Struggle Over Land in Africa

8/8/2019 Struggle Over Land in Africa

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Pubishe by HSRC PressPrivte Bg X9182, Cpe Town, 8000, South Africwww.hsrcpress.c.z

First pubishe 2010

ISBN (soft cover) 9780796923226ISBN (pf) 9780796923233

ISBN (epub) 9780796923240

2010 Humn Sciences Reserch Counci

The views expresse in this pubiction re those of the uthors. They o not necessriyrefect the views or poicies of the Humn Sciences Reserch Counci (the Counci)or inicte tht the Counci enorses the views of the uthors. In quoting from this pubiction,reers re vise to ttribute the source of the informtion to the iniviu uthor concernen not to the Counci.

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Contents

Tbes n figures viiAcronyms n bbrevitions viiiAcknowegements xForewor xi

Introuction: The strugge over n in Afric: Conficts, poitics n chnge 1Ward Anseeuw and Chris Alden

Theme 1: Ethnic and indigenous land conflicts

1 Inigenous n cims in Keny: A cse stuy of Chebyuk, Mount EgonDistrict 19Claire Mdard

2 Shes of grey: Postconfict n poicy reform in the Gret Lkes Region 37Chris Huggins

Theme : Between traditionalism and modernity: Insecurity, privatisation

and marginalisation

3 The poitics of commun tenure reform: A South Africn cse stuy 55Ben Cousins

4 Karaln: Fmiy cutur ptrimony or commerciise prouct on theDimr Pin? 71Bernard Gonn

Theme 3: Renewed land interests, land use, and conflicts

5 The conficting istribution of tourism revenue s n exmpe of insecure n

tenure in Nmibin commun ns 85Renaud Lapeyre

6 Ln rights n encosures: Impementing the Mozmbicn Ln Lwin prctice 105Christopher Tanner

7 Bioiversity conservtion ginst smsce frming? Scientific eviences nemergence of new types of n crises 131Catherine E Laurent


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Theme 4: State building, politics and land

8 The roe of n s site n source of confict in Ango 147Jenny Clover

9 Two cyces of n poicy in South Afric: Trcing the contours 175Ruth Hall

10 A eg nysis of the Nmibin commerci gricutur n reformprocess 193Willem Adriaan Odendaal

Theme : Land policy development, planning and (non-)inclusiveness

11 The Ituri prox: When rme groups hve n poicy n

pecemkers o not 209Thierry Vircoulon

12 Unerstning urbn pnning pproches in Tnzni: A historictrnsition nysis for urbn sustinbiity 221Wakuru Magigi

Theme 6: Regional scopes of land conflicts and changing norms

13 The Zimbbwe crisis, n reform n normistion 245Sam Moyo

14 Regionistion of norms n the impct of nrrtives on southern Africnn poicies 265Chris Alden and Ward Anseeuw

Contributors 279Inex 281


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Tables and figures

TablesTbe 5.1 Leisure tourists in Nmibi, 200107 87Tbe 5.2 Annu revenues in 2005 for 44 conservncies, Nmibi 93Tbe 5.3 Insecure rights n conficts, Nmibi 95Tbe 6.1 Community n eimittions uner wy n compete,

Mozmbique, June 2003 112Tbe 6.2 Aoction of pubic sector resources to community n eimittion

through PAAO SPGC bugets, Mozmbique, 200103 113Tbe 6.3 Ln concentrtion inicte by new n ppictions up to Mrch

2000, Zmbezi Province, Mozmbique 117Tbe 6.4 Ln concentrtion trens in Gz Province, Mozmbique,

200405 118Tbe 11.1 Miitis operting in Ituri, DRC, 200304 211Tbe 13.1 Key confict rens n trnsition issues, Zimbbwe 258

FiguresFigure 4.1 Loction of Dimr Pin, Northern Cmeroon 72Figure 4.2 Annu evoution of the purchse price (1_

4h) in Dimr Pin 76

Figure 4.3 Spti istribution of n in karalres of the Fr NorthProvince 77

Figure 4.4 Evoution of the number of contrct ppers in Sk, 19952001 78Figure 5.1 Rent genertion from ntur ssets, by mutipe users n its

istribution 88Figure 5.2 Appiction process for right of eseho, Nmibi 91Figure 5.3 Territori repproprition of ntur resources: Commun n

conservncies in Jnury 2006 93Figure 12.1 Form n inform neighbourhoos in Dr es Sm city 224

Figure 12.2 Ln reguristion outputs, Tnzni 230


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Acronyms and abbreviations

AALS Affirmtive Action Lon Scheme (Nmibi)Agribnk Agricutur Bnk of NmibiANC Africn Ntion Congress (South Afric)APC Congoese Peopes ArmyCBNRM Community Bse Ntur Resources Mngement progrmme (of the

Ministry of Agricuture) (Mozmbique)CBTE communitybse tourism enterprise (Nmibi)CFJJ Centre for Juriic n Juici Trining (of the Ministry of Justice)

(Mozmbique)CLDC Community Ln Deveopment Committee (Tnzni)CLRA Commun Ln Rights Act (South Afric)Coes Convention for Democrtic South AfricCTC CT ConsutingDfID Deprtment for Interntion Deveopment (UK)DLA Deprtment of Ln Affirs (South Afric)DMG Dureb Mountin Guies (Assocition) (Nmibi)DNFFB Ntion Directorte for Forests n Wiife (Mozmbique)DRC Democrtic Repubic of CongoDUAT Direito de Uso e Aproveitamento de Terra (Ln use n benefit right)

(Mozmbique)EBM eviencebse meicineEBP eviencebse poicyEPM Environment Pnning n MngementESAP economic structur justment progrmmeFAO Foo n Agricuture Orgniztion (of the Unite Ntions)FAPC Peopes Arme Forces of Congo (Forces Armes du Peuple Congolais)FNI Front for Ntion Integrtion (DRC)

FPDC Peope Forces for Democrcy in CongoFRPI Front for the Ptriotic Resistnce in Ituri (DRC)IDP interny ispce personIMF Interntion Monetry FunLAPC Ln n Agricuture Poicy Centre (South Afric)LRAD Ln Reistribution for Agricutur Deveopment (South Afric)MDC Movement for Democrtic Chnge (Zimbbwe)MET Ministry of Environment n Tourism (Nmibi)MINADER Ministrio de Agricultura e Desenvolvimento Rural(Ministry of

Agricuture n Rur Deveopment) (Ango)

MLHSD Ministry of Lns n Humn Settement Deveopment (Tnzni)


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MONUC Mission de lOrganisation des Nations Unies en Rpublique dmocratiquedu Congo (Mission of the Unite Ntions Orgnistion in theDemocrtic Repubic of Congo)

MP Member of PrimentMPLA Peopes Movement for the Libertion of AngoNAFU Ntion Africn Frmers Union (South Afric)NGO nongovernment orgnistionNLC Ntion Ln Committee (South Afric)NMC Ntion Monument Counci (Nmibi)PTO Permission to OccupyPUSIC Prty for Unity n Sfeguring of the Integrity of CongoRPF Rwnn Ptriotic FrontSADC Southern Africn Deveopment Community

SAP structur justment progrmmeSLAG Settement Ln Acquisition Grnt (South Afric)SUDP Strtegic Urbn Deveopment Pn/PnningSwpo South West Afric Peopes OrgnistionTA trib/trition uthorityTCOE Trust for Community Outrech n Euction (South Afric)TLGFA Trition Leers n Governnce Frmework Act (South Afric)UCLAS University Coege of Ln n Architectur Stuies (Tnzni)UDASEDA Ubungo Drjni Community Deveopment Orgnistion (Tnzni)UNDP Unite Ntions Deveopment Progrmme

Unesco Unite Ntions Euction, Scientific n Cutur OrgniztionUnit Ntion Union for the Tot Inepenence of AngoUPC Union of Congoese PtriotsWSSD Wor Summit on Sustinbe DeveopmentZnuPF Zimbbwe Africn Ntion Union (Ptriotic Front)


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Acknowledgements

Ln issues n conficts occur over the Africn continent, the time. Storiesregring n mushroom on continuous bsis. Athough mny of them re notnew, they continue to chnge n re extremey compex n embee. This esto ifficuties in eing with them n resuts in questions roun the egitimcyof forms of confict intervention n prevention, mny of which o not tke intoconsiertion the mjor n thus potentiy recurring cuses of confict. It is onthis bsis tht the conference forming the fountion of this book ws orgnise.

Supporte by the French Institute of South Afric (IFASReserch) in prtnershipwith the French embssies of Pretori, Hrre, Gborone, Winhoek n Mputo;the office of the Foo n Agricuture Orgniztion of the Unite Ntions in Hrre;the French Agricutur Reserch Centre for Interntion Deveopment (CIRAD);the Lonon Schoo of Economics n Poitic Science (LSE); n the Universityof Pretori (UP) The Chnging Poitics of Ln: Domestic Poicies, CrisisMngement n Region Norms conference gthere in Pretori on 28 n 29November 2005. Ppers were seecte by scientific review committee compose ofmembers of funing institutions, n incue the min reserch institutions norgnistions speciising in these questions (UP n the University of the WesternCpe, both from South Afric; CIRAD; French Reserch Institute for Deveopment;French Ntion Institute for Agricutur Reserch; the Institute for Security Stuies;the Africn Institute for Agrrin Stuies of Hrre; the Leg Assistnce Center ofWinhoek; Humn Rights Wtch; etc.). This book is coection of upte versionsof most of the ppers presente t the conference.

We wou ike to convey our grtitue to the funers, s we s to the mnycontributors n prticipnts, who me it possibe through both the conferencen this pubiction to present the stte of knowege on n issues n conficts inAfric. They so me it possibe to keep ive necessry ebte on n questions

in Afric, espite the sensitive context n cute controversies.


