Statutul Cercului de Istorie si Relatii Internationale

8/13/2019 Statutul Cercului de Istorie si Relatii Internationale

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the sources of error in historical writings, in particular partisanship, overconfidence

in sources, failure to understand what is intended, a mistaken belief in the truth, theinability to place an event in its real context, the desire to gain the favour of those

in high rank, exaggeration, and what he regarded as the most important of all,ignorance of the laws governing the transformation of human society. Ibn

Khaldun's attitude to the study of social phenomena is suffused with a spirit which

has caused several commentators to call him the founder of sociology. His attemptat creating a theoretical structure for the analysis of history is a very impressivecontribution to the philosophy of history (seeHistory, philosophy of;Society,

concept of).

For Ibn Khaldun, human society is necessary since the individual acting alonecould acquire neither the necessary food nor security. Only the division of labour,

in and through society, makes this possible. The state arises through the need of a

restraining force to curb the natural aggression of humanity. A state isinconceivable without a society, while a society is well-nigh impossible without a

state (seePolitical philosophy in classical Islam). Social phenomena seem to obeylaws which, while not as absolute as those governing natural phenomena, aresufficiently constant to cause social events to follow regular and well-defined

patterns and sequences. Hence a grasp of these laws enables the sociologist to

understand the trend of events. These laws operate on masses and cannot besignificantly influenced by isolated individuals. There is very little talk of 'great

men' in Ibn Khaldun's books; while individuals do affect the course of events, theirinfluence is very limited.

The overwhelming impression given by Ibn Khaldun's writings is that society is anorganism that obeys its own inner laws. These laws can be discovered by applying

human reason to data either culled from historical records or obtained by direct

observation. These data are fitted into an implicit framework derived from his

views on human and social nature, his religious beliefs and the legal precepts andphilosophical principles to which he adheres. He argues that more or less the sameset of laws operates across societies with the same kind of structure, so that his

remarks about nomads apply equally well to Arab Bedouins, both contemporary

and pre-Islamic, and to Berbers, Turkomen and Kurds. These laws are explicablesociologically, and are not a mere reflection of biological impulses or physical

factors. To be sure, facts such as climate and food are important, but he attributes

greater influence to such purely social factors as cohesion, occupation and wealth.This comes out very clearly in his discussion of national characters, for example of

Arabs, Persians and Jews, where he is careful to point out that what are regarded as

characteristic features can be explained by sociological factors such as nomadism,

urbanization and oppression. Similarly, different social groups, such astownspeople, nomads and traders, have their own characteristics derived from theiroccupations.
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Ibn Khaldun sees the historical process as one of constant cyclical change, due

mainly to the interaction of two groups, nomads and townspeople. These form thetwo poles of his mental map; peasants are in between, supplying the towns with

food and tax revenue and taking handicrafts in return. Nomads are rough, savageand uncultured, and their presence is always inimical to civilization; however, they

are hardy, frugal, uncorrupt in morals, freedom-loving and self-reliant, and so make

excellent fighters. In addition, they have a strong sense of 'asabiya, which can betranslated as 'group cohesion' or 'social solidarity'. This greatly enhances theirmilitary potential. Towns, by contrast, are the seats of the crafts, the sciences, the

arts and culture. Yet luxury corrupts them, and as a result they become a liability to

the state, like women and children who need to be protected. Solidarity iscompletely relaxed and the arts of defending oneself and of attacking the enemy are

forgotten, so they are no match for conquering nomads.

Ibn Khaldun then traces very clearly the political and social cycle. Nomads conquerterritories and their leaders establish a new dynasty. At first the new rulers retain

their tribal virtues and solidarity, but soon they seek to concentrate all authority intheir own hands. Increasingly they rule through a bureaucracy of clients - oftenforeigners. As their former supporters lose their military virtues there is an

increasing use of mercenaries, and soldiers come to be more important than

civilians. Luxury corrupts ethical life, and the population decreases. Risingexpenditure demands higher taxes, which discourage production and eventually

result in lower revenues. The ruler and his clients become isolated from the groupsthat originally brought them to power. Such a process of decline is taken to last

three generations, or about one hundred and twenty years. Religion can influencethe nature of such a model; when 'asabiyais reinforced by religion its strength ismultiplied, and great empires can be founded. Religion can also reinforce the

cohesion of an established state. Yet the endless cycle of flowering and decay

shows no evolution or progress except for that from the primitive to civilizedsociety.

Ibn Khaldun does occasionally refer to the existence of turning points in history,

and thought that he was himself witnessing one of them. The main cause for this

great change was the Black Death, which had a profound effect upon Muslimsociety, together with the Mongol invasions; and he may also have been impressed

by the development of Europe, whose merchants and ships thronged the seaports of

North Africa and whose soldiers served as mercenaries in the Muslim armies. Hesuggests that a general change in conditions can produce an entirely new social and

political scene, rather as if a new world had been created.

3. Critique of Islamic philosophy

Ibn Khaldun wrote on other topics apart from history, although in his

autobiography he is rather coy about admitting it. In hisShifa' al-sa'il (The Healingof the Seeker),he responds to the question as to whether it is possible to attain
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mystical knowledge without the help of a Sufi master leading the novice along the

path. Ibn Khaldun tends to followal-Ghazali (3)in reconciling mysticism withtheology, but he goes further than the latter in bringing mysticism completely

within the purview of the jurisprudent (faqih) and in developing a model of theSufishaykh, or master, as rather similar to the theologian. The fourteenth century,

in which Ibn Khaldun was working, was very strongly influenced by what Fakhry

(1970)calls 'neo-Hanbalism', which brought with it a strong suspicion of the claimsof both mysticism and philosophy. Philosophy was regarded as going beyond itsappropriate level of discourse, in that 'the intellect should not be used to weigh such

matters as the oneness of God, the other world, the truth of prophecy, the real

character of the divine attributes, or anything else that lies beyond the level of theintellect' (Muqaddima3, 38). He refers to the intellect as like a balance which is

meant for gold, but which is sometimes inappropriately used for weighing

mountains. Logic cannot be applied to this area of enquiry, and must be restricted

to non-theological topics (seeLogic in Islamic philosophy).

