile to throw some light on the
nature of the duty of the different sections of the army. It is believed that the army
of the Pallava was divided into three sections kalla padei or a corps for
reconnaissance and harassment; the mara padei, the main body i.e., field soldiers
and the aga padei, the guard or garrison force. This arrangement was borrowed by
the Tamil Regal Trinity.63 In ancient India, when the chief wealth, even of the
kings consisted in the number of herds of cattle, many of the battles were fought
for the sake of cattle wealth. Thus cattle were synonymous with wealth in Vedic
society. In Rig Veda, the character of Indra has been depicted as that of an
unscrupulous war leader of the pastoral people, an ideal king of later times,
63. Louis Dumont, Op. cit., p. 12.
41
plundering one district after another for the sake of cattle wealth.64 Consequently
cattle-lifting was celebrated as one of the popular themes of the early Tamil
literature such as Tolkappiyam, Ahananuru, Purananuru etc. It became so
popular that it was elevated to the level of science by grammarians who had
framed the modus operandi. From that it could be gleaned that the King sent his
vanguards to capture the cattle of his enemy before starting a major war.65 In
Purapporul Venbamalai, the process has been described vividly. While engaging
in cattle raids the raiders used to wear garland of vetchi flowers (Ixora Coccinia)
and so cattle raid was called Vetchippadalam. The rescue operation involved
attempts to recover or recapture the lost cattle and repel the raiders. Since the
rescuers used to wear garlands of Karantai flowers (a species of Basil), the
operation was called Karantaippadalam.66
Besides Tolkappiam and Purapporul Venbamalai, Purananuru and
Akananuru also contain many references of such cattle raids.67 From Akananuru it
is evident that lifting of cattle took place in the early hours of morning and the
rescuing operation during late night.
64. N.N. Bhattacharya, Ancient Indian Rituals and Their Social Contents, Publishers not traceable, Delhi, 1975, p. 28.
65 . Tolkappiam Purattinai, 2. 66. Purapporul Venbamalai Stanza 6. 67. Purananuru: 257 265; 269, 270, 279 etc. Akananuru: 97, 105, 309, 338, 372, etc.
42
Thus cattle-raid was employed as a conventionalised signal for
warfare and for that purpose, a section of the Maravars i.e., the warrior class who
were known for maram meaning valour and agility were deployed. Since they had
to execute their operation stealthily, in all probability, they might have been
branded as kalla padei, originating from the root word kal meaning to collect
secretly. Later on with the fall of the kingdoms this community lost its occupation
as soldiers. And they fell into evil days. These victims of the situation had the
justification to employ their expertise to earn their livelihood, making many
interpretations mentioned above justified. However, logically speaking,
N.M.Venkatasamy Nattar is pretty right when he asserts the fact emphatically that
if the term Kallar is a derogatory one, no community on earth would have come
forward to assume it as their renowned title.
It will thus be seen that the word Kallar far from signifying felon,
will mean a class whose ways are inscrutable, the how and the wherefore whereof
will become unintelligible. Since the term, when shorn of its venom, becomes
dignifying and honorific so much so, that one of the Chola kings was called Kalvar
Koman and a Pandya as Kalvar Peruman Tennan.
What is more wondrous and funny is that a so called Tamil proverb,
not found in any old writings, - fs;s kwtd; mfk;gfs;s kwtd; mfk;gfs;s kwtd; mfk;gfs;s kwtd; mfk;gbbbbad; nks;s nks;s ad; nks;s nks;s ad; nks;s nks;s ad; nks;s nks;s
43
te;J nts;shsd; Mdhte;J nts;shsd; Mdhte;J nts;shsd; Mdhte;J nts;shsd; MdhNNNNdddd meaning a Kallan may come to be a Maravan. By
respectability, he may develop in to an Agamudaiyan and by slow and small
degrees become a Vellala, from which he may rise to be a Mudaliar68 has been
given currency as an indication of the social upward movement of the Kallars as an
affluent caste.
Owing to lack of proper knowledge about the position of the Kallars
who had never been inferior in status to the other two, the metamorphoses might
have been misinterpreted by the foreigners. With proper knowledge about the
community, it would not be wrong to interpret the social transformation thus a
thievish Maravan (Kallar vanguard) became a respectable Agamudiyan
(Kavalkarar) during times of peace and settlement, slowly and surely became a
Vellala, (agriculturist) denoting his agricultural status.