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Foreword

Sustinbe growth n eveopment in Afric s we the continentscontribution to the wor economy in the 21st Century wi continue toepen rgey on the mnner in which n n nrete resources resecure, use n mnge. This wi require tht these issues be ressethrough comprehensive peoperiven n poicies n reforms which conferfu poitic, soci, economic n environment benefits to the mjority ofthe Africn peope.

Thus concues the historic Framework and Guidelines on Land Policy in Africa,opte by the Hes of Stte of Afric meeting in Sirte, Liby, in Juy 2009.The Framework ws prepre uner n inititive e by the Africn Union ninvoving most of Africs prominent n experts, incuing some of the uthorsin this book.

The Struggle over land in Africa is timey n importnt ccompniment to thegrowing number of continenteve n ntion poicies on n. Questionsbout rights to n n ntur resources re emerging s centr component ofpoicy n ecisionmking on eveopment, poverty reuction n pece buiing.

However, s the uthors of this book cery emonstrte, getting beyon nobe butbro sttements of consensus n into concrete questions of how n shou bebest use, owne n controe, n by whom, reves compex, highy contesten often confictu terrin.

Ln poicy in Afric is chnging. The mrketcentre n tenure reforms ofthe 1980s n 1990s re beginning to ose groun to the more peopecentretenure reforms of the st ece. Ln poicies n ws in Afric re, in theory,incresingy cpbe of serving the nees of orinry n users by ccommotingifference, purity n more ecentrise forms of n governnce. Conceptsof governnce re so evoving. Governments re more wiing to rech beyontheir own corriors to recognise the egitimte roes of civi society n oceveinstitutions in mking ecisions on n use n ownership. At the sme time, therere n incresing number of voices who beieve they hve right to be her inefining n poicy or infuencing its impementtion, incuing wenetworkecivi society orgnistions, soci movements n proucer orgnistions.

Nonetheess, sow shifts towrs the emocrtistion of n governnce in Africre hppening within economies n societies chrcterise by growing gpsbetween those with the poitic n economic power to y cim to n, nthose without. With persistent efforts t grrin reform few n fr between, the

current tren is towrs incresingy porise ptterns of n ownership, n thus


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increse potenti for confict. Confict is both symptom of persistent inequitiesn n opportunity for the powerfu to consoite their hoings of n n

vube resources.

The scrmbe to y cim to n, in which 80 per cent of Africs n users ccessn through customry mechnisms, is profouny unequ one. How cnthe encosure of Africs n become ess of vehice for concentrtion of nownership n more of n opportunity for those tht use the n women, fmiyfrmers, pstorists, first peopes, tennts n the ness to gin secure ntenure t coective n/or iniviu eves? Gret stries hve been me in thest ece in eveoping innovtive methooogies for prticiptory n owcostregistrtion of tenure rights. However, s the chpters of this book mke cer, evenprogressive n poicies n the vibiity of necessry toos for propoor nregistrtion cn become vehices of the powerfu for their own vntge.

One of this books mjor contributions is systemtic nysis tht ooks not just tcompetition, but so t confronttions, over n. It oes so within n nysis ofrights n power retions, poitic n poicy frmeworks, cuture n vues. It oesnot offer simpe soutions, emphsising tht the votie ynmics of n confict onot wys conform to the conventions of ogic. Ignoring these compexities cn eto weconceive tenure reforms simpy fueing nbse confict.

Securing equitbe ccess to n contro over n mens securing pece. It is socentr to enbing women n men to exercise their funment economic, soci,poitic n cutur rights, incuing the univers right to be free from hunger npoverty. This ws the rtione for the cretion of the Interntion Ln Coitionmore thn ece go, n it is the riving force behin mny orgnistions ninivius cross the Africn continent who work on questions of n tenure. Theuthors n contributors to The Struggle over land in Africa present n iumintingset of perspectives n nyses tht provie essenti pointers to unerstning nestbishing the conitions tht wi promote pece n mesure of sting securityin the iveihoos of orinry women n men cross Afric.

Michael TaylorProgrmme Mnger, Afric n Gob PoicyInterntion Ln Coition Secretrit


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IntroductionThe struggle over land in Africa:

Conflicts, politics and changeWr Anseeuw n Chris Aen

Whie rrey reching the proportions experience in Drfur or Rwn, confictsinke to the cquisition n use of n re prt n prce of the Africn poiticnscpe. The power of the n issue to invoke emotion responses n poiticction spis over into questions of ownership, usge, eveopment prctices, resourcemngement n, utimtey, citizenship n ientity poitics. The fiure of Africngovernments to recognise n resove ingering isputes emerging from the nquestion hs triggere extene protests n vioence, isrupting vit prouctionn in some cses even estbiising once venerte economic n poitic successstories in Afric. The inbiity of the interntion community to eveop poiciesn progrmmes which effectivey integrte these concerns into their eveopmentfocus invertenty reners their efforts stiborn.

A brief survey of conficts in Afric iustrtes these profoun inkges between nn the onset of vioence n poitic strife. For instnce, the civi wr tht strte

in 2002 in Cte Ivoire, though pprenty wining own, refects ynmicsroun n n ientity. The n issue remins sensitive in this miny rurcountry, where bout 40 per cent of the popution is of foreign escent (mostyBurkinbe but so Min n Guinen) (Chuveu & Coin 2005: 3). Lnebtes so mushroome in Nigeri, where the power of the oi resources hs h isstrous impct on n prctices. The ispossession of oc tribes in the NigerDet n Niger River sttes in pursuit of oi prouction hs e to rising tie of

vioence since 1999 (Akpn 2005). In Keny, extreme inequity n nessnesshve unrvee the soce successes of the postsetter Miion Acre Scheme,with Kenys ness now thretening n invsions (Ymno & Deininger 2005).

Inee, Kenys 2007 posteector conficts re irecty inke to the thret ofn invsions. In Zimbbwe, nother type of n wr is ongoing. Wht ws onceconsiere to be shining exmpe of emocrticy inspire reconciition is nowchrcterise s fiing stte (Chitiyo 2003). Athough the n question hs notescene into civi wr, Robert Mugbes fsttrcke n reform progrmme hsecimte gricutur prouction n force most qurter of Zimbbwens tobecome epenent on foo i. In neighbouring South Afric, the ANC promisesof n reform remin unreise. The mere 4 per cent of n reistribute sincethe first emocrtic eections n, concurrenty, the growing inequities within thesociety, coupe with the murer of 1 500 white frmers since 1994, unerscorethe continuing sensitivity of the n question. Aginst this votie bckrop, the


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T H E S T R U G G L E O V E R L A N D I N A F R I C A

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ecision to impement exproprition cts in South Afric n in neighbouringNmibi cou rguby sti trigger Zimbbweike situtions in these countries(Aen & Anseeuw 2006; Lee 2003). An even in Botswn, n pressures hve

cuse citizens to echo ocise version of the ntisetter iscourse circuting inother prts of the southern Africn region. Given tht the country hs historicyespouse eibertey nonrci, universistic form of iberism, the shift iniscourse on n is prticury significnt. Other exmpes re not cking.

In many cases, such as Cte dIvoire, Kenya and South Africa, the movements from

war to peace, from segregated development to inclusiveness, from obstruction to

democracy, have (initially) resulted in tangible economic and social improvements

in the lives of individuals and communities. And yet, for all the successes that can be

pointed to, there remain numerous instances where peace retains only a tenuous grip

on society or conflict has reasserted itself. A common denominator of those states

that have succumbed to political violence is the failure to address the issue of land.

Confict, n n conficts in prticur, s note by Chuveu n Mthieu (1998),re seom nyse or ocumente. Unerstning this votie ynmic betweenn, competing usges n the ensuing (n conficting) cims to contro is,however, not strightforwr; the cuses n eveopments of n isputes o notnecessriy conform to the conventions of ogic. In this sense, the bsence of nysystemtic nysis of n conficts, n the integrtion of these insights into sounpoicies n postconfict reconstruction strtegies, potentiy contributes to theperpetution of the conitions which fue confict.

But why is n so importnt? It is primry n funment but so highysymboic resource for the vst mjority of Africn peopes, representing keybuiing bock for soce tritionist societies n economies. Being vuben immovbe resource of imite quntity, n is not ony funment to theiveihoos of most Africns, but so represents precious reservoir of nturresources. Ln is core eement in the compex soci retions of prouction nreprouction (PonsVignon & Soignc Lecomte 2004). At the sme time, ncestrn impcts on peopes ientity on the wys they re boun to the n n reteto their ntur surrounings, s we s to funment feeings of connecteness

with the soci n cutur environment in its entirety (Nikoov 2007). Aseconomic, symboic n emotion spects re t stke, n is often t the source ofvioence n is so n essenti eement in pece buiing, poitic stbiistion n(socioeconomic) reconstruction in postconfict situtions.

This book nyses the roe of n s site n source of confict, especiy withregr to poicy eveopment, crisis mngement n (postconfict) reconstruction.Its centr im is to gin insight into the nture of poicymking concerning n,not ony t ntion eve but so in terms of the broer Africn stte system,n the chenges fcing it in the form of new norms of governnce of stte nmrkets. The moities n the exterioristion of these conficts iffer from one


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I N T R O D U C T I O N

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cse to nother n from one re to nother. Besies highighting the iversity nimportnce of the n conficts in Afric, the book rws ttention to the iversen often compex root cuses of these n questions compexity tht is often

negecte. By opting continent perspective, the vrious chpters nyse nconficts n their fctors n compre responses to intern crises cross rnge ofcountries rwn from regions of Afric. The chpters re upte contributionsseecte from the interntion conference The Chnging Poitics of Ln: DomesticPoicies, Crisis Mngement n Region Norms, he in Pretori in November2005, n incue uthors from the cemic, ipomtic, poitic n civi sectors.The conference, which ws subject to rigorous seection process, emphsisecemic exceence without negecting the necessry ebte on n issues espite context of cute controversies.