Ibn Khaldun is also critical of Neoplatonic philosophy (seeNeoplatonism inIslamic philosophy). The main object of his criticism is the notion of a hierarchy of

being, according to which human thought can be progressively purified until it

encompasses the First Intellect which is identified with the necessary being, that is,

God. He argued that this process is inconceivable without the participation ofrevelation, so that it is impossible for human beings to achieve the highest level of

understanding and happiness through the use of reason alone. Interestingly, thebasis of his argument here rests on the irreducibility of the empirical nature of our

knowledge of facts, which cannot then be converted into abstract and pure conceptsat a higher level of human consciousness.

Ibn Khaldun also had little respect for the political theories of thinkers like al-

Farabi (4),with their notions of rational government being based upon an ideal

prophetic law. He saw little point in using theories which dealt with ideals that havenothing to do with the practicalities of contemporary political life. Although IbnKhaldun rarely agrees withIbn Rushd,there is no doubt that his thought is strongly

marked by the controversy between him and al-Ghazali, the latter being

acknowledged as the surer guide to the truth. The basis of Ibn Khaldun's critique ofphilosophy is his adherence to the notion of the state. Religion has a vital role in

society, and any argument that it can be identified with either reason or contact

with God is to threaten that function. This is doubtless the basis of his attack onIslamic philosophy and on mysticism.

Although Ibn Khaldun is hostile to a version of Islamic philosophy, his discussionof society is full of observations and ideas which clearly have as their source

philosophical distinctions. For example, his account of the three stages in the

development of the state, from the nomadic to the militant and finally to the

luxurious and decadent is modelled on the three types of soul in Greek thought(seeSoul in Islamic philosophy 2), as is his notion of'asabiya, of the spirit of
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cohesion, as a point of equilibrium between different aspects of the soul. One of the

features of Ibn Khaldun's work which makes it so thought-provoking is the tension,which he never finally resolved, between a concern to acknowledge the facts of

historical change while at the same time bringing those facts under very generaltheoretical principles. His contribution to the philosophy of history is outstanding.2

Ibn Khaldun , ' Abd al - Rahman (1332-1406)

Ibn Khaldun de lucru cu privire la filozofia istoriei este un punct de reper de gndire social . Muli

istorici - greceti , romane , musulmani i a altor - au scris istoriografie valoros , dar aici avem reflecii

strlucitoare pe sens , modelul i legile istoriei i societii , precum i intuiii profunde n natura

proceselor sociale i interconexiunile dintre fenomenele n astfel de domenii diverse, precum politica

, economie , sociologie i educaie . Prin luarea n considerare orice , Ibn Khaldun a fost figura

remarcabile n tiinele sociale ntre Aristotel i Machiavelli , i unul dintre cei mai mari filozofi dinistoria din toate timpurile .

Lucrarea sa cea mai important filozofic este Muqaddima , introducerea de o istorie mult mai lung

de arabi i berberi . n aceast lucrare , Ibn Khaldun definete n mod clar o tiin a culturii i expune

cu privire la natura a societii umane i pe ciclurile politice i sociale . Diferite grupuri sociale ,

nomazi , oreni i comercianilor , de a interaciona cu i afecteaz unul pe altul ntr-un model

continuu . Religia a jucat un rol important n concepia lui Ibn Khaldun de stat , i a urmat al-Ghazali ,

mai degrab dect Ibn Rushd ca un ghid mai sigur a adevrului .

Viaa i contextul cultural

Filozofie a istoriei

Critica filosofiei islamice

1 . Viaa i contextul cultural

Abu Zayd ' Abd al - Rahman ibn Khaldun al- Hadrami sa nscut la Tunis n ah 732/ad 1332 . El a fost

adnc nrdcinat n trecutulsu islamic , care ocup posturile din guvern ridicat n Granada , Maroc

, Algeria , Tunisia i Egipt . El a petrecut patru ani printre beduini , i a negociat cu att Pedrocrud a

Spaniei din Sevilla i cu Timur Lenk ( Timur Lenk ), la marginea de Damasc. El a fost profund versat n

literatur arab , teologie , istoriografia , jurispruden i filosofie , i a fost influenat n special n

acesta din urm prin Averroes sau Ibn Rushd . El a murit n Cairo n ah 808/ad 1406 .

2CHARLES ISSAWI, OLIVER LEAMAN, Copyright 1998, Routledge.

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Ibn Khaldun a trit ntr-un moment n care a fost posibil pentru a reflecta asupra o perioad lung i

profund a gndirii islamice , i se pare c a simit c o parte din funcia sa de scriitor a fost de a

rezuma aceast perioad , cu scopul de continuare a ndreptat spre viitorul de cercetare intelectual

islamice . Aa cum era de ateptat , el a folosit termenii i conceptele din timpul su , i unii au

susinut c el a fost un fenomen cultural - specifice ( al- Azmeh 1981) , astfel nct orice ncercare de

interpretare a gndirii sale n termeni de Vest trebuie s o denatureze fatal . Aceasta este o eroare .

Ca toate mari gnditori , gndirea Ibn Khaldun conine att elemente specifice i universale , iar

acesta din urm poate fi uor transportate la cititorii moderne, cu nu mai mult de dificultile

obinuite de traducere de la o perioad cultural i istoric la alta .