SSeettttlleemmeenntt ooff tthhee KKaallllaarrss iinn MMaadduurraaii DDiissttrriicctt
There is a unanimous view among the historians that the Kallars
were not the natives of Madurai district but only settlers who came from the north.
But whence they came is still a matter of dispute.
N.M.Venkatasamy Nattar comes out with a view that Tiruvenkatam in
Tondaimandalam must have been the original abode of the Kallars, and from there
68. Edgar Thurston, Op. cit., p. 63.
44
they were brought down to the south by one Pandya king called Kalavar
Perumakan Tennan during the Sangam Age i.e., by the second century A.D.69
Gustav Oppert slightly differs from him. Though he accepts
Tiruvenkattam as their original abode, he opines that they left it because of a
famine and migrated to the south.70
Francis tries to establish that the Chola country or Tanjore was their
original abode and from there they migrated to the Pandya Kingdom following its
subjugation by the Cholas around 11th century A.D.71
Louis Dumont is making a reference to another version (on the basis
of census 1901) that a Cola (Chola) princess brought the reconnaissance section or
Kalla padei as dowry for her marriage with a Pandya. More modestly it is said that
the Kallars have spread out from the east to the west from Tanjore towards
Madurai and this could have been due to a victory of the Colas over the Pandyas.72
Nelson points out a tradition in Madurai district in which the pseudo-
Pandyas, the sons of Abhirami, the dancing girl of Kalayar Kovil, brought a few
Kallars from the Chola country to operate against the Government. From then on
the Kallars migrated in waves and grew numerous in Madurai district.73
69. N.M. Venkatasamy Nattar, Op. cit., p. 44. 70. Gustav Oppert, Op. cit., pp. 258 - 260. 71. W. Francis, Census of India, 1901, Part I, Govt. Press, Madras, 1902, p. 158. 72. Louis Dumont, Op. cit., p. 12.
73. J.H. Nelson, Op. cit., p. 48.
45
Turnbull gives out yet another account of the Kallar settlement in
Madurai. To him, the original abode of the Kallars was Vellanadu (Valanadu) near
Kancheepuram. On a hunting expedition, they came down to the south with a pack
of hounds. They were astounded at the fighting spirit displayed by a peacock and
took it as a clue for a fortunate land and settled in that place which they thought
was ideal for valiant hunters and served the Vellalas who were the Lords of the
soil. In due course, they grew mighty and gradually encroached on the prerogatives
of their masters and ousted them and also setup their own independent rule over
the newly acquired territory by the singular appellation of Tun Arasu Nadu i.e., a
country governed by themselves.74
Regarding the settlement of the Kallars on the western part of
Madurai district, Francis and Nelson put forth two different views. According to
Francis, a section of the Kallars of Melur travelled westward beyond the
Nagamalai and drove out the Vedars from there and settled. This section only
came to be known as Piramalai Kallars.75 But Nelson inclines to the view that
about the year 1640, the Madurai king Tirumalai Nayak appointed certain Kallars
of Melur as Kavalkarars and granted them the right to collect kaval fees from
74. T. Turnbull, "Account of Cullaries," Prefaced to B.S. Ward, Memoir of Madura and Dindigul, Vol. III, Madurai Collectorate, 1895, p. 6.
75. W. Francis, Madras District Gazetteer, Madurai, Govt. Press, 1906, pp. 93-94.
46
Tirumbur area near Madurai in consideration of their protecting it from robbery
and deeds of violence. Relying up on this grant, the recipients encroached in to the
district step by step until at last they and their descendants penetrated as far as the
village of Anaiyur and firmly established there. With the passage of time, they
grew isolated from the parent stock and were distinguished as Anaiyur or Mel
nadu Kallars.76
Another elucidation is forthcoming from Ganapathy as that the
Kallars, originally belonging to the Venkatam region, migrated southward through
Kanchipuram up to the south western region of Pudukkottai state and settled in and
around Ponnamaravathi area. From there the second stage of expansion took place,
one in the direction of Melur region and the other of Tanjore. From Melur further
expansion took place westward and it was the settlement of the Piramalai Kallars
on the western side of the city, Madurai. He also tries to substantiate it through the
relationship between the Melur Kallars and Anaiyur Kallars. The Piramalai Kallars
alias Anaiyur Kallars even today regard the Melur Kallars as their elders and give
respect to them in their Panchayats and other celebrations.77
In the absence of any other record for their settlement in Madurai,
these theories cannot be put to cavalier dismissal. It is suffice to conclude that a
76. J.H. Nelson, Op. cit., p. 47. 77. A. Ganapathy, Op. cit., p. 48.
47
section of the Kallars from the north came down to the south and settled in
Madurai district.