Exmining n conficts in Afric is chenging tsk, s the contexts in which theytke pce re continuousy chnging, so tering the nture of the conficts themseves.Whie questions tritiony rete to n such s scrcity of n competition forn, monopoistion of ntur resources, n ethnic conficts remin importntin the present context, new spects so py roe: ecoogic spects, ivergenteconomic interests, minority rights n heteroox n tenures, n urbn conficts.Aso, the ppernce of new norms becomes evient: environment n sustinbeeveopment criteri, new NorthSouth retionships n power structures, therise of ntiimperiism n ntiiberism. This increse compexity impiesthe nee for mobiising n combining n incresing number of pproches n

instruments in orer to unerstn the bses of the n questions in Afric. Whieepoying poitic economy s its min point of inteectu eprture, the booknonetheess presents mutiiscipinry pproch to unerstn the fu rnge ofissues roun n n confict, s we s the ccompnying impictions for poicy.By tking cognisnce of economic poicy, institution economy, interntionretions, socioogy n nthropoogy in pproching n, more constructiven utimtey more vibe source for poicy ppers thn is presenty the cse. Theifferent chpters emonstrte unequivocy tht simpistic interventions currentyempoye by mutiter gencies bse on, s emphsise by Huggins (Chpter2), the nve oneimension bck or white or or nothing pproches shou

be questione. In fct, in mny respects, by ignoring eeper cus fctors, muchcontemporry poicy on n n confict ony serves to efer if not perpetute the rtione for the further recurrence of isputes.

The book is ivie into six themes in n ttempt to group cuses n structurfctors: Ethnic and indigenous land conflicts (Chapters 1 and 2); Between traditionalism and modernity: Insecurity, privatisation and

mrginistion (Chpters 3 n 4); Renewedlandinterests,landuse,andconflicts(Chapters5,6and7); Statebuilding,politicsandland(Chapters8,9and10);


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Land policy development, planning and (non-)inclusiveness (Chapters 11n 12);

Regionalscopesoflandconflictsandchangingnorms(Chapters13and14).

This cssifiction fciittes unerstning, nysis n the ebortion of preciseinictors. However, given the iversity of contexts, the themes shou not beinterprete unitery, sequentiy or hierrchicy. Iniviu fctors o not bythemseves constitute necessry or sufficient cuse of n conficts. The confictuprocesses rticute themseves ccoring to vrious sequences, iverse fctors nsources of tension. This es to the questioning of previousy recognise ruess egitimte for the rights of n or even of the broer socioeconomic npoitic environment within which n questions re frme. Inee, s shownin the ifferent chpters, broer imensions inke to the economic n poiticenvironments so hve to be tken into ccount in orer to unerstn the ifferenttypes of conficts.

As primry n funment but so highy symboic resource for most Africnpeopes, n hos unique position within soce tritionist societies neconomies. Mny of the conficts experience cn therefore be trce bck to thepressure on these resources, to the competition to cquire nture n n inke tossets, n to its summry exproprition from the pesntry n the historic owners.

Popution growth n environment stresses excerbte the perception of n s

weing resource, often n probby too esiy tightening the connectionsbetween n pressure n confict (Chuveu & Mthieu 1998). Inee, resonoften put forwr regring the origin of n conficts is the ifficut ecoogic nenvironment context of the Africn countries (Joy & Boye Torrey 1993; Lun et. 2006). The tter cnnot be ignore, prticury on the Africn continent. Africsti hsnt h its emogrphic trnsition,1 eing to high popution growth. WithAfricn countries popution growth rtes t roun 2.5 per cent per yer (3 percent t the en of the 1980s), it is estimte tht the continent wi gin 1 biioninhbitnts between 2008 n 2050 (Losch 2008: 48). Afric wi by then hve tossure cceptbe iving conitions to 1.7 biion peope, 80 per cent of whom re

miny epenent on gricuture n ntur resources (Giorno & Losch 2007).Wheres n vibiity ws wys one of Africs ssets, it is presenty no ongerthe cse for sever countries. For exmpe, in the gricuturbse countries ofSeneg n Mgscr, frm househos occupy on verge ess thn hectre(Fye et . 2007).

Athough not unimportnt, rpi popution growth n ntur resource epetioncnnot be generise s conitions tht utomticy cuse cts of vioence nconfict: Increse popution ensities o not wys e to increse competitionfor ntur resources, n this competition oes not necessriy e to conficts

(Mthieu et . 1998: 1). It is not the increse competition s such tht es to confictbut the increse confronttion fciitte by increse emogrphic pressure of


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ifferent sets of norms, inke to iverse poitic n poicy frmeworks, cuturesn vues. Socioeconomic n poitic rights n power retions, embee inthe enbing environments of extreme poverty, overpping rights, n bise power

retions excerbte by increse n pressure n competition thus seemto be more reevnt structuring eterminnts. This goes hn in hn with Africscceerte integrtion into gobise economy, eing not ony to more frequentinterctions, but so to incresingy vrie interests regring n.

Ethnic and indigenous land conflicts

Athough not new, ethnic n inigenous n conficts hve seen significnt incresein frequency n vioence. Inee, n importnt spect inke to the emogrphicevoution in Afric is the esction in mssive movements of poputions, eing

to increse contct n confronttion between ifferent cutures, vues n norms,sometimes inke to iverse poitic n poicy frmeworks (Mthieu et . 1998).This contct between insiers n outsiers, who often know very itte bout echother n who o not shre simir histories, s to the rey evstting impcttht Europen cooniism hs h on Afric through the estbishment of rtificibounries, n the bringing together of ifferent ethnic groups within ntion thtneither refects nor hs the biity to ccommote or provie for the cutur nethnic iversity.

Besies mny other exmpes roun the continent (e.g. Cte Ivoire, Sun),

importnt ethnic n inigenous n conficts re refecte in the ongstningterritori n cims in the Mount Egon region in Keny, on the borer withUgn. This issue tes bck to the cooni perio, when n iention n thecretion of Africn reserves e to iscrimintion between soce inigenouscommunities n migrnt communities. From 1991 to 2003, with the im ofcreting excusive ethnic regions, pproximtey 400 000 migrnts were force bygovernment to return to their ncestr n n becme interny ispce.Mr (Chpter 1) shows tht even though the focus hs shifte from estbishingAfricn (versus Europen or Asin) rights to n to efining seprte ethnic rightsover n, the issue of suing the British government for compenstion hs come up

s prt of ethnontionist cims to territory.As iscusse by Huggins in Chpter 2, simir sitution occurs in Rwn nto esser egree in Buruni, which is eepy ffecte by the TutsiHutu conficts.The return of hunres of thousns of refugees, n the rete property cims,pose gret chenge. Athough mny re optimistic bout the futures of thesecountries, probems remin bse not necessriy, ccoring to Huggins, on ethnicconstituencies but rther on vicious power strugges within the ruing prties,n numerous smsce vioent incients rete to poitic intimition, ngrbbing n n isputes. Huggins rgues tht the most pproprite wy forwrwou be process of pttion n meing of customry n moern systemsthrough prticiptory mechnisms.


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Between traditionalism and modernity:Insecurity, privatisation and marginalisation

The meing of customry n moern systems rws ttention to the importnce ofiefine n tenure systems s source of confict. Inee, the bovementioneethnic n inigenous n conficts re so inke to uncer rights n bounries,geogrphicy but so institutiony n egy, regring ns.

The tter is especiy the cse with trition n systems, where uncertintiesregring n n n rights increse when uncer or mutipe rights exist in thesme geogrphic re (Ogr 2005). On the sme ns, ifferent ctors mighthve specific rights, possiby for ifferent ctivities n/or t ifferent times. Thesecompex systems impy sufficient vibiity of resources but, more importnty,mutu soci consensus between the iverse n protgonists, eing to preciserrngements regring the ifferent rights (Mthieu et . 1998). The tter impies set of soci retionships rrey eg of suborintion, epenence ncceptnce (Mugngu Mtbro 1997). Uncertinties regring these retionshipsincrese with unstbe n uncer rticution between the min n regutionsystems (trition, mrket), resuting in these systems being unbe to coorintecompetition n rbitrte confictu situtions (Mthieu 1996). Competition forn then becomes more confictu, with tensions ppering t vrious eves ofsoci orgnistion: between fmiy members, between viges, between socictegories n between ethnic groups (Mthieu et . 1998). Confusion rouninstitution regutions either es to eteriortion in the conitions of the wekestor reinforces istrust n resentment, which cn fee ethnic conficts.

In orer to crify rights, s we s to eveop Africn gricuture n promote (urbnn rur) investment, the evoution to iniviu tenure is seen s esirbe formoernistion. Iniviuistion poicies re riven by the perceive nee to promoteccess to n contro over n (Deininger & Binswnger 1999). It is thought thttiting promotes mrketriven eveopment by enhncing security of tenure so sto provie sufficient incentives for inivius to improve their n. However, morerecenty the viity of Africn customry systems hs been cknowege (Cousinset . 2006). In ition, ccoring to the evoutionry theory of nhoing,

iniviuise rights to n o emerge from customry prctices (Wor Bnk 2003).As such, property rights re soci conventions bcke up by the power of the stteor the community (Wor Bnk 2003: 22), owing for customry systems to proviesecure, ongterm n in most cses inheritbe n rights (Wor Bnk 2003: 53).Recognising these systems, their emergence n evoution, wou possiby imitrstic mesures n interventions, which re often not pte or re out of contextn cn e to excusionry n mrginistion effects.