2 . Filozofie a istoriei

Lucrarea pe care Ibn Khaldun reputaia lui n principal resturi este Muqaddima , introducerea la

marea istoria sa de arabi i berberi , Kitab al-' Ibar , care este mprit n alte ase cri . n prima

carte el prezint un cont general de sociologie , n al doilea i al treilea o sociologia politic , n al

patrulea o sociologie a vieii urbane , n a cincea o sociologia de economie i n a asea o sociologia

cunoaterii . ntreaga lucrare este mpnzit cu observaii strlucitoare . Astfel, n domeniul economiei

, Ibn Khaldun nelege foarte clar factorii cererii i ofertei care afecteaz preul , interdependena a

preurilor i a efectelor unda pe etape succesive de producie de o scdere a preurilor , precum i

natura i funcia de bani i de tendina de s circule de la o ar la alta n funcie de cerere i de

nivelul de activitate . n scrierile sale cu privire la finanele publice ,el arat de ce la nceputul unei

impozitare dinastie produce un venit mare de la rate sczute de evaluare , dar la final un mic venit dela rate ridicate de evaluare . n alt parte observaiile sale cu privire la evoluia limba arab i script-ul

sunt exemple magistrale de analiz sociologic , i observaiile sale cu privire la diferena dintre

dobndirea o calificare ntr-o limb de nvare i gramatica ei , i cu privire la utilizarea de intuiie ,

spre deosebire de logica in rezolvarea dificil probleme , pot fi citite cu profit .

Cu toate acestea , aceasta este opiniile Ibn Khaldun cu privire la natura statului i a societii , care

dezvluie cel mai clar att n profunzime su i originalitatea pe care -l marcheaz pe att de brusc de

la predecesorii si musulmani i succesori . Ibn Khaldun a realizat pe deplin c a creat o nou

disciplin , ' ilm al-' Umran , tiina culturii i considerat ca surprinztor c nimeni nu a fcut acest

lucru nainte i delimitat de alte discipline . Aceast tiin poate fi de mare ajutor pentru istoricul de

a crea un standard prin care s judece conturile de evenimente trecute . Prin studiul a societii

umane , se poate distinge ntre posibil i imposibil , i astfel distinge ntre cele ale fenomenelor sale,

care sunt eseniale i cele care sunt doar accidentale , i , de asemenea, cei care nu pot avea loc la

toate . El a analizat n detaliu sursele de eroare n scrierile istorice , n special partizanat ,

overconfidence n surse , eecul de a nelege ceea ce este destinat , o credin greit n adevr ,

incapacitatea de a plasa un eveniment n contextul su real , dorina de a obine favoarea celor de la

rang nalt , exagerare , i ceea ce el a considerat ca fiind cel mai important dintre toate , ignorana

legilor care guverneaz transformarea societii umane . Atitudinea Ibn Khaldun la studiulfenomenelor sociale este saturate cu un spirit care a cauzat mai multe comentatori s-l cheme


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fondatorul sociologiei . ncercarea sa de a crea o structur teoretic pentru analiza de istorie este o

contribuie foarte impresionant la filozofia istoriei ( vezi istorie, filozofie a , Societatea , conceptul a ) .

Ibn Khaldun pentru , societatea uman este necesar , deoarece individul care acioneaz singur arputea dobndi nici hrana , nici de securitate necesare . Numai diviziunea muncii , n i prin societate ,

face acest lucru posibil . Apare de stat prin nevoia de o for de reinere a reduce agresiunea natural

a umanitii . Un stat este de neconceput fr o societate , n timp ce o societate este bine - aproape

imposibil fr un stat ( a se vedea filozofie politic n Islam clasic ) . Fenomene sociale par s se

supun legilor care , n timp ce nu la fel de absolut ca i cele care reglementeaz fenomene naturale

, sunt suficient de constante de a provoca evenimente sociale s urmeze modele i secvene regulate

i bine definite . Prin urmare, o nelegere a acestor legi permite sociologul a nelege tendina de

evenimente . Aceste legi funcioneaz pe masele i nu poate fi influenat semnificativ de indivizi

izolai . Exist foarte puine vorbesc de " oameni mari " n crile lui Ibn Khaldun lui , n timp ce

persoanele fizice nu afecteze cursul evenimentelor , influena lor este foarte limitat .

Impresia copleitoare dat descrierile lui Ibn Khaldun este c societatea este un organism care ascult

de propriile sale legi interioare . Aceste legi pot fi descoperite prin aplicarea raiunea uman a datelor

, fie culese din documente istorice sau obinute prin observare direct .Aceste date sunt montate

ntr-un cadru implicit derivat din opiniile sale cu privire la principii filozofice la care el ader om i

natur social , convingerile sale religioase i preceptele legale i . El susine c funcioneaz mai mult

sau mai puin acelai set de legi n societi cu acelai tip de structur , astfel c remarcile sale despre

nomazi se aplic la fel de bine la beduini arabi , att contemporane i pre - islamic , i de berberi ,turcmeni i kurzi . Aceste legi sunt explicabile sociologic , i nu sunt o simpl reflectare de impulsuri

biologice sau factori fizici . Pentru a fi sigur , fapte , cum ar fi clima i produse alimentare sunt

importante , dar el atribuie influen mai mare la astfel de factori pur sociale ca coeziune , ocupaia i

bogie . Acest lucru iese foarte clar n discuia lui de caractere naionale , de exemplu de arabi ,

persani i evrei , n cazul n care el este atent s subliniez c ceea ce sunt privite ca trsturi

caracteristice poate fi explicat prin factori sociologici , cum ar fi nomadism , urbanizarea i

opresiune . n mod similar , diferite grupuri sociale , cum ar fi oreni , nomazi i comerciani , au

propriile lor caracteristici derivate din ocupaiile lor .

Ibn Khaldun vede procesul istoric ca unul de schimbare ciclice constant , n principal din cauza

interaciunii dintre dou grupuri , nomazi i oreni . Acestea formeaz cei doi poli de hart mental ,

ranii sunt n ntre , furnizarea oraele cu alimentei venituri fiscale i luarea de artizanat n schimb .

Nomazi sunt dur , slbatic i incult , iar prezena lor este ntotdeauna n opoziie cu civilizaia , cu

toate acestea , ele sunt rezistente , frugal , neputrezit n moral , iubitor de libertate i de sine-

stttoare , i aa face luptatori excelente . n plus , ele au un puternic sentiment de " asabiya , care

poate fi tradus ca " coeziune de grup " sau " solidaritate social " . Acest lucru mbuntete foarte

mult potenialul militar . Orae , princontrast , sunt locurile de meteugurile , tiinele , artele i

cultura . Cu toate acestea, de lux le corupe , i ca urmare, acestea devin o datorie la stat , cum ar fifemeile i copiii care au nevoie s fie protejate . Solidaritatea este complet relaxat i artele de


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aprare de sine i de a ataca inamicul sunt uitate , astfel nct acestea nu sunt un meci pentru

cucerirea nomazi .