SSuubb--CCaasstteess aammoonngg tthhee KKaallllaarrss
There are various sub-castes or sub-divisions with various names
among the Kallars. But no special significance can be attached to these names
except for the regions they live in. The following are the most important among
them.
EEssaa NNaattttuu KKaallllaarrss
The Kallars who live in the Thanjavur region are called Esa Nattu
Kallars. These people, blessed with fertile delta lands with copious water, have
thrived well economically. Also with their contacts with the Brahmins who lived
in large numbers in this region earlier, their outlook has undergone a drastic
change. They have become more conformists and refined and this has made them
look with scorn their Madurai brethren who are still unrefined and coarse in their
outlook.78 The Esa Nattu Kallars customs, rites and rituals have a Brahmanical or
Vellala semblance till date.
78. Louis Dumont, Op. cit., p. 15.
48
SSeerruuvvaassaall KKaallllaarrss
The Kallars of Pudukkottai region call themselves so.
TThheerrkkaattttiiyyaarr
The Kallars who live in Sivagangai region call themselves
Therkattiyar meaning people of the south.
VViissaanngguu NNaattttuu KKaallllaarrss
Those Kallars living in Trichirappalli go by the name Visangu Nattu
Kallars. They have many things in common with their brethren Esa Nattu Kallars.
AAmmbbaallaakkaarraa KKaallllaarrss
Kallars living in the Melur taluk of Madurai district are known as
Ambalakara Kallars or Melur Kallars.
PPiirraammaallaaii KKaallllaarrss
These Kallars are mostly concentrated in the Usilampatti and
Thirumangalam taluks of Madurai district. Thus in Madurai alone the Kallars are
divided into two endogamous groups, territorial in origin.
((ii)) KKiillnnaadduu KKaallllaarr oorr eeaasstteerrnn ccoouunnttrryy KKaallllaarrss
Commonly known as Melur Kallars or Ambalakara Kallars, they
generally use the agnomen Ambalam and sometimes use the agnomens Servai and
Thevar also.
49
((iiii)) MMeell NNaadduu KKaallllaarrss oorr wweesstteerrnn ccoouunnttrryy KKaallllaarrss
These Kallars are commonly called as Piramalai Kallars. In some old
records they are referred to as Anaiyur Kallars which place was the strong hold of
the Piramalai Kallars during the early years of their settlement.79 Invariably the
Piramalai Kallars use only one agnomen Thevar.
These territorial divisions were made with Nagamalai, a hill near
Madurai as the dividing line. Those Kallars who lived in the east of the Naga hills
were denominated the Kil nadu Kallars and those who lived in the west of the hills
Mel nadu Kallars or Piramalai Kallars. Earlier members of these divisions did not
inter-marry though it is not the case today.
EEttyymmoollooggyy ooff tthhee tteerrmm PPiirraammaallaaii KKaallllaarr
Divergent views have been advanced with regard to the derivation of
the name Piramalai Kallar.
Some Piramalai Kallars are of view that Piranmalai, (mountain of the
piran, Lord Venkatachalapathy of Venkatam region), a hill situated at 12
kilometres north of Singampunari in Ramanathapuram, was their original abode.
This hill, referred to as Parambumalai in the Sangam literature, reached the zenith
79. W. Francis, Op. cit., p. 93.
50
of its glory during the rule of its chieftain Pari, known for his munificence. So
catholic was the philanthropy of this patron that at the sight of a jasmine creeper
struggling hard for support, left his car at its proximity for the tendril to spread on
and walked back home. This Parambumalai of Pari in course of time got changed
into Piranmalai.80 It is also believed that during the westward movement the Melur
Kallars first settled at this place and so were known by this name.