Athough crifying rights is necessry, it is conteste process s it es withkey fetures of Africn tenure systems, erive from their soci n poitic

embeeness. Rights (such s n tenure) re thus not efine ccoring to rtioncriteri but rther in ccornce with soci nees n interests. Cousins rgues in


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Chpter 3 tht embeeness within power retions mens tht the bnce ofpower between ifferent interests in retion to n not ony efines rights but cnshift over time, s when chiefs n hemen becme instruments of inirect rue by

the cooni n prthei sttes n s resut cquire greter powers over nthn they h previousy enjoye. Cousins rgues tht South Africs new CommunLn Rights Act (No. 11 of 2004) which seeks to trnsfer tite of commun nfrom the stte to communities who wi be recognise s juristic personities onregistrtion of set of community rues is ikey to hve profoun impcts onAfricn trition tenure systems whie reinforcing the istortions of the cooniperio, n cou hve the unintene effect of unermining rther thn securingrur peopes n rights. The uthor emphsises tht mny of the probems in theAct erive from the prigm of n titing tht hs been opte.

In the Dimr in Northern Cmeroon, on the other hn, the karal n, onceconsiere n inienbe resource n heritge, is now subject to mrket economy ormonetistion ue to the overexpoittion of csh crops. Becuse of frequent roughtsn ck of foo security in the Dimr, the emn for n overexpoittion ofthis bsic resource hs e to its iniviu pproprition, the monetistion of n,n n trnsference. Gonn (Chpter 4) shows how this n, which hs nowbecome one of the princip mens of intr n extrfmii trnsfers, cusesmrginistion n conficts. These new perceptions of the n question not ony thesttus of this resource, which in the pst ws never subject to competition or confict,but so the rights peope ho regring their n. The sitution hs encourge the

institutionistion n istribution of unisturbe n rights ppers in the region,giving the frmers n their fmiies certin n security.

Renewed land interests, land use, and conflicts

Uncertinty of rights, which works ginst the interests of the origin occupnts,tens to increse when exogenous chnges or interests pper. In such cses, thenee to pt or crete specific institutions (often impose by the stte or by theoutsie technic or finnci prtner), s we s to reefine the oc bnces ofpower (through the extern intervention or the institution reorgnistions impie

thereby), cretes estbiise n uncertin soci situtions (Mthieu et . 1998).Exmpes re numerous. Competition between ifferent types of frmers to ccessn or between ifferent n uses for gricutur n nongricutur prouctionn ctivities hs been mjor source of confict for eces in mny countries.Certin moern n uses, such s gme frming n ecotourism, combinewith new perceptions n principes, often inke to ecoogic n environmentethics, hve so crete competing interests n conficts. More recenty, countrieshungry to secure their foo n energy suppies incuing Chin, South Kore,Sui Arbi n South Afric hve been engge in scrmbe to gobbe upn roun the wor, miny in Afric (Von Brun & MeinzenDick 2009). Athese issues, which ffect miny the poor n the insecure, contribute to currentconfictu n stkes.


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The cse of Nmibi, iscusse by Lpeyre in Chpter 5, is noteworthy s n exmpeof ecotourism. It shows tht n cquisition for tourism n eisure ctivities cne to tensions, but so tht n reform in the form of nture conservncies cn

perpetute soci excusion mong previousy eprive poputions n, therefore,is not wys n optim soution. Whie ecotourism is often presente s n ieterntive enbing rur communities to ccess nturebse (wiife, etc.) nfinnci resources through nture tourism it isguises ck of trnsfer of securerights to oc poputions, perpetutes the content of n excusion if not theform, n oes not ow them much eg recourse in cses of isputes. Tensionsconsequenty rise over ownership n eseho rights, eing to conficts rouncommon resource pproprition n istribution.

Postwr Mozmbique, on the other hn iscusse by Tnner in Chpter 6 is confronte by the chenge of reforming n poicy n egistion with ninnovtive Ln Lw tht protects customry rights, whie promoting investmentn eveopment. Most rur househos hve customriy cquire n rights,which re now egy equivent to n offici stte n use right. With rightsrecognise n recore, communities cn now negotite with investors n thestte n secure greements to promote oc eveopment n reuce poverty.Nevertheess, focus on fsttrcking privte sector n ppictions is resutingin n use concentrtion tht cou fue future conficts over resource ccess nuse. The progressive mechnism of community consuttion is being ppie but,ccoring to Tnner, in wy tht oes not bring re oc benefits. Inste, it gives

veneer of respectbiity to wht is more ike Europenstye encosure movement,ime t rtionising n use n pcing resources in the hns of css thtsees itsef s more cpbe n better be to use ntion resources thn the pesntfrmers, whose rights re egy recognise but sti unprotecte in prctice. Theuthor juges tht historic opportunity is in nger of being ost the chnce touse the Ln Lw to impement rur trnsformtion with controe encosureprocess tht brings soci benefits n genertes n equitbe n sustinbeoutcome for invove.

In the South Africn cse, iscusse by Lurent in Chpter 7, the circumstncesof smsce frmers n ness peope hve gine poitic egitimcy. Being

source of income n foo security for rur househos, smsce frmingis viewe s key eement of rur iveihoo improvement. However, Lurentnotes tht in sever cses uring South Africs n n grrin trnsition, theegitimcy of the emns of potenti bck smsce frmers to ccess n wsquestione, not ony for its impct on gricutur prouction but so for ecoogicresons. Whie emphsising tht such contrictions my become potenti sourcesof mjor n crises, the uthor rgues tht it is necessry to unerstn wht isrey t stke when environment issues re oppose to grrin reform nsmsce frming moernistion.


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State building, politics and land

The bovementione, sometimes rpi n importnt chnges in n use ncquisition, whether inke to vioent or nonconfictu situtions, often cretenew n situtions without the stte or soci mechnisms being be to efine newnorms n poicies in wy tht is sociy cceptbe. If, on the one hn, vrieties ofgrrin reform cn e to chnging n n ntur resource pproprition ptterns(s seen bove), it so es to the recomposition of poitic n power retions.This wi obviousy crete new stkes, new opportunities (for the more powerfu, thenew occupnts, the richer) n new risks (for the ispce, the weker).

This brings us to the importnce of reconstructing sttes n societies in theftermth of cooniism, in postconfict situtions n in chnging societies. Ifthe egcy of the pst remins importnt sever eces of cooni rue n

occuption, poitics, interests, ctors n iscourses strongy shpe n poicy inpostcooni, postconfict, restructuring countries present ynmics, poiticintrigues n socioeconomic situtions (often not inepenent of the previousinfuences) re so t stke n etermine current situtions n poicies. Buiingon the new sttes poitic economy, form n inform processes, which epict

veste interests t work, ctors networks n iscourses invoke to egitimisespecific views hve e to the option of new poicies uring ifferent cyces ofpoicymking. Stte buiing, eite formtion, interest conficts, positions vnceby ifferent interest groups, confront ech other n shpe some of the mens bywhich poicy is forme.

Athough the ink between n, n poicies n stte formtion is fetureroun the continent, Ango, South Afric n Nmibi refect exempry cses.On the one hn, n reform is emerging in these cses from extreme situtions protrcte n brut wr in the cse of Ango, n extreme segregtion nunequ societies in the cses of South Afric n Nmibi. On the other hn, nreform is seen in these cses s n integr prt, if not the most essenti eement, ofthe soci, economic n poitic reconstruction processes of these postconfict npostsegregtion societies.

Ango is inee beginning the ifficut process of rebuiing the countrys shtterephysic n soci infrstructure, n reintegrting the miions of peope who fetheir homes. The egistive history of Ango, especiy uring the st 40 yers, hsresute in succession of injustices ginst the rights of trition communitiesn the sustinbiity of their economies. It is ony now, s pece spres cross thecountry, tht ttention is being focuse on ressing nrete inequities thtsti previ, n buiing sustinbe iveihoos. The potenti for Ango to movefrom confict to reconstruction n sustine eveopment is greter thn everbefore. Cover (Chpter 8) expores the potenti frcture points fcing the countryuring its current perio of postconfict normistion, especiy in the ight ofreturnees (refugees n interny ispce peopes); recent nrete conficts,most notby those experience by pstorists in the Gmbos region of Hu


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Province; tensions roun periurbn n urbn n issues; n the importnce ofrestoring foo security n gricutur prouctivity.

The ifficuty of impementing such reforms is etie by the South Africn cse,where, fter 15 yers of emocrtistion, ess thn 5 per cent (85 per cent ess thnws initiy pnne) of the n hs been reistribute. To chieve the tter, twoifferent cyces of n poicy were impemente since the en of prthei. Accoringto H (Chpter 9), this shift ws significnt rupture from the vision evient inthe Reconstruction n Deveopment Progrmme, initiy opte in the newyemocrtise South Afric n focusing miny on stbiistion n normistionthrough reistribution. The Progrmme ws hie by some s vibe mens ofcreting css of bck commerci frmers, n for reintroucing consiertions ofn use tht were previousy obscure; others criticise it for bnoning the poorn fiing to ress the conitions tht e to the unerutiistion of reistributen. It ws repce soon fter Presient Mbeki took over from Neson Mneby more growthorientte pproch, emphsising more thn ever the wiingbuyerwiing seer principe. How cou country tht t one stge h promotethe ntionistion of n resources support the nee for reistribution bseon mrket principes n respect for property rights? H rws ttention to theprocesses through which these poicies were efine, n suggests tht they cn beunerstoo s outcomes of mutipe n conficting interests n, in some importntrespects, s interny incoherent n contrictory. As such, opportunities forinfuence iffere substntiy in the first n secon cyces, s new forms of

prticiption were institutionise n new forms of knowege were vite.This e to substnti nrrowing of the poitic spce to input into poicy inthe secon cyce. Ae to this, the room for mnoeuvre for poicy ws efineesewhere, notby in the mcroeconomic frmework opte in 1996. Through theexportion of questions of the poitics, interests, ctors n iscourses shping npoicy in country tht is sti ttempting to efine its eveopment trjectory, thepriorities of stte n mrket vnce by ifferent interest groups refect some ofthe mens by which certin ctors hve sought to shpe poicy.