Ibn Khaldun apoi urme foarte clar ciclul politic i social . Nomazi cuceri teritorii i liderii lor sstabileasc o nou dinastie . La nceput, noii conductori pstreaz virtuile lor tribale i de

solidaritate , dar curnd ei caut s-i concentreze toat puterea n propriile mini . Din ce n ce ele

se pronune printr-o birocraie de clienti - de multe ori strini . Ca fotii susintorii lor pierde virtuile

lor militare exist o utilizare tot mai mare de mercenari , i soldai ajuns s fie mai important dect

civili . Corupe de lux de via etic , precum i a populaiei scade . Cheltuieli n cretere cere taxe mai

mari , care descurajeaz producia i n cele din urm duce la venituri mai mici . Domnitorul i clienii

si s devin izolat de la grupurile care iniial le-a adus la putere . Un astfel de proces de declin este

luat pentru ultimele trei generaii , sau aproximativ 120 ani . Religia poate influena natura unui

astfel de model , atunci cnd " asabiya este ntrit de religie puterea sa este nmulit , iar marile

imperii poate fi fondat . Religia poate consolida , de asemenea, coeziunea unui stat stabilit . Cu toateacestea, ciclul nesfrit de nflorire i decdere nu prezint nici o evoluie sau progres , cu excepia c

de la primitiv la societate civilizat .

Ibn Khaldun se din cnd n cnd se refer la existena unor puncte de cotitur n istorie , i a crezut c

el a fost nsui martorii unul dintre ei . Principala cauz pentru aceast mare schimbare a fost

Moartea Neagra , care a avut un efect profund asupra societii musulmane , mpreun cu invaziile

mongole , i el poate , de asemenea, au fost impresionati de dezvoltarea Europei , ale crui negustori

i nave mbulzeau porturile maritime din Africa de Nord i a crei soldai a servit ca mercenari inarmatele musulmane . El sugereaz c o schimbare general n condiii poate produce o scena social

i politic cu totul nou , mai degrab, ca n cazul n care a fost creat o lume nou .

3 . Critica filosofiei islamice

Ibn Khaldun scria pe alte teme n afar de istorie , dei n autobiografia sa, el este destul de sfios

despre admite ea . n Shifa su " al- sa'il ( Vindecarea a Seeker ) , el rspunde la ntrebarea dac esteposibil s se ating de cunotine mistice , fr ajutorul unui maestru sufi lider novice de-a lungul cii

. Ibn Khaldun tinde s urmeze al-Ghazali ( 3 ) n reconcilierea misticism cu teologie , dar el merge

mai departe dect acesta din urm n a aduce misticism complet n domeniul de aplicare al

jurisprudent ( faqih ) i n dezvoltarea unui model de Shaykh Sufi , sau comandantul , ca fiind destul

de similar cu teolog . Secolul al XIV-lea , n care Ibn Khaldun a fost de lucru , a fost foarte puternic

influenat de ceea ce Fakhry ( 1970) apeluri " neo- Hanbalism " , care a adus cu ea o suspiciune

puternic a creanelor , att misticism i filozofie . Filosofia a fost considerat ca depind nivelul

adecvat de discurs , n care " intelectul nu ar trebui s fie folosite pentru a evalua aspecte cum ar fi

unicitatea lui Dumnezeu , lumea cealalt , adevrul profeiei , caracterul real al atributelor divine ,

sau orice altceva care se afl dincolo de nivelul intelectului " ( Muqaddima 3 , 38 ) . El se refer laintelectul ca ca un echilibru , care este destinat pentru aur , dar care este , uneori, folosit


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necorespunzator pentru cntrirea muni . Logic , nu pot fi aplicate n acest domeniu de cercetare , i

trebuie s se limiteze la subiectele non- teologice ( a se vedea Logic n filozofie islamic ) .

Ibn Khaldun este , de asemenea, critic de filozofia neoplatonic ( a se vedea neoplatonism n filozofieislamic ) . Obiectul principal de critica lui este noiunea de ierarhie a fi , n conformitate cu care

gndirea uman poate fi purificat progresiv pn cnd cuprinde primul Intelectul care este identificat

cu fiina necesar , adic , Dumnezeu . El a argumentat c acest proces este de neconceput fr

participarea de revelaie , astfel c este imposibil pentru fiinele umane pentru a atinge cel mai nalt

nivel de nelegere i fericire , prin folosirea raiunii . Interesant , n funcie de argumentul su de aici

se bazeaz pe ireductibilitatea a naturii empirice a cunotinelor noastre de fapte , care nu pot fi

transformate n concepte abstracte i pur , la un nivel mai ridicat de constiinta umana .

Ibn Khaldun a avut , de asemenea, puin respect pentru teoriile politice ale gnditori , cum ar fi al-

Farabi ( 4 ) , cu noiunile lor de guvernare raional se bazeaz pe o lege ideal profetic . El a vzut

puin un punct n utilizarea teorii care se ocup cu idealuri care nu au nimic de -a face cu aspectele

practice ale vieii politice contemporane . Dei Ibn Khaldun rareori este de acord cu Ibn Rushd , nu

exist nici o ndoial c gndirea lui este puternic marcat de controverse ntre el i al-Ghazali ,

acesta din urm fiind recunoscut ca ghid mai sigur a adevrului . Baza de critica Ibn Khaldun a

filosofiei este de aderarea sa la noiunea de stat . Religia are un rol vital n societate , iar orice

argument care s poat fi identificat cu nici un motiv sau contactul cu Dumnezeu este s amenine

aceast funcie. Aceasta este , fr ndoial, la baza de atacul asupra filozofiei islamice i pe

misticism.

