Stable structures of Transeurasian

Martine Robbeets

The Transeurasian languages

The northern Eurasian macro-area

The northern Eurasian macro-area

Nichols (2011: 177)

"over time the families [of Northern Eurasia] have come to resemble each other more and more in structural typology, culminating in the Eurasian or Altaic linguistic type and a high degree of structural consistency”

Janhunen (2014: 331)

"speaking of "Altaic" instead of "Ural-Altaic" is a misconception, for there are no areal or typological features that are specific only to "Altaic" without Uralic. ... there is nothing in "Altaic" that is not equally true of Uralic".

Organization

• Dataset

• 20 shared typological features

• Development of typological similarity over time

• Delimitation Transeurasian from Uralic type

• Areal versus genealogical patterns

Sample languages

Selected contemporary Transeurasian languages

Turkish (Turkic)

Khalkha (Mongolic)

Evenki (Tungusic)

Korean (Koreanic)

Japanese (Japonic)

WALS

Old Turkic (8th-14th C) Middle Mongolian (13th-17th C) Manchu (17th-19th C) Middle Korean (15th-16th C) Old Japanese (8th C)

Selected historical Transeurasian varieties

Sample languages

WALS

Sample languages

Selected neighboring languages

Turkish

Khalkha

Evenki

Korean Japanese

Eastern Khanty(Uralic)

Ket (Yenissean)

Kolyma Yukaghir(Yukaghiric)

Nivkh(Amuric)

Ainu(Ainuic)

Rukai(Austronesian)

Mandarin Chinese(Sino-Tibetan)

1 Phonological structure

F01. Presence of tongue root vowel harmony Ko 2012; Ko, Whitman & Joseph (in press)

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

1 - - + + + + - + - + - - + + +/- - -

Tk (pre-) OT Kh (pre-)

MMo Evk (pre-) Ma

K (pre-) MK

J (pre-) OJ

Khn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

-RTR +RTR

Khalkha e u o a ʊ ɔ

Ewen i ə u o ɪ a ʊ ɔ

Middle Korean ə ɨ u a ʌ o

Pre-Old Japanese *i *ə *u *e *a *o

Nivkh i ə u e a o

Proto-Yukaghir *i *e *o *u *ɪ *a *ɔ *ʊ

F02. Absence of r- in initial position

Japanese razio

Korean latiwo

‘radio’

Even radio

Khalkha radio

Turkish radyo

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

2 + + + + + + + + + + - - + - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT Kh (pre-)

MMo Evk (pre-) Ma

K (pre-) MK

J (pre-) OJ

Khn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F03. Presence of velar nasal but not in initial position

Evk. ŋene- ‘to go’, Ma. genu- ‘to go together’ < pTg *g- if followed by n, r, l, m, y

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

3 + + + + - + + + - + + + + - - + -

Tk (pre-) OT Kh (pre-)

MMo Evk (pre-) Ma

K (pre-) MK

J (pre-) OJ

Khn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

4 + + + + + + - - + - - + + - - - +

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F04. Presence of voicing distinction for stops

Not in Korean: lax aspirated tense pul ‘fire‘ phul ‘grass‘ ppul ‘horn’

Not in (pre-)Old Japanese: J b, d, g < OJ np, nt, nk

In Japanese: J b, d, g

2 Lexical and semantic structure

F05. Preference for non-verbal strategy of verbal borrowing

Wohlgemuth 2009

Non-verbal Verbal

Tk. klik-le- / klik et- << English click

Khal. zee-l- << Mandarin zhài ‘borrow, lend’

Ud. tancewa-la- << Russian tancewa-t’ ‘to dance’

J zyogingu suru ‘to jog’ << English jog

Evk. vypolńaj- << Russian vypolnja-t’ ‘to fulfill’

Mandarin kaobei << French copier ‘to copy’

Ainu moketa- << J mouke-ta ‘to make a profit-PST’

K coking ha- << English jog

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

5 + +/- + +

/- - +/- + +

/- + +/- - - - - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F06. Presence of a two-way proximal-distal distinction in demonstrative pronouns