In Nmibi ike South Afric n Zimbbwe, country chrcterise by iviebetween commerci n commun gricuture ue to exproprition of n from

inigenous peopes the instruments opte in ressing commerci nreform re government purchses of commerci frms for the purpose of resettingness communities, n n Affirmtive Action Lon Scheme for the purchse ofcommerci frms by previousy isvntge inivius. After increse criticismof the wiing buyerwiing seer principe, in Februry 2004 the Nmibingovernment nnounce pns to impement the option of expropriting commercigricutur n in orer to spee up its n reform n resettement progrmme.Whie the process of exproprition is supporte by equte egistion, Oen(Chpter 10) juges tht the exproprition criteri use by the government toientify suitbe n pper to be iefine. Aginst the bckgroun of 15 yersof n reform in Nmibi, the uthor first provies n nysis of the successes n


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fiures of n reform in tht country, n then consiers options through which theshortcomings of the n reform progrmme cou be resse.

Land policy development, planning and (non-)inclusiveness

In pre to the sttebuiing processes, the renovtion of n poicy ppersin numerous cses to be priority on ntion gens to reieve the numerouschenges rur Africns fce: n conficts, n insecurity, importnt emogrphicpressures, high prevence of poverty in rur res, etc. Simutneousy, though t

vrying pces ccoring to prticur situtions, Africn countries hve engge(t times ue to extern pressure) in institution reforms, the promotion of theemocrtistion of the pubic sphere, ministrtive ecentristion n new formsof governnce tht fvour, mong others, principes of trnsprency, incusiveness

n responsibiity (Anseeuw & Bouquet 2009).As such, fter eces mrke by itte consuttion from sttes n foreign onors/funers uring the efinition, eveopment n impementtion of poicies, theseform processes re now ccompnie by increse prticiption n wieriogue invoving ctors from ifferent poitic segments (NGOs, professionorgnistions, civi society, privte sector, etc.). Such evoutions were observe inifferent countries regring the eveopment of the Poverty Reuction StrtegyPpers (Sewpu 2006), gricutur poicies (Seneg, Mi n Keny) (Anseeuw2009) n n poicies (Seneg n South Afric) (Csens & Cousins 2008;

Toumin 2006).These emerging processes n ctors refect, in the Africn context, certinevoution in terms of prticiptive emocrcy. However, in both theory n prctice, ck of knowege n concrete ctions to fciitte these processes is often note.This is inke, on the one hn, to the bsence of fvourbe conitions to fciittethese more incusive processes of poicy eveopment (strong symmetries mongctors, prti negotitions, impose gens n sequences, n wek informtionissemintion before consuttions). On the other hn, ck of concrete knowegebout these new poicy eveopment processes n the issues t stke, prticuryregring n poicy, is often pprent. In context mrke by the mutipicity

of concerne ctors, n by n wreness of those on the Africn continent of thenecessity of eveoping n poicies in more utonomous wy, the reity becomesincresingy compex.

The tter is shown by Vircouon (Chpter 11), who focuses on trib conficts in theistrict of Ituri in the northestern prt of Democrtic Repubic of Congo, territorypopute by pproximtey 10 tribes, two of which hve been t wr since 1999. Thisregion, where contro over n mens ccess to both gricuture n go, hs beenconfronte by ongoing confict over n between the Lenus n the Hems for test the st century. This soci cevge me offici uring coonistion e to

sever cshes uring the twentieth century, ony to be contine by coercion nnegotitions. Mnipute by powerfu neighbours, this oc wr reche sce


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not experience before in recent yers n is not bout to be sove since, s showeby Vircouon, the bsence of mesures to ress the n probem in the UN pecegen in Ituri is obvious. Bse on recreting ministrtive oc uthorities

n emobiising n reintegrting the fighters into civi society, Vircouon jugestht the interntion communitys pecekeeping strtegy oes not provie nyopportunity for ressing the n probem n generise conficts.

Contrry to the Ituri cse, the escription of the Ubungo Drjni cse in Dr esSm (Chpter 12) etis the urbn pnning process n the roes of ifferentctors in ech interfce, n expores sustinbiity inictors in the pnningprocess to gin insights into the nture of poicymking concerning n. Mgigisystemticy nyses the sttus of n n chnges of tenure n expores thehistoric trnsition of urbn pnning process ynmics in Tnzni. The chpteroutines poicy chenges of the new prticiptory urbn pnning pproch (i.e.n reguristion) in etermining future urbn n eveopment sustinbiityn networking success. Equy importnt, prti ecentristion of urbnpnning functions n better unerstning of prticiptory pnning, in thesense of ientifying the roes of the vrious ctors, re so ientifie s necessry inensuring future urbn sustinbiity.

Regional scopes of land conflicts and changing norms

By pitting the ongoing n crises in sever Africn countries ginst rnge of

postibertion norms such s eector emocrcy, humn rights n herence to mrket economy s we s ginst the sources of egitimcy of present regimes,which re regury questione for not eivering the expecte resuts, one cnientify n evoution of ieoogies often chrcterise by sttee versus proctiven reform opposition. The intimte inks between the estbishment of stbe ntionsttes n the concurrent fshioning of iber constitution regimes, trnsitions toemocrcy n shring in the socioeconomic weth of these countries, of whichhe importnt impictions for ttempts to embrk on n reform, re prt of thereson why ieoogies n nrrtives chnge (Aen & Anseeuw 2009).

The gener fiure of the estbishe regimes to provie for peopes expecttions n

the isjuncture between the institution outcomes of the postinepenence Africnsttes re reservoirs of potenti confict within new emocrcies. This ppies notony to n reform t ntion eve, but so to the ieoogies embrce in themjority of cses especiy the neoiber pproch opte by mny emocrticgovernments. When inke to persisting crises, these eveopments pose significntchenges to estbishe stte n region norms, which, in ition, re often stierive from the postcooni n ibertion er. As shown by Moyo (Chpter 13)n by Aen n Anseeuw (Chpter 14), the cse of Zimbbwe is embemtic; itsinfuence on the region, even Africn, eve refects the votiity inherent in thepoitics of n n, with tht, the poitic structure of postinepenence sttes.


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As such, Moyo rgues tht Zimbbwes crisis hs been chrcterise in terms of thesubjective strugges of its key poitic n soci movements, in the context of currentinterntion hegemonic interests n intervention strtegies, which generte both the

confict n the crisis iscourse, whie misunerstning the historic n mteribsis which shpes popur soci movements. The interconnecte compexityof reforms in Zimbbwe since the mi1990s, focusing on the tripe trnsition ofeconomic poicy, n reform poicy n poitic iberistion/succession, expinsthe shifting perspectives n enggement strtegies since 1998. Accoring to Moyo,the progression from overty vioent conficts between 1998 n 2004, to newn errtic experiment processes of pieceme iogue by opposing omesticforces supporte by key Southern Africn Deveopment Community forces hsquestione existing prigms (norms), prctices tht unerie the crisis n the

vrious confronttion omestic strtegies n extern interventions. The cscing

series of crises in Zimbbwe hs so rise questions bout stte responses ime tressing the min conteste issues of economic poicy, governnce poitics, humnrights n sovereign interntion retions within the current univoc gob orer.Zimbbwe hs, s such, gruy veere towrs normistion n convergencebetween the oppose omestic poitic n civi society gitors, though nimpsse remins with the interntion community.

The exsetter sttes of South Afric n Nmibi cte with curious mix ofequivoction, fer n support for the Zimbbwen governments ctions. Thisws espite the expecttions of the interntion community n sectors of civi

society within these sttes for whom the trnsition to emocrcy ws embemticof brek with the uthoritrin pst. Aen n Anseeuw (Chpter 14), bynysing the response of the southern Africn countries towrs Zimbbwes crisis,n how the tter hs ffecte their own omestic n n poicies, show howthe Zimbbwen sitution is region in scope, striking chor cross southernAfric precisey becuse it touches the regions poitic ctors, sttes n societiesin some funment res. The formtive ntionism of inepenent sttes insouthern Afric is inextricby intertwine with notions of ientity n citizenship(e.g. who is Africn?), the sources of egitimcy of postcooni regimes n theconfict between neoiberism/bureucrtic utonomy n the impertives of neo

ptrimoniism in constructing stte (n region) poicy.Note

1 Demogrphic trnsition is the ecrese in time of the mortity rte, foowe by ecresein birth rte. Africs emogrphic stbiistion is ony expecte for 2050 (Losch 2008).