Dei Ibn Khaldun este ostil la o versiune de filozofie islamic , discuia lui de societate este plin de

observaii i idei care au n mod clar ca distinciile lor surs filozofice . De exemplu , contul su din

cele trei etape n dezvoltarea statului , de la nomad lamilitant i n cele din urm la lux i decadent

este modelat pe cele trei tipuri de suflet n gndirea greac ( a se vedea Soul n filozofie islamic 2 )

, aa cum este noiunea de " asabiya , a spiritului de coeziune , ca un punct de echilibru ntre

diferitele aspecte ale sufletului . Una dintre caracteristicile de munca lui Ibn Khaldun , care -l face att

de gndit este tensiunea , care nu a rezolvat n cele din urm , ntre o preocupare de a recunoate

faptele de schimbare istoric n timp ce , n acelai timp, aduce aceste fapte n conformitate cu

principii teoretice foarte generale . Contribuia sa la filozofia istoriei este remarcabil .

Generally considered the greatest Arab historian and the father of Sociology and the sciences of History, Ibn

Khaldun (in full Abu Zayd 'Abd al-Rahman ibn Khaldun) developed one of the earliest nonreligious philosophies

of history in his masterwork, theMuqaddimah.

Khaldun's extraordinarily eventful life is chronicled in his autobiography,Al-ta'rif bi Ibn Khaldun.He came from

an illustrious family and enjoyed an excellent education in his youth. Both his parents died when the Black

Death struck Tunis in 1349.


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At the age of 20 he was given a post at the court of Tunis, and later became secretary to the sultan of Morocco

in Fez. In the late 1350s he was imprisoned for two years for suspicion of participating in a rebellion. After

being released and promoted by a new ruler, he again fell out of favor, and he decided to go to Granada. Ibn

Khaldun had served the Muslim ruler of Granada in Fez, and Granada's prime minister, Ibn al-Khatib, was a

renowned writer and a good friend to Ibn Khaldun.

A year later he was sent to Seville to conclude a peace treaty with King Pedro I of Castile, who treated him with

great generosity. However, intrigue raised its ugly head and rumors were spread of his disloyalty, adversely

affecting his friendship with Ibn al-Khatib. He returned to Africa, where he changed employers with unfortunate

frequency and served in a variety of administrative posts.

In 1375, Ibn Khaldun sought refuge from the tumultous political sphere with the tribe of Awlad 'Arif. They

lodged him and his family in a castle in Algeria, where he spent four years writing the Muqaddimah.This

superior work is not merely a history of the Arabs and Berbers, it is also a discussion of historical method and

the development of a philosophy of history.

Illness drew him back to Tunis, where he continued his writing until difficulties with the current ruler prompted

him to leave once more. He moved to Egypt and eventually took a teaching post at the Quamhiyyah college in

Cairo, where he later became chief judge of the Maliki rite, one of the four recognized rites of Sunnite Islam. He

took his duties as judge very seriously -- perhaps too seriously for most of the tolerant Egyptians, and his term

did not last long.

During his time in Egypt, Ibn Khaldun was able to make a pilgrimage to Mecca and visit Damascus and

Palestine. Except for one incident in which he was forced to participate in a palace revolt, his life there was

relatively peaceful -- until Timur invaded Syria.

The new sultan of Egypt, Faraj, went out to meet Timur and his victorious forces, and Ibn Khaldun was among

the notables he took with him. When the Mamluk army returned to Egypt, they left Ibn Khaldun in besieged

Damascus. The city fell into great peril, and the city leaders began negotiations with Timur, who asked to meet

Ibn Khaldun. The illustrious scholar was lowered over the city wall by ropes in order to join the conqueror.

Ibn Khaldun spent nearly two months in the company of Timur, who treated him with respect. The scholar used

his years of accumulated knowledge and wisdom to charm the ferocious conqueror, and when Timur asked for a

description of North Africa, Ibn Khaldun gave him a complete written report. He witnessed the sack of

Damascus and the burning of the great mosque, but he was able to secure safe passage from the decimated

city for himself and other Egyptian civilians.

On his way home from Damascus, laden with gifts from Timur, Ibn Khaldun was robbed and stripped by a band

of Bedouin. With the greatest of difficulty he made his way to the coast, where a ship belonging to the Sultan of

Rum, carrying an ambassador to the sultan of Egypt, took him to Gaza. Thus he estabished contact with the

rising Ottoman Empire.

The rest of Ibn Khaldun's journey and, indeed, the rest of his life were relatively uneventful. He died in 1406

and was buried in the cemetery outside one of Cairo's main gates. 3

Ibn KhaldunSubmitted by Anonymous (not verified) on Mon, 2008/02/04 - 05:06.

3 Melissa Snell,Abu Zayd 'Abd al-Rahman ibn KhaldunA Concise Biography

http://historymedren.about.com/od/kwho/a/bio_khaldun.htm
http://baheyeldin.com/history/ibn-khaldun.html#comment-3499http://baheyeldin.com/history/ibn-khaldun.html#comment-3499http://historymedren.about.com/bio/Melissa-Snell-2232.htmhttp://historymedren.about.com/bio/Melissa-Snell-2232.htmhttp://historymedren.about.com/od/kwho/a/bio_khaldun.htmhttp://historymedren.about.com/od/kwho/a/bio_khaldun.htmhttp://historymedren.about.com/od/kwho/a/bio_khaldun.htmhttp://historymedren.about.com/bio/Melissa-Snell-2232.htmhttp://baheyeldin.com/history/ibn-khaldun.html#comment-3499


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1. IBN KHALDUN

Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Khaldun (May 27, 1332 AD/732 AH March 19, 1406 AD/808 AH) was anArab famous Muslim polymath: an historian, historiographer, demographer, economist, philosopher, politicaltheorist, sociologist and statesman whose treatise, the "Muqaddima", in which he pioneered a generalsociological theory of history, shows him as one of the most original thinkers of the Middle Ages. Abd al-Rahman Ibn Mohammad is generally known as Ibn Khaldun after a remote ancestor. He is considered the father

of demography, cultural history, historiography, the philosophy of history, sociology, and the social sciences,and is viewed as one of the forerunners of modern economics.