However as Louis Dumont opines, it is unlikely, in view of the
location of this Piranmalai, i.e., 20 miles further east at the eastern edge of the
ambalakkarar area to be their original abode since the villages they left were very
close to Madurai.81
Another interpretation is forwarded by C. N. Natarajan, in his thesis
on the Marriage, Kinship and Clan system of the Piramalai Kallars, that the
word Piramalai is the distorted form of the word Puramalai which means
beyond the hill. As these people lived beyond (west of) the Nagamalai, were called
Puramalai Kallars, which again is colloquially, pronounced as Pramalai Kallars
or Pera malai Kallars.82
One more interpretation by an educated Piramalai Kallar is that since
the Melur Kallars claim Alagar hills which falls into their territory as their own,
80. Dhina Thanthi (Tamil), Madurai edition, December 3,2002. 81. Louis Dumont, Op. cit., p. 16. 82. C.N. Natarajan, Piramalai Kallars of Tamil Nadu. A study of Their Marriage, Kinship, and Clan
System, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Madurai Kamaraj University, 1978, p. 32.
51
with a view to ascertain their ownership of the rest of the hills, other than Alagar
hills such as Nagamalai, Pasumalai, Puthurmalai etc., they might have called
themselves Piramalai Kallars.83
Of all the afore-said theories, the most logical, comprehensive and
sagacious one seems to be that of C.N. Natarajan since their settlement area is
distributed in and around Nagamalai hills, especially to the west of Nagamalai.
HHaabbiittaatt ooff tthhee PPiirraammaallaaii KKaallllaarrss
Muthu Thevar has defined the Piramalai Kallar territory as an area
extending from the Tiruparankpundram hills in the east to the Western Ghats in the
west and from the Nagamalai hills in the north to the river Guntar in the south.84
Sivanandi Servai has defined the Piramalai Nadu as a territory
which included 4 Tevars, 3 Gods, 8 Provinces and 24 secondary villages.85 Louis
Dumont has defined their territory thus - "The Kallar Nadu consists roughly of the
northern part of Tirumangalam taluk, one of the taluks making up Madurai district.
Its northern boundary is marked by a range of hills called Nagamalai, In fact the
Kallar overflow this boundary on to the northern slope of the hills, but do not reach
83. Personal interview with Prof. M. Namasivayam, aged around 55,a Piramalai Kallar and Librarian, T.N. State Archives Library, Chennai, on February 20,2006, at Chennai.
84. P. Muthu Thevar, Op. cit., p. 148.
85. C. Sivanandi Servai, Op. cit., p.64.
52
the river From east to west, one enters Kallar country beyond a village called
Pudukkottai, about six miles from Madurai, To the south, the town of
Tirumangalam is beyond the border, but the Piramalai Kallar has spread widely to
the south west across the road from Thirumangalam to Usilampatti. Thus the
Kallar Nad is a rectangle about eighteen miles by ten, crossed by just three roads.
The east to west road from Madurai to Usilampatti; the south east-north west road
from Tirumangalam to Usilampatti, and the south-north road from Tirumangalam
to Colavandan, (Cholavandan) intersecting first at Chekkanurani. We could add a
rather marginal road in the west, running from Usilampatti south.86 This was their
traditional habitat.
Thus this Kallar Province or the area of the Piramalai Kallar did not
have a precise territorial definition and its boundaries were mostly blurred.87
Now the Piramalai Kallars are found chiefly in Usilampatti and
Thirumangalam taluks. As these two taluks represent the area of concentration of
the Piramalai Kallars, they form the focal area of the Piramalai Kallars habitat and
are deemed to constitute the Kallar Nadu. The Kallar Reclamation Section of the
Madurai district Collectorate has made a rough estimate of the number of the
86. Louis Dumont, Op. cit., pp. 16-18. 87. Ibid.
53
Piramalai Kallars for the year 1975 which works out about 3.5 lakh.88 However
subsequently it has estimated the Piramalai Kallar population as 7.85 lakh in
1993.89 A small number of them have spilled over to Srivilliputhur taluk of the
neighbouring Ramanathapuram district.
The other aspects of the community will be dealt with in detail in the
subsequent chapters.
88. Brief Notes on the Kallar Rec