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Mthieu P (1996) Prtiques informees, gestion e confusion et invention u foncier enAfrique. In G e Viers (e.) Phnomnes informels et dynamiques culturelles en Afrique.Pris: CEDAFLHrmttn

Mthieu P, Mugngu Mtbro S & Mfikiri Tsongo A (1998) Enjeux fonciers et vioences enAfrique: prvention es confits en se servnt u cs u NorKivu (19401994). FAO-SDdimensions No. 1998/2, Eition spcie Rforme grire, coonistion et cooprtivesgricoes: 3243

Mugngu Mtbro S (1997) La gestion fonciere rurale au Congo (Zaire), reformes juridiques etpratiques foncieres locales. PrisBruxees: HrmttnBruyn

Nikoov BV (2007) Ln n ientity: Nonrecognition of inigenous n rights resons,effects n potenti eveopments. Msters thesis, Lun University, Humn EcoogyDeprtment

Ogr R (2005) The strugge for n rights in the context of mutipe normtive orers in

Tnzni. In S Evers, M Spierenburg & H Wes (es) Competing jurisdictions: Settling landclaims in Africa. Leien: Bri Pubishers

PonsVignon N & Soignc Lecomte HB (2004) Land, violent conflict, and development. WorkingPper No. 233. Pris: OECD Deveopment Centre

Sewpu V (2006) Region perspectivesfrom Afric. International Social Work 49(1): 129136

Toumin C (2006) Negotiting ccess to n in West Afric: Who is osing out? In B Dermn, ROgr & E Sjst (es) Conflicts over land and water in contemporary Africa. Lonon:Jmes Curry

Von Brun J & MeinzenDick R (2009) Land grabbing by foreign investors in developing

countries: Risks and opportunities. Poicy Brief No. 13. Wshington, DC: IFPRIWor Bnk (2003) Land policies for growth and poverty reduction. Wor Bnk Poicy Reserch

Report. Wshington, DC: Wor Bnk

Ymno T & Deininger K (2005) Land conflicts in Kenya: Causes, impacts, and resolutions. FASIDDiscussion Pper 200512002. Wshington, DC: Wor Bnk & Ntion Grute Institutefor Poicy Stuies


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Indigenous land claims in Kenya:A case study of Chebyuk, Mount Elgon District

Cire Mr

The thing is now so upsie own, becuse for Sbot to te Kikuyutht you give me n, it is most tboo. They ont beieve tht there is

justice, just s much s you ont expect eopr to coexist with got;you ont get, expect, ny justice from the eopr, becuse the poor gotwi be eten up, so, tht is where the Chebyuk probem is, when you gobck just pry for them.(Interview7)1

Sever mjor confictu episoes over n hve been ocumente in Kenyshistory. Ln iention through Europen settement in the first hf of thetwentieth century n the structure of power introuce by the cooni government(centristion, territori n ministrtive contro) e to the Mu Mu Wr(195260). Contro over n exerte by ministrtive chiefs2 in the Africnreserves n the eviction of squtters from the White Highns in the Rift VeyProvince n from forest reserves resute in cses of strongy resente nessness.Since inepenence (1963), nessness constitutes one of the sttes min offici

concerns. At the sme time, however, the istribution of n for poitic gin nthe mobiistion of communities by promising them n hve been mjor poiticstrtegies in Keny.

Lnownership in the White Highns ws prtiy trnsferre to Africns fterinepenence, with ony mrgin mesures of broer n reistribution to etercims coming from squtters. Poitic ptronge through n istribution becmewiespre. The ruing eite, those cose to the first presient, Jomo Kenytt,benefite wiey from the Africnistion of nownership. They ccumute wethn power through n cquisitions. Presient Moi, Kenytts successor in 1978,

so viewe n s bsis for power, even though his contro over n trnsfersws ess thn Kenytts. In the fce of opposition uring the 1990s, the Moi regimepromote the majimbo (regionism) ieoogy, which e to pproximtey 400 000peope being ispce from 1991 to 2002, with some of them becoming permnentyness. Ln cshes where inigenous communities cime bck their n, s strtegy to regin poitic cout through support from minority groups, incuingthe presients own Kenjin community, were instigte. It must be note tht mostinigenous n cims were formute by eers who hppene to be poiticies of the Moi regime n, s such, i not constitute poitic minority. Therefore,inigenous n cims in Keny re tinte within this historic context n re

viewe s strtegy to recim n, gin contro over existing settements n contestestbishe nownership on the bsis of ethnicity. When Presient Kibki ws

1


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eecte in December 2002, the new government istnce itsef from the majimboieoogy. Though sever episoes of n cshes hve occurre since then, it pperstht inigenous n cims hve ost stte bcking.3

Lnownership n stte invovement in efining rights n ccess to n remins ispute s ever in Keny, whether cims re formute on the bsis of ethnicityor on the grouns of nessness. This chpter focuses on the re of Chebyuk, wewtere n fertie re octe on the southern sopes of Mount Egon, whichepitomises insecurity of n tenure originting both from government n frominigenous cims to n. Wht might be viewe s poor n ministrtion,inefficiency or poitic interference in n octions eing to strong resentmentn inigenous strtegies to recim the n shou in fct be escribe seiberte poitic strtegies on the prt of eers to ccumute weth n powerthrough the poitics of ptronge. Inigenous n cims in Chebyuk, Mount EgonDistrict, re viewe in context of eep invovement by government (territoriministrtion n poiticins) in n mtters.

Since the foreste re of Chebyuk ws cere in the 1970s, it hs become ngricutur frontier for migrnts, mosty from within the Sbot community (group of Kenjin spekers), which stres the UgnKeny borer. Contrryto common view, ethnic ffiitions fuctute n vry grety over time nspce. Ciming istinct ethnic ffiition must be unerstoo within the ocn ntion poitic ren. Toy, on the Kenyn sie of Mount Egon, there rethree ifferent ethnic custers: the Kenjin, the Luhy n the Teso. 4 Aitiony,

the Sbot group cn be ivie into subgroups such s the Kony, Bok, Bongomek,Sbiny or Sebei n the Norobo or Ogiek.5 Over the yers, territori cims to nhve contribute to the growth of ethnicities such s the Sbot n the Norobo.Cery one cn choose to stress one eve of ethnic ffiition over nother (Kenyn/Ugnn, Kenjin, Sbot, Bok/Bongomek/Kony/Sbiny/Norobo) ccoring tocircumstnces, opportunities n strtegies (Mrtin 1992). The unifie view of Sbot peope hs been incresingy questione with conficts over n in Chebyuk.

The pproch tken in this chpter to unerstning the confict t the Chebyukn settement is shpe by the works of historins, geogrphers, nthropoogists

n poitic scientists who hve enevoure to nyse the mking of stte territorywithin the oc ren of power. Mny historic stuies hve emonstrte theric chnge tht ccompnie the introuction of centrise n ministrtiveform of government uring the cooni perio (Bermn & Lonse 1992).Geogrphers (Mure 1984; Pourtier 1989) hve focuse on stte territory shpeto exert excusive contro over peope n resources. Their work hs highighte territori frmework of contro comprise not ony of bounries (use forthe purpose of intern ministrtion in the cse of Keny) but so of force orinuce settements. The concepts of bounries n frontiers epitomise conficting

views of territory: centrise n controe ccess to n versus ecentrise

n/or unrestricte one (Kopytoff 1987). The chnging ptterns of bounries ntheir enforcement hve e us to view them from ifferent perspective. They re


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instrument in creting opportunities for specific interest groups, emonstrtingconficting territori strtegies even within government. In Keny, these strtegiesre strongy rete to ethnic cims to n n power s we s to poitic

ptronge. Arme by the rift towrs uthoritrin regimes, the works of poiticscientists hve expore the process of power centristion (Bourmu 1988),which is cosey ssocite with neoptrimoni prctices, where the seprtionbetween privte n pubic spheres is obiterte (Mr 1991). The territory of neoptrimoni stte is fr from being eg, even though it cn rey on eginstruments. The mix between institutionise n personise forms of powerhs e to preg ctions, where poitic brons n territori ministrtors remong the key pyers who buse egity. In this context, how cn n trnsfers,which re centr in the brgining for power in Keny, be regute?

This chpter is comprise of two prts. The first escribes n settement inChebyuk in retion to territori constrints, n the secon focuses on stteinvovement in n trnsfers.

Boundaries and frontiers in Mount Elgon

The re of Mount Egon is chrcterise by numerous bounries tht both efinen restrin settements n popution movements. The interntion bounrybetween Keny n Ugn cuts cross the mountin n its inhbitnts. Cretefor the purpose of ministrtive convenience, intern bounries so py n

importnt roe t the oc eve. Some were introuce on the grouns of rce orethnicity, others on the bsis of environment consiertions. For exmpe, forestreserves n ntion prks were estbishe over the yers in ifferent octionson both sies of the interntion bounry. With the exception of the Chepkitemoorns in Mount Egon, Keny, peope were, s rue, excue from the hightitue ecosystems in Est Afric, kept wy with the cretion of forest reservesn prks. Government views intern bounries s convenient toos to mngecommunities. Some were inherite from the cooni er, others introuce orrenegotite in more recent yers. For instnce, Trns Nzoi District, est of MountEgon in Keny, ws reserve for Europen settement, whie Bungom District n

the recenty crete Mount Egon District to the south of Mount Egon were prt ofn Africn reserve. Contrsts in the size of nhoings n popution ensitiesbetween the two res remin striking, espite the growth of intern migrtionsn n subivisions in the former White Highns. Athough rci n ethnicbounries were questione t inepenence, they sti py mjor roe in Kenysemrction scheme.

Bounries re instrument in creting popution reserves on the bsis ofethnicity: first s n ministrtive expeiency, then s strtegy by eers to cimn on the bsis of seprte ientity. In Mount Egon, sever eves of competingcims to n re foun ong the Sbot/Bukusu n the Norobo/Sbot ivies.The Sbot n the Norobo both cim n inigenous or ncestr right to n.


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Sbot vioence bcke by government in the 1990s n trgeting the Bukusu eto the cretion of Mount Egon District. Territori cims of Norobo eerson Chepkite n Chebyuk were so shpe by the oc ministrtive history,

though the government hs not consistenty supporte them.