1.1. The familyIbn Khalduns - of southern Arabian origin - ancestors were from the Hadhramawt, now south eastern Yemen,and he relates that, in the eighth century, one Khaldun ibn Uthman was with the Yemeni divisions that helpedthe Muslims colonize the Iberian Peninsula. Khaldun ibn Uthman settled first at Carmona and then in Seville,where several of the family had distinguished careers as scholars and officials, they settled in Seville after theMoslem conquest of Spain and distinguished themselves in the political and intellectual life of the city. Duringthe Christian recon quest of the Iberian Peninsula, the family immigrated to North Africa, probably about 1248,eventually settling in Tunis. Under the Tunisian Hafsid dynasty some of his family held political office; IbnKhalduns father and grandfather however withdrew from political life and joined a mystical order. Ibn Khaldunalways felt attached to the cultural tradition of Moslem Spain. However, the biographer Mohammad Enanquestions his claim, suggesting that his family may have been Berbers who pretended to be of Arab origin inorder to gain social status.

1.2. The beginningIbn Khaldun was born in Tunisia on May 27, 1332 (732 A.H.) into an upper-class Andalusian family. At the ageof 17, the plague, or Black Death, reached Tunis. Ibn Khaldun lost both his parents to an epidemic of theplague which hit the city. His parents and several of his teachers died when the terrible epidemic that struck theMiddle East, North Africa and Europe in 13471348, killing at least one-third of the population, had a traumaticeffect on the survivors. Its impact showed in every aspect of life: art, literature, social structures andintellectual life. It was clearly one of the experiences that shaped Ibn Khalduns perception of the world.1.3. EducationGrowing up in Tunis, Ibn Khaldun studied the traditional religious sciences including law according to the Malikischool as well as the rational sciences. His family's high rank enabled Ibn Khaldun to study with the best NorthAfrican teachers of the time. He received a classical Arabic education, studying the Qur'an and Arabiclinguistics, the basis for an understanding of the Qur'an, hadith, and fiqh. The mystic, mathematician andphilosopher Al-Abili introduced him to mathematics, logic and philosophy, where he above all studied the worksof Averroes, Avicenna, Razi and al-Tusi. He also was trained in the arts necessary for a career in government.

Among his teachers, he was most impressed by al-Abili, who came to Tunis in 1347 and introduced him tophilosophy.Following family tradition, Ibn Khaldun strove for a political career. In the face of a tumultuous politicalsituation in North Africa, this required a high degree of skill developing and dropping alliances prudently, toavoid falling with the short-lived regimes of the time. Ibn Khalduns autobiography is the story of an adve nture,in which he spends time in prison, reaches the highest offices and falls again into exile.

1.4. YouthAt the age of 20, he began his political career at the Chancellery of the Tunisian ruler Ibn Tafrakin with theposition of Ktib al-'Almah, which consisted of writing in fine calligraphy the typical introductory notes ofofficial documents. In 1352, the Sultan of Constantine, marched on Tunis and defeated it. Ibn Khaldun, in anycase unhappy with his respected but politically meaningless position, followed his teacher Abili to Fez. Here theMarinid sultan appointed him as a writer of royal proclamations, which didn't prevent Ibn Khaldun fromscheming against his employer. In 1357 this brought the 25-year-old a 22-month prison sentence. At the deathof the sultan in 1358, the vizier granted him freedom and reinstated him in his rank and offices. Ibn Khaldunthen schemed against the sultan successor, with Abu Salem's exiled uncle, Abu Salem. When Abu Salem cameto power, he gave Ibn Khaldun a ministerial position, the first position which corresponded with Ibn Khaldunsambitions.

1.5. Early yearsThe treatment Ibn Khaldun received after the fall of Abu Salem through Ibn-Amar Abdullah, a friend of IbnKhalduns, was not to his liking, he received no sign ificant official position. At the same time, Amar successfullyprevented Ibn Khaldun - whose political skills he was well aware of - from allying with the sultan of Tlemcen.Ibn Khaldun therefore decided to move to Granada. He could be sure of a positive welcome there, since at Fezhe had helped the Sultan of Granada, the Nasrid Muhammad V, who regain power from his temporary exile. In1364 Muhammad entrusted him with a diplomatic mission to the King of Castile, Pedro the Cruel, to endorse apeace treaty. Ibn Khaldun successfully carried out this mission and politely declined Pedro's offer to remain athis court and have his family's Spanish possessions returned to him.In Granada, Ibn Khaldun quickly came into competition with Muhammad's vizier, who saw the close relationship

between Muhammad and Ibn Khaldun with increasing mistrust. Ibn Khaldun tried to shape the youngMuhammad into his ideal of a wise ruler, an enterprise which Muhammad's vizier thought foolish and a dangerto peace in the country - and history proved him right. At Muhammad's vizier instigation, Ibn Khaldun was


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forced to leave Granada, though with official honours, in 1365; he was eventually sent back to North Africa.Muhammad's vizier himself was later accused by Muhammad of having unorthodox philosophical views, andmurdered, despite an attempt by Ibn Khaldun to intercede on behalf of his old rival.

1.6. Late yearsIbn Khaldun accepted an invitation from the Hafsid ruler of Bougie and became his minister. When the rulerwas defeated and killed by his cousin a year later, Ibn Khaldun entered the service of the cousin but soon left

as a result of court intrigue. The next 9 years were the most turbulent of his life. Thoroughly disappointed withhis court experiences, he tried to keep away from politics and spent most of the time in research and teachingin Biskra, at the sanctuary of the saint Abu Madyan near Tlemcen, and in Fez. He felt, however, repeatedlyobliged to assume political missions for various rulers among the Arab tribes in the area. In 1375 he brieflyreturned to Granada but was expelled.