Proximal Mesial DistalJapanese ko- ‘this’ so- ‘that’ a- ‘that over there’Old Japanese ko2 ‘this’ so2 ‘that’ ka ‘that over there’Korean i ‘this’ ku ‘that’ ce ‘that over there’ Evenki er(i) ‘this’ tar(i) ‘that’Manchu ere ‘this’ tere ‘thatKhalkha e- ‘this’ te- ‘that’Turkish bu ‘this’ şu ‘that’ o ‘that over there’Old Turkic bo / bun- ‘this’ ol / an- ‘that’Khanty timi ‘this’ tomɨ ‘that’Yukagir tiŋ ‘this’ adiŋ ~ ediŋ ‘that’ taŋ ‘that over there’ Ket tu- ‘this’ ki- ‘that’ qa- ‘that over there’ Ainu ta an ‘this’ ne an ‘that’ to an okai ‘that over there’ Nivkh tyd’ ‘this’ hyd’ ‘that’ ad’ ‘that’

more distantRukai ina ‘this’ ana ‘that’ ona ‘that over there’ visible Mandarin zhè(ge) ‘this’ nà(ge) ‘that’

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

6 - + + + + + - - - + + - - - - + -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F07. Property words are verbally and nominally encoded with traces of switched encoding

verbal nominal switching

Japanese OJ atu- ‘to be hot’

OJ tasika nar- ‘to be trustworthy

OJ taka ‘high’ OJ taka- ‘to be high’

Korean MK kwut- ‘to be(come) hard’

MK kanan ha- ‘to be poor’

MK toso ho- ‘to be warm’ MK toso- ‘to be warm’

Tungusic Ma aka- ‘to be sad’

Ma. den ‘high, tall; heigth’

Ma. jalu ‘full’ Ma. jalu- ‘to be full’

Mongolic WMo. qala- ‘to be(come) warm’

WMo. qara ‘black’

MMo. bulqa ‘hostile’ MMo. bulqa-‘to be hostile’

Turkic OTk. kat- ‘to be hard, firm, tough’

OTk isig ‘hot’

OTk. ač ‘hungry’ OTk. ač- ‘to be hungry’

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

7 - + - + - + - + - + - - - - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

3 Morphological structure

F08. Inflectional morphology is predominantly suffixing

prefixing suffixing isolating

Ket + nominal + verbal

Nivkh + + light

Ainu + +

Mandarin + light +

Rukai + +

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

11 + + + + + + + + + + + - + - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F09. The imperative is expressed by a bare verb stem

OTk. kel ‘come (here)!’ Tk. gel 'come (here)!’ MMo. ire ‘come!’ Khal. ir ‘come!’ Ma. gene ‘go!’ OJ mi ‘look!’ K mek-e ‘eat!’ < pK *a 'be!' Ainu nu 'listen!'

Evk. eme-kel 'come!' J mi-ro 'look!' Khanty qolǝnt-a 'listen!' Nivkh ɣe-ja ‘Take!’ Rukai vilivili-a 'pull!' Ket úl-d-al-gaŋ 'wash him!’ (water-ACC-3.M.OBJ-IMP-wash) Yukaghir wie-Ø-k ‘make!' (make-IMP-2) Ainu nu yan 'listen!'

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

9 + + + + - + - + - + - - - - + + -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

bare with suffix

F10. Absence of obligatory numeral classifiers

With classifier Without classifier

Japaneseenpitu san-bon pencil 3-CLAS ‘three pencils’

Old Japanese nana se 7 rapid ‘seven rapids’

Koreanpus sek calwu writing.brush 3 CLAS ‘three writing brushes’

twu nala 2 country ‘two countries’

Middle Koreantwu kalh 2 knife ‘two knives’

Manchuilan fesin loho 3 CLAS sword ‘three swords’

loho ilan sword 3 ‘three swords’

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

10 + + + + + + + + - + + + + - - - +

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F11. Formation of a secondary nasal oblique stem in personal pronouns

nominative 1SG oblique 1SGOT ben min-

Khal bii bidn-

MMo. bi man-

Evk. bi: min-

Ma. bi min-

OJ wa wa-nu-ni (1SG-OBL-DAT)

Shuri waa- waN-

Khanty mä män-

Rukai -lrao -iae

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

11 - + + + + + - - - + + - - - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