The move from Chepkitale to Chebyuk

Above the forest reserve, the Chepkite moorns were emrcte in 1933 s ntive reserve for community reying on miny pstor ctivities, hunting ngthering. Accoring to the Keny Ln Commission report (Crter 1933: 528):

the moorn re of Mount Egon, comprising some 40,000 cres,shou be e to the Kvirono Ntive Reserve n set sie for theuse of the E Gonyi, who shou so be be to fin ccommotion in

other prts of the Kvirono Ntive Reserve, or, to the extent tht theUgn Government my be wiing to ccommote more E Gonyi inits territory, they shou hve n option of going there.6

From the strt, voices in government questione the resoning behin the cretionof ntive reserve bove the forest reserve, which owe peope to ive isote inthe moorns. The ecision to reocte the inhbitnts of Chepkite further beow,in the forest reserve next to the min re of the former ntive reserve, ws the resutof ong process tht strte in 1955 n ene in the ery 1970s (Interviews 5n 15). The resettement in the ower prts of the forest ws encourge n begn

before the forest re of Cheebei ws officiy egzette (Kenya Gazette 1974),7

inicting tht, from the strt, eg proceures were not foowe. The forest retht ws finy egzette i not correspon entirey to the re tht ws beingsette, sitution tht worsene with time. By the time some encrochments wereegise in 2000 n 2001 (Repubic of Keny 2004), n re three times rger,the re commony ce Chebyuk,8 h been cere. A ong issues were risebout the egity of the settement n e to the ispcement of squtters onnumerous occsions.

Since the introuction of bounries, their mening n enforcement hve vrie.On the Ugnn sie of Mount Egon, for instnce, the forest reserve covering thehigher reches of the mountin ws upgre to ntion prk in 1993; moornresients were no onger toerte n were ispce.9 Likewise, in Keny, peopeiving in Chepkite hve suffere from territori mesures ime t ispcingthem or restricting their movements. In 1968, when the ntion prk ws crete inthe neighbouring Trns Nzoi District,10 the estern prts of the moorns becmeout of bouns. When the Chebyuk settement ws strte, it ws consiere nexchnge (without ny eg bcking) for the n in Chepkite n Chepkiteresients were to to vcte the re. In spite of this, they remine unti they werechse wy by the government in 1979. They mnge to return in 1982 unti 1988.

After being chse wy gin, they returne once more in 1990 (Interview 18).In 2000, Chepkite ws turne into gme reserve uner the County Counci.11


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However, the proper proceures were not foowe12 n the Chepkite peopemnge somehow to ressert their right to the re, on the bsis of its eg sttuss trust n (s former ntive reserve), s oppose to neighbouring government

n (forest reserves n ntion prks).Keeping peope out of forest reserves hs been mjor poicy inititive since theircretion. During the cooni ys, permits were require to tke ctte to st icksfoun in cves octe in the forest reserve. Toy, permits re sti require for number of ctivities n the Forest Deprtment coects fee for firewoo, cttegrzing, etc. A continuousy contentious issue surrouning forest reserves hs beencutivtion. Lrge trcts of forests were turne into cutivte n in ifferent prtsof Mount Egon, often t the inititive of the Forest Deprtment uner systemsce shamba cutivtion or nonresient cutivtion (KFWG 2000). In Chebyuk,s in Kiboro n Kberw (other forest res roun Mount Egon), peopeencroche on officiy gzette forest. At times, the Forest Deprtment opte strict poicy of enforcing territori bounries. In other instnces, the ForestDeprtment negecte its uties n owe nonresient cutivtion, potentiyeing to permnent settements, with stff sometimes persony benefiting fromthe rrngement. The opening up of forests for settement might so be ecie t higher eve by centr government, s ws the cse for Chebyuk in the 1970s. Duringthe 1990s, the government ws petitione to enrge the settement n just theforest bounries to the settement; Presient Moi intervene persony to ow themove, though it ws me offici much ter. Sincethe chnge to the Kibki regime

in 2002, ieg squtter settements in forests some of them estbishe with thebcking of the previous ministrtion hve been eiminte. This effort to enforcebounries ws strongy resente roun Mount Egon, for instnce in Chebyuk,Kberw n Kiboro, where more justments were me.

Some of the inhbitnts of Chebyuk originte from the higher reches of themountin (Chepkite in Keny, Benet in Ugn) n some from the ower nsof Cheptis, Kpkteny, Kpsokwony n Kptm in the Mount Egon District;from Trns Nzoi District to the est; n from Sebei n, Ugn, to the north.The ifferentition between own n highn peope is foun in the Mosop/Soy ctegories use in the Kenjin nguges, which re so referre to in Chebyuk.

The nme Mosop, or, to be more precise, Mosoobiisyek, is use for the peope whooriginte from Chepkite. The Soy ctegory is use for the other Sbots. Settersin Chebyuk hve kept ties with their former neighbours, friens n fmiy. Ptternsof exchnges re somewht ifferent for the Chepkite peope or Mosop n for theown peope or Soy. Athough they own pot in Chebyuk, most Chepkite peopesti hve retives in the moorns, the n of mik n honey, where they keepctte. They tke turns rering nims on the mountin, bringing bck honey nmking use of bmboo. Before the cretion of Chebyuk, in spite of their isotion up inthe moorns, the Chepkite peope exchnge bskets for grins n intermrriewith peope iving beow the forest. In recent yers they hve come to ssert istinctNorobo or Ogiek ientity, by ciming to own Chepkite n Chebyuk, the forests


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n higher reches of Mount Egon. The wors Ogiek or Norobo re usuyreserve in Keny to escribe forest weers or huntergtherer communities, eventhough in this cse they refer to pstor community. Soy setters, on the other hn,

hve migrte to Chebyuk from vrious res of the owns. The rgest singegroup is the Bok, Sbot subgroup originting from Cheptis: n re boreringTeso n Bungom istricts. They, too, cim the n in Chebyuk on the bsis of theircontribution to its cering n cutivtion (Ghezi 2005).

Bounries enforce uring coonistion seem to hve encourge cer istinctionbetween the peope from the moorns, the Mosop, n the peope from theowns, the Soy, with the forest reserve ying inbetween. The Kenjin spekers ofMount Egon were ministere seprtey in Chepkite n were kept prt fromthe min reserve unti the cretion of Chebyuk. This heps in unerstning theroots n the growth of Norobo ientity in Mount Egon (Interview 5). Mny insisttht Sbot subgroups cut cross the ower n higher reches of the mountin nre strongy rete through cn13 n fmiy ties. When Chebyuk ws cere, theMosop eniste hep from Soy retives n friens. The Soy were so be to cimthey were rete to the Chepkite peope, n they i so in orer to get n. NonSbot migrnts from more or ess istnt pces (Bukusu, Teso neighbours, Gusiiforest cerers n Kikuyu trers n frmers) so foun their wy to Chebyuk,eger to get ccess to the n me vibe through cering n which theyoffere to buy.

Sabaot and Ndorobo claims to territoryFrom the te 1980s onwrs, repete crises over n n territory hve occurrein Mount Egon invoving the Sbot: on the one hn, pitting the Sbot ginstthe Bukusu n, on the other, spitting the Kenjin spekers of Mount Egon intoriv subgroups, nmey the Norobo (or Mosop or Ogiek) n the Soy (or Bok orSbot).14 The cretion of Mount Egon District in 1993 is wiey perceive s theintrouction of n ethnic reserve for the Sbot. The mening n origin of the termSbot itsef is ebte. It is ikey tht the term ws coine recenty possiby bypoitic eers in 1955 (Interview 13); the wor Kenjin ws forme simiry,but erier on. The present ebte regring the term Sbot is threepronge. Itquestions, first, whether Sbot is n incusive term or not (comprising the Bok,Sbiny or Sebei, Kony, Bongomek, Ogiek or Norobo); secon, whether ifferentterm wou serve; n thir, whether singe term shou be use t .

The growth of Sbot ientity in Keny is inke to territori cims for n nthe serch for n ministrtive sttus. Over the yers community eers hveobbie the stte to form seprte Sbot unit, to join other Kenjin units inthe Rift Vey Province n to obtin n for gricutur expnsion through theconversion of forest n n the cquisition of Europen n. Nevertheess, theSbot District hs remine in Western Province, where the Sbot constitute

minority. The cretion of singe ministrtive oction to unite ifferent Sbot


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subgroups (miny the Bok of the Mkisi Loction n the Kony of the EgonLoction) ws ebte throughout coonistion.

At inepenence, the question of territoriy unifying the Sbot rose in view ofthe perceive poitic omintion n n encrochment by the neighbouringBukusu, ffiite to the Luhy group (Kki 2000), with whom the Sbot csheuring the 1960s (in June 1963 n in September 1968).15 The Sbot were gtherepoiticy uner one constituency before they were grnte n ministrtive sttus.Crete in 1963, the constituency comprise Egon Loction n prts of MkisiLoction. The ministrtive unifiction foowe: with the introuction of EgonDivision in 1970, which e to the ter cretion of subistrict n finy istrict.Dnie Moss, the first Sbot eer eecte to Priment, fought for the ie uringhis entire poitic creer. He ws so instrument in brgining for n for theSbot with the cretion of Chebyuk settement scheme within his constituency,uner unifie ministrtion from 1971 onwrs.