1.7. Last years in EgyptHowever, even in Egypt, where Ibn Khaldun lived out his days, he could not stay out of politics completely. In1384 the Egyptian Sultan, al-Malik udh-Dhahir Barquq, made him Professor of the Qamhiyyah Madrasah, andgrand Qadi (supreme judge) of the Maliki school of fiqh or religious law (one of four schools, the Maliki schoolwas widespread primarily in West Africa). His efforts at reform encountered resistance, however, and within ayear he had to resign his judgeship. A contributory factor to his decision to resign may have been the heavypersonal blow that struck him in 1384, when a ship carrying his wife and children sank off the coast ofAlexandria. Ibn Khaldun now decided to complete the pilgrimage to Mecca after all.After his return in May 1388, Ibn Khaldun concentrated more strongly on a purely educational function at

various Cairo madrasas. At court he fell out of favour for a time, as during revolts against Barquq he had -apparently under duress - together with other Cairo jurists issued a Fatwa against Barquq. Later relations withBarquq returned to normal, and he was once again named the Maliki qadi. Altogether he was called six times tothis high office, which for various reasons he never held long.In 1401, under Barquq's successor, his son Faraj, Ibn Khaldun took part in a military campaign against theMongol conqueror Timur, who besieged Damascus. Ibn Khaldun cast doubt upon the viability of the venture anddidn't really want to leave Egypt. His doubts were vindicated, as the young and inexperienced Faraj, concernedabout a revolt in Egypt, left his army to its own devices in Syria and hurried home. Ibn Khaldun remained atthe besieged city for seven weeks, being lowered over the city wall by ropes in order to negotiate with Timur, ina historic series of meetings which he reports extensively in his autobiography. Timur questioned him in detailabout conditions in the lands of the Maghreb; at his request, Ibn Khaldun even wrote a long report about it. Ashe recognized the intentions behind this, he did not hesitate, on his return to Egypt, to compose an equallyextensive report on the history of the Tartars, together with a character study of Timur, sending these to theMerinid rulers in Fez.

Ibn Khaldun spent the following five years in Cairo completing his autobiography and his history of the world

and acting as teacher and judge. During this time he also formed an all male club named Rijal Hawa Rijal. Theiractivities attracted the attention of local religious authorities and he was placed under arrest. He died on 17March 1406, one month after his sixth selection for the office of the Maliki qadi.

2. HIS WORKS

Ibn Khalduns works can be classified in the categories of historical, and religious. Of his works on history, onlyhis Universal History has survived to our day. Another work that is lost is the history that was writtenspecifically for Tamerlane, as Ibn Khaldun mentioned in his autobiography. His religious books are: Lubab al-Mahsul (Summary of the Result); a commentary on an usul al-fiqh poem, and a few works which are ofquestionable attribute to him, namely a sufi tract Shifa as-Sail (Healing of the Inquirer).His most importantwork was Kitab al-Ibar, and of that the most significant section was the Muqaddimah. Such introductionswere a recognized literary form at the time, and it is thus not surprising that the Muqaddimah is both long three volumes in the standard translationand the repository of its authors most original thoughts. Kitab al-

Ibar, which follows, is much more conventional in both content and organization, although it is one of the mostimportant surviving sources for the history of medieval North Africa, the Berbers and, to a lesser extent, MuslimSpain.Ibn Khaldun wrote a number of other books on purely academic subjects, as well as early works which havevanished. His Autobiography, although lacking personal details, contains extremely interesting informationabout the world in which he lived and, of course, about his meetings with Pedro and Timur. Ibn Khaldunsstrength was thus not as a historian in the traditional sense of a compiler of chronicles. He was the creator of anew discipline, umran, or social science, which treated human civilization and social facts as an interconnectedwhole and would help to change the way history was perceived, as well as written. Of his early works, whichwere scholastic exercises in various fields of learning, only two are known to be extant.

2.1. The magnum opus al muqaddimaIbn Khaldun's chief contribution lies in philosophy of history and sociology. He sought to write a world historypreamble by a first volume aimed at an analysis of historical events. This volume, commonly known asMuqaddimah or 'Prolegomena', was based on Ibn Khaldun's unique approach and original contribution and

became a masterpiece in literature on philosophy of history and sociology. The chief concern of thismonumental work was to identify psychological, economic, environmental and social facts that contribute to theadvancement of human civilization and the currents of history. In this context, he analysed the dynamics of


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group relationships and showed how group-feelings, al-'Asabiyya, give rise to the ascent of a new civilisationand political power and how, later on, its diffusion into a more general civilization invites the advent of a stillnew 'Asabiyya in its pristine form. He identified an almost rhythmic repetition of rise and fall in humancivilization, and analysed factors contributing to it. His contribution to history is marked by the fact that, unlike

earlier writers interpreting history largely in a political context, he emphasised environmental, sociological,psychological and economic factors governing the apparent events. This revolutionized the science of historyand also laid the foundation of Umraniyat (Sociology).

Ibn Khalduns magnum opus, al-Muqaddimah can be divided into three parts. The first part is theintroduction, the second part is the Universal History, and the third part is the history of the Maghrib. He wrotehis Introduction to his book of universal history in a span of five months. This impressive document is a gist ofhis wisdom and hard earned experience, in it he used his political and first had knowledge of the people ofMaghrib to formulate many of his ideas.

3. HIS THEORIES

This document summarized Ibn Khalduns ideas about every field of knowledge during his day. He discussed avariety of topics like History and Historiography; he also rebuked some of the historical claims with a calculatedlogic, and discussed the current sciences of his days. He would talk about astronomy, astrology, andnumerology, discussed Chemistry, alchemy and Magic in a scientific way, also he freely offered his opinions anddocument well the "facts" of the other point of view. His discussion of Tribal societies and social forces would bethe most interesting part of his thesis. He illuminated the world with deep insight into the workings andmakings of kingdoms and civilizations. His thesis that the conquered race will always emulate the conqueror in

every way. His theory about Asbyiah (group feeling) and the role that it plays in Bedouin societies is insightful.His theories of the science of Umran (sociology) are all pearls of wisdom. His Introduction is his greatest legacythat he left for all of humanity and the generations to come.