4 Syntactic structure

F12. Dependent-marking of clause arguments

(1) TurkishBu ev-i Ahmet-e yap-tı-m. this house-ACC Ahmet-DAT make-PST-1SG‘I built this house for Ahmet.’ (Göksel & Kerslake 2005: 146)

(2) KhalkhaÖwgön-iig ger-t-ee ury-jee. old.man-ACC home-dat-REFL invite-PST ‘He [the tiger] invited the old man to his home.’ (Janhunen 2012: 296)

(3) EvenkiNungan eri gule-ve o:-ra-n.he this house-ACC make-PST-3SG ‘He built this house.’ (Nedjalkov 1997: 83)

(4) Korean Halapeci-kkey ton-ul tuli-ess-eyo.grandfather-DAT money-ACC give-PST-POL‘She gave her grandfather some money.’ (Sohn 1994: 84)

(5) Japanese Yamada sensei-ni tegami-o mise-ru. Yamada teacher-DAT letter-ACC show-NPST‘She shows the letter to professor Yamada.’ (Iwasaki 2006: 122)

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

12 + + + + + + + + + + + - + - - + -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F13. Dependent-marking in possessive noun phrases Dependent marking Head marking

Turkishoda-nïn kapï-sï room-GEN door-3SG.POSS ‘the door of the room’

Khalkamin-ii eej I-GEN mother ‘my mother’

Evensvinija ulrə-n swine meat-3SG.POS ‘swine’s meat, pork’

Manchuama i bo: father GEN house ‘father’s house’

Khantyqul-əm fish-2SG ‘your fish’

Koreanna-uy yenphil I-GEN pencil ‘my pencil’

Ainu eci-sikí-hi 2PL-eye-GEN ‘your eyes’

Japaneseanata no atama you-GEN head ‘your head’

Nivkhvit-ɣaŋ 2SG-book ‘your book’

Yukaghirtude kerewe-d ugurce 3SG cow-GEN leg ‘the legs of his cow’

Ketb-a:m 1SG-mother ‘my mother’

Mandarinbâba de máma father GEN mother ‘ father’s mother’

Rukaitolropongo-ni dhipolo hat-2SG.GEN Dhipolo ‘Dhipolo’s hat’.

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

13 - - + + - + + + + + - - + - - + -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F14. Extensive use of converbs

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

14 + + + + + + + + + + - - + + - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

(1) Turkish (Johanson 1995: 314) Ali gel-ince şaşır-d-ı Ali come-CONV be.surprised-PST-3SG ‘When Ali came, he was surprised’

(2) Khalkha (Janhunen 2012: 280) Ger-ees-ee gar-aad house-ABL-REFL exit-PFV.CONV deuc-en jil-iin daraa ol-d-lao forty-ADN year-GEN after find-PASS-FIN ‘She went away from home and was found forty years later’

(3) Even (Malchukov 2012: 213) Dagam-mi, kunte-le d’u-v it-ti-n approach-CONV clearing-LOC house-ACC see-PST-3SG ‘When he came nearer, he saw a house on a clearing’

(4) Korean (Sohn 2009: 300) Kiho-nun nol-ko ca-ss-eyo. Kiho-TOP play-CONV sleep-PST-POL ‘Kiho played and then slept’

(5) Japanese Taroo-ga bangohan-o tabe-te Taroo-NOM dinner-ACC eat-CONV furo-ni hai-ta. bath-DAT enter-PST ‘Taroo took a bath after he ate dinner’

F15. Use of locative existential construction to encode predicative possession

Turkish Ben-de bir kitab var I-LOC a book exist

Khalkha Nad-ed nom bai-n’ I-DAT book be-DUR

Evenki Min-du: kniga bisi-n I-DAT book be-3SG

Manchu Min-de bithe bi I-DAT book be

Korean Na-hanthey chayk-i issta I-DAT book-NOM exist

Japanese Watashi-ni hon-ga aru I-DAT book-NOM exist

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

15 + + + + + + + + + + - + - + - - +

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F16. Use of the ablative case form for comparison

(6) Japanese chikyu:-yori omoi globe-ABL be.heavy ‘heavier than the globe’

(5) literary Korean i eyse te khu-n salang this ABL more be.big-ADN love ‘a greater love than this’

(1) Turkish bu araba-dan daha büyük this car-ABL more big ‘bigger than this car

(2) Khalkha ene xun-ees iluu this person-ABL good ‘better than this person’

(3) Evenki oron-duk gugda-tmar deer-ABL tall-COMP ‘taller than a deer’

(4) Manchu ere niyalma ci sain this person ABL good ‘better than this person’

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

16 + + + + + + + - + + - + + - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

5 Grammaticalization patterns

F17. Direct insubordination

Deverbal noun suffix Finite suffix

Old Japanese naga- ‘to be long’ -> naga-sa ‘length’

punapi1to2-wo mi1-ru-ga to2mo2si-sa boat.people-ACC see-NML-GEN be.enviable-FIN ‘How enviable it is to see the boat-people!’

Middle Korean yel- ‘to bear’ -> yel-um ‘fruit’

K onul-un swuep-i eps-um. today-TOP class-NOM not.exist-FIN ‘No class today.’

Manchu mute- ‘be able’ -> mute-re ‘ability’

uthai sin-de bu-re at.once you-DAT give-FIN ‘I shall give [it] to you straight away’

Middle Mongolian quri- ‘come together’ -> quri-m ‘feast’

ulu busire-m. NEG believe-FIN ‘they don’t believe’

Old Turkic tug- ‘be born, rise (of sun)’ -> tug-ar ‘sunrise, east’

ögir-ä savin-ü yorï-r rejoice-CONV be.happy-CONV go.on-FIN ’it happily goes on with its life.’

Khanty Mansi uul- ‘to sleep’ -> uul-əm ‘sleep’

məta wajaɣ lök ənt-im some animal track NEG-FIN ‘There is not a single animal track’

deverbal noun suffix clausal (ad)nominalizer finite suffix

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

17 + + + + + + + + + + + - - - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F18. Grammaticalization of non-case marked deverbal noun suffixes into converb suffixes

deverbal noun suffix clausal (ad)nominalizer converb suffix

Deverbal noun suffix Converb suffix

Old Japanesekazas- ‘to adorn’ → kazas-i ‘adornment’

ip-u ko2to2 yam-i1 ino2ti taye-n-ure say-ADN thing stop-CONV life cease-PERF-SUBJ ‘[he] stopped speaking and [his] life ended’

Middle Korean ilwu- ‘to achieve’ → ilwu-k 'achievement'

sywoping sa-kwo tina ka-cye bread buy-CONV pass.CONV go-HORT ‘Let’s buy bread and then continue on our way’

Evenki bagda- ‘to become white’

→ bagda-ma ‘white’Sama-sel eme-mi asi-va-n ice-re shaman-PL come-CONV wife-ACC-3SG see-FIN.3SG

‘Having come, the shamans saw his wife.’

Middle Mongolian quri- ‘come together’ -> quri-m ‘feast’

Khal sour-maan (study-CONV) ‘only if you study’ < -m + -AAn reflexive possessive

Old Turkic yap- ‘to cover (tr.)’ → yap-ï ‘horse-blanket’

toruk at sämrit-i […] yügür-ü bar-mïš lean horse make.fatt-CONV run-CONV go-INFR ‘After a lean horse fattened itself, it went running’

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

17 + + + + + + + + + + - - - - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F19. Grammaticalization from negative verb to verbal negator

inflecting negative auxiliary verb + lexical verb in an adnominal form

independent negative verb

negative particle + inflecting lexical verb

negative suffix on inflecting lexical verb

F19. Grammaticalization from negative verb to verbal negator

independent verb particle / suffix

Tungusic

Evenki esile e-dyeli-m tadu-gla now NEG-FUT-1SG there-ENCL

‘Now I will not be (live) there.’

Nanai xola:-ci-si read.NEG-PST-2SG ‘You didn’t read.’

Written Mongolianükü-be-üü ese-be-üü

die-PST-INTER NEG-PST-INTER ‘Did [he] die or did [he] not?’

manu baɣši ese ire-be our teacher NEG come-PST ‘Our teacher did not come.’