3.1. Theory of civilizationIbn Khaldun's fame rests on his Muqaddima, in which he set forth the earliest general theory of the nature ofcivilization and the conditions for its development, intending it as a tool for understanding and writing history.He considered the permanent conflict between primitive Bedouin and highly developed urban society as acrucial factor in history. Civilization is for him an urban phenomenon to be realized only by local concentrationand cooperation of men united under a strong dynastic rule. He saw group solidarity (as abiyya) as the drivingforce for this cooperation and the establishment of dynastic rule. The group with the strongest feeling ofsolidarity establishes its predominance and the rule of its leading family. The division of labour resulting fromcooperation makes possible the production of conveniences and luxuries beyond the elementary necessities oflife and the development of sciences. Indulgence in luxuries, however, causes degeneration and loss of groupsolidarity and thus results in the disintegration of the state and the group supporting the civilization. Another,

less civilized group with an unspoiled sense of solidarity takes over and becomes heir to the earlier civilization.Ibn Khaldun's history of the Maghreb, written with the insight of an active participant, presents a penetratingdescription of the rise and fall of dynasties and the role of Berber and Arab tribes. It is an invaluable source forthe medieval history of North Africa. The other parts of his universal history generally lack such insight andsource value. His autobiography, the most detailed one in medieval Muslim literature, offers a perspicaciousdescription of his life until 1405.3.2. View on scienceIbn Khalduns view on science followed the traditional division of sciences, which involves a division intoreligious sciences and non-religious sciences. The non-religious sciences are further divided into useful and non-useful sciences (mainly the occult sciences such as magic, alchemy and astrology). In the Muqaddimah, IbnKhaldun reports on all the sciences up to his time, with examples and quotations. He makes it a point to refutemagic, alchemy, astrology, and philosophy in his book. His work became a record of the development ofsciences in his day.

3.3. View on philosophyIbn Khaldun's view on philosophy is similar to that of al-Ghazali, in the sense that he attempted to reconcilemysticism and theology. In fact, Ibn Khaldun, according to Issawi, goes further than the latter [al-Ghazali] inbringing mysticism completely within the purview of the jurisprudent (faqih) and in developing a model of theSufi shaykh, or master, as rather similar to the theologian. Philosophy was regarded as going beyond itsappropriate level of discourse, in that 'the intellect should not be used to weigh such matters as the oneness ofGod, the other world, the truth of prophecy, the real character of the divine attributes, or anything else that liesbeyond the level of the intellect (Muqaddima 3, 38). Ibn Khaldun criticized Neoplatonic philosophy, andasserted that the hierarchy of being and its progression toward the Necessary Being, or God, is not possiblewithout revelation.4. Conclusion

Ibn Khaldun's influence on the subject of history, philosophy of history, sociology, political science andeducation has remained paramount down to our times. He is also recognized as the leader in the art ofautobiography, a renovator in the fields of education and educational psychology and in Arabic writing stylistics.

His books have been translated into many languages, both in the East and the West, and have inspiredsubsequent development of these sciences.


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REFERENCES

1. Ibn Khaldun's The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, edited and translated by Franz Rosenthal (3vols., 1958; 2d ed. 1967), contains a complete translation of the Muqaddima with a detailed introduction to IbnKhaldun's life and work.

2. Muhsin Mahdi, Ibn Khaldun's Philosophy of History (1957), is a penetrating study. The reports concerning IbnKhaldun's meeting with Tamerlane were translated and edited by Walter J. Fischel in Ibn Khaldun andTamerlane (1952).

3. Nathaniel Schmidt, Ibn Khaldun: Historian, Sociologist and Philosopher (1930), and Muhammad AbdullahEnan, Ibn Khaldun: His Life and Work (trans. 1941).

INTERNET SOURCES

http://www.isidore-of-seville.com/ibnkhaldun/index.htmlhttp://www.jamil.com/personalities/http://www.sunnahonline.com/ilm/seerah/0033.htmhttp://www.wikipedia.org

ADDITIONAL SOURCES

1. A., Ibn Khaldun: His life and Works for Mohammad Enan2. Akbar Ahmed (2002). "Ibn Khalduns Understanding of Civilizations and the Dilemmas of Islam and the WestToday", Middle East Journal 56 (1), p. 25.3. Ali, Shaukat, Dr., Intellectual foundations of Muslim civilization, Lahore: Publishers United, 1977.4. Dr. S. W. Akhtar (1997). "The Islamic Concept of Knowledge", Al-Tawhid: A Quarterly Journal of IslamicThought & Culture 12 (3).5. Encyclopdia Britannica, 15th ed., vol. 9, p. 148.6. Ernest Gellner, Plough, Sword and Book (1988), p. 2397. H. Mowlana (2001). "Information in the Arab World", Cooperation South Journal 1.8. Ibn Khaldun: His Life and Work by Muhammad Hozien9. Mohamad Abdalla (Summer 2007). "Ibn Khaldun on the Fate of Islamic Science after the 11th Century",Islam & Science 5 (1), p. 61-70.10. Salahuddin Ahmed (1999). A Dictionary of Muslim Names. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 1850653569.

11. Schmidt, Nathaniel, Ibn Khaldun, historian, sociologist, and philosopher, Lahore: Universal Books, 1978.12. The Golden age of Persia, Richard N. Frye, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London 1975 pg. 15013. The Muqaddimah: Chp 1, Second Prefatory Discussion - - The parts of the earth where civilization is found.Some information about oceans, rivers, and zones.14. The Muqaddimah, Translated by F. Rosenthal15. The Muqaddimah, Translated by F. Rosenthal (III, pp. 311-15, 271-4 [Arabic];16. The Muqaddimah, Translated by Franz Rosenthal, p.39 and p.383, Princeton University Press, 1981.)17. The Muqaddimah, Translated by Franz Rosenthal, p.126, Princeton University Press, 1981.18. The Muqaddimah, Translated by Franz Rosenthal, p.183-184, Princeton University Press, 19814

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