Old Japanses-uru sube1-no2 na-sa do-ADN way-GEN NEG-NML ‘Nothing can be done.’

ki1mi1-ga k-i1-mas-an-u lord-GEN come-CONV-deign-NEG-ADN ‘You did not come, [my] lord.’

Turkic

Chu. epĕ kil-melle mar I come-DEB NEG *ma-r NEG-FIN ‘I don’t have to come’

OT kod-ma-ŋ-lar put-NEG-IMP-PL ‘don’t put!’

Uralic proto-Uralic *e- negative auxiliary Khanty ǝntǝ negative particle

Mandarin bu / mei ‘not exist’ bu / mei verbal negator

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

19 + + + + + + + + + + + - - - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

F20. Grammaticalization of plural/collective markers on first person pronoun into inclusive/exclusive distinction

first person pronoun first person + PL/COLL + collective/plural

inclusive/exclusive

Old Turkic biz ‘we’ biz-ler (we-PL) ‘we (as a group)’

Shor 1PL IMP = EXCL Shor 1 PL IMP + -lar PL = INCL

Middle Mongolian

ba ‘we’ bi ‘I’ *bi-da I-PL

ba ‘we (EXCL) bida ‘we (INCL)’

Manchu pTg *bö 'we' *bö-(x)e (we-COL) *bö-se (we-COL)

be 'we (EXCL)’ muse 'we (INCL)'

Evenki pTg *bö 'we' *bö-(x)e (we-COL) *bö-ti (we-COL)

bu 'we (EXCL)' mut ~ mit 'we (INCL)'

Middle Korean wuli 'we' wuli-tul we-PL

‘we (as a group)’

Japonic OJ wa- 'I/we' Kikai wa-naa I-PL Kikai wa-tjaa I-COL

Kikai wa-naa ‘we (EXCL)’ Kikai wa-tjaa ‘we (INCL)’

Ainu cóka ‘we (EXCL)’ aoka ‘we (INCL)’

Nivkh n’yŋ (EXCL) mer ~ mir 'we (INCL)'

Chinese wǒ-men ‘we (EXCL)’ zán-men ‘we (INCL)’

Rukai -nai ~ nai- ‘we (EXCL)’ -mita ~ ta- ‘we (INCL)’

Tk OT

Kh

MMo

Evk M

aK M

KJ O

J

Kh

Ket

Yk

Niv

Ain

Ch

Rk

20 - + + + + + - - - + - - - - - - -

Tk (pre-) OT

Kh (pre-) MMo Evk (pre-)

MaK (pre-)

MKJ (pre-)

OJKhn Ket Yk Niv Ain Ch Rk

Decrease of typological similarity over time

"over time the families [of Northern Eurasia] have come to resemble each other more and more in structural typology, …”

Nichols (2011: 177)

Delimitation Transeurasian from Uralic type

“there are no … typological features that are specific only to "Altaic" without Uralic".

Janhunen (2014: 331)

F Altaic/Transeurasian Uralic

1 tongue root vowel harmony palatal harmony

4 voicing distinction for stops original singleton-geminate distinction

5 non-verbal strategy for verbal borrowing direct insertion

7 mixed and switched encoding of property words nominal encoding

9 bare stems as imperatives marking of imperatives with second person suffixes

13 dependent-marking in possessive noun phrases original head-marking in Uralic

18 grammaticalization of non-case marked deverbal noun suffixes into converb suffixes peripheral case-marked deverbal noun suffixes

20 inclusive/exclusive distinction on first person pronoun

lack of an inclusive-exclusive distinction on its person pronouns.

Areal vs. genealogical patterns

• History: decrease of typological similarity over time

• Geography: absence of features in spite of geographical proximity and sharing of features in spite of geographical isolation

• Distribution: structural uniformity originally lower in Korean (70%) than in Japanese (90%)

• Recurrent grammaticalization: prototypical Transeurasian structures are cyclically renewed by new morphological means

• Isomorphism: structural parallels combine with formal correspondences

Conclusion

• over time Transeurasian languages have come to resemble each other less in certain typological features

• possible to delimit a Transeurasian structural type from a Uralic one

• residue of features of common ancestor