During the 1990s, poiticy instigte n cshes n the governmentsupportegrowth of Sbot ethnontionism e to the exous of most Bukusu n Tesopeope from the Mount Egon re; subsequenty, Mount Egon District ws cretein 1993. As note, fter the introuction of mutiprty poitics in Keny, in orerto grner support from minority groups (incuing Presient Mois own Kenjinpeope) the regime espouse the majimbo ieoogy, which promote n excusive

view of ethnicity efine by territory. The unoffici esigntion of Mount EgonDistrict s Sbot re is igne with this trition.16 Vioence ginst the Bukusu

extene to the neighbouring Trns Nzoi District, prts of which were soincue in Sbot territory with the growth of inigenous n cims. During the1990s, Sbot eers took over existing nbuying coopertives in Trns NzoiDistrict n Sbot eers n their cients privtey purchse, iniviuy ncoectivey, whoe re octe in the foothis est of Mount Egon. The bckingof the Moi regime ws certiny prerequisite for such move. Previousy, Kenyttsregime h resorte, on much wier sce, to nbuying compnies to sette hisown cients in the sme re n in neighbouring res of the Rift Vey Provincewhere the former White Highns re octe. Since the poiticy instigte ncshes of the 1990s, very few nonSbots hve returne to sette in Mount Egon

District. In terms of integrtion, the Teso peope seem to be more ccepte thnthe Bukusu. A few Bukusu hve resorte to wking to Chebyuk on iy bsis towork s frm bourers. Ever since the nonSbot were force to eve Mount EgonDistrict, the ebte over who owns the n hs shifte.It is no onger over whetherthe n is Sbot n or not, but over the cims emerging from the ifferent ethnicsubgroups mking up the Sbot.

The Sbot cim to territori existence (through n n ministrtion)ownpys growing tensions within the group tht emnte from poitic ptrongen other strtegies to gin popurity by using ethnic sentiments n, in the cse of

Mount Egon, by promoting micro ethnicities. The recent questioning of the nmeSbot brings out riv Bok n Kony interests: the Kony orinriy insist on their


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cose ties with the Mosop n some consier the term Kony to be more incusivethn the term Sbot (Lynch 2006). Since its cretion, Egon constituency hs beenemogrphicy n poiticy ominte by the Bok, strting with the first MP,

Dnie Moss (196378), then the secon, Wiberforce Kisiero (197892), n thefourth, John Serut (19972007). The ony Kony eer to be eecte ws JosephKimkung (199297) n it took the bcking of Presient Moi. Bok eers hvepye n importnt roe formuting Sbot cims. In wy, ue to their poiticweight s subgroup, the Bok cim to the re of Chebyuk hs receive consierbebcking, though not openy. With time, the cients of successive MPs were sieinewith the growth of new eers n privieges within the Bok community itsef.Referring to the nguge of ethnicity spoken ocy is misguiing in so fr s itobitertes the poitic gme tht is being pye behin the scenes, n the processof n grbbing tht is tking pce for the benefit of the wethier segments of the

oc n ntion community.The confict over n in Chebyuk hs become thret to Sbot unity t timewhen Sbot District hs been wre. Arguments bout whether the Mosopfrom Chepkite n the Soy from Cheptis, Kpsokwony n Kptm re thesme or ifferent peope hve become extremey hete. The Norobos presentcim to Chepkite n Chebyuk is cery formute, n is thus cim tht theministrtion n other setters hve to conten with. Define s inigenousforest weers, they receive speci consiertion in the propose new KenynConstitution (which fie to be opte uring the 2005 referenum). The

interntion reference to borigin n rights hs ent some creibiity to theChepkite peopes n cim, which hs receive interntion bcking. They renow in position to cim they re even more inigenous thn the other Sbot.Whether oc territori n cims re bcke by the centr government or notis so cruci. Moi supporte inigenous n cims when he foun n interest inoing so, but i not view intern isputes mong the Kenjin fvourby. Duringthe 1990s, he counte on the univie bcking of the Kenjin groups n othertribes of the Rift Vey, the KAMATUSA (Kenjin, Msi, Turkn, Smburu),introuce t the time s inigenous. The mrgin position of the Sbot withinthe Kenjinspeking communities, both emogrphicy n poiticy, hs e

to some resentment. The sttus of the Norobo, s minority within the Sbotminority, hs e to even more resentment. The Moi government certiny bckethe Sbot cim, which trgete the Bukusu in the 1990s, within the context ofthe majimbo ieoogy s strtegy to retin power. The sttus of riv Norobon Bok (or Sbot) cims to n is not s cer t ny given time. Over the yersgovernment ws me to efen nrrow poitic interests. Poitic eers n MPs,who in their own wy represente government ocy, efene first n foremosttheir own poitic interests. They chose to bck n cims in the nme of specificcommunities for their own benefit.17 Amost every Sbot hs trie to get n inChebyuk t one point or nother, or t est hs retive who hs trie to sette

there. This is one of the resons why the Sbot hve in some wy been rwninto the n wrnges in the re. In this context, the term Sbot ws escribe s


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hving been coine for poitic gin or for the benefit ofland-eaters. It is importntto note tht the sme hs been si bout the term Kenjin.

Keny hs strong egcy of territori contro, with bounries cting s constrintsto n settement. Environment poicies in Keny hve reie overwhemingy onthe rwing n enforcement of bounries. Therefore, uness existing bounries requestione n new bounries introuce, itte n is vibe for new settementsin the highns. Bounries estbishing n reserves or territori preserves(forests, prks n ethnic istricts) hve mosty cte s brriers to n settementbut hve so crete imite opportunities for certin ctegories of peope.

Government involvement in land allocations and transactions

In the ery 1970s the cretion of Chebyuk resute from e between PresientKenytt n the oc MP Dnie Moss.18 The re ws cere n sette withoutgovernment ssistnce. Decisions bout n octions were hne t the oceve with much of the responsibiity being hne over to chiefs n to ncommittee. This constitutes the first perio of Chebyuks settement. The seconperio emerge foowing compints of mismngement in 1989, when the centrgovernment ecie to cnce the previous octions n strt the exercise fresh,this time intervening irecty n resserting its contro over the settement. Duringthis stuy, peope interviewe insiste tht the chnges in the mngement ofthe scheme t Chebyuk between the first n secon perios were ric. Those

who fet mrginise uring the secon perio referre to the first Chebyuk scommunity n, whie for the secon perio they viewe Chebyuk s settementscheme. Tite ees were not issue to resients uring either the first or the seconperio, espite the initi ppointment of n juiction committee in Mrch1973.19 After 1989, foowing the ecision to reocte the n, the hning out ofetters of otments ws eye n strte ony in 2002. Chebyuks inhbitntsmy not gree bout which community owne the n uring the first or eventhe secon phse; however, they seem to ment the poor ministrtion npoitic interference in the settement.

The 1970s and 1980s community land: A decentralised process of land allocation

Athough the process of n oction in the 1970s n 1980s in Chebyuk isreferre to s ecentrise, this oes not men tht the stte ws not invove; onthe contrry, it ws t the hert of the n brgining. The centr government wsinvove through the oc ministrtion, s chiefs n subchiefs were pprochefor n (Interview 1). Aprt from the ministrtion, poiticins from counciorsto MPs so took keen interest in the process of n oction. Ln ws givenout in n extremey ecentrise fshion in spite of stte invovement. In fct,ecentristion ws facilitated by stte invovement, s n ws octe through

poitic ptronge or priviege. Athough in Keny n privtistion n the issuingof tite ees were offici poicies, these tsks were never finise in Chebyuk. The


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ck of offici ocuments to prove nownership i not prevent n trnsctions,however. Those who were given n by the government strte to hn it over toothers: some peope borrowe, others rente n others bought n (Interview 5).

The sttus of those stying on the n vrie grety, from the one who ws givenn by stte representtives, to the bourer n the person who rente or boughtthe n from others. In some cses, forest n ws so irecty with the compicityof officis (Interview 16). The centrity of the stte s n estbishe structure ofpower ppers cery through the privtistion of pubic office n resources n, inthis cse, through the se of pots n other n brgins it initite.

In the ery 1970s, when the government me the ministrtive ecision to reoctethe inhbitnts of Chepkite to rbe n in the foreste re of Chebyuk, the istof beneficiries of the scheme ws rfte by the oc ministrtion with the hepof eers from the community. At the time, the 672 fmiies counte s iving in themoorns took prt in the scheme (Interview 5).20 Sever controversies surrouningthis scheme continue to fue ebte. The first issue is the number of beneficiries nthe ege incusion of nonChepkite peope on the beneficiry ist. The seconissue concerns the size of the pots: officis responsibe for the scheme cim thtech of the 672 fmiies ws octe 20 cres (8 hectres) (Interview 18). However,this is impossibe, s the recors show tht ony 3 686 hectres were to be officiyocte t the strt of the settement. The thir n most controversi issueconcerns rgesce n trnsctions tht egey took pce fter the initin octions, which sw ition forest n cere without being officiy

egzette. The process of n oction ws, in theory, to be hne by njuiction committee, which worke hn in hn with the ministrtion nthe eecte representtives of the re. Uner the infuence of power brokers, thesize of the committee ws increse. The origin committee ws comprise of 11members who were supposey chosen from within the Chepkite community,though t est one member ws egey nonChepkite person ( retiveof oc chief) (Interview 2). The enrge committee, which took over mostimmeitey from the first (offici) one, comprise chiefs n oc poiticins nits egitimcy ws wiey questione (Interviews 4 n 5).

As one might expect, n ws unequy istribute mong beneficiries n

ition peope were e to the ist, incuing oc poiticins or their retives.Officis hve since then efene their cquisition of n by ciming tht it wsgiven to them by the community s sign of pprecition (Interview 13). The oermen who were in contro of the n oction beonge either to the ministrtionor to the n committee, or were poiticins themseves. It hs been note tht theybeonge mosty to one ge group (the Korongoro). In some cses, they mngeto recrete cn n by grouping peope on cn bsis or by octing n in given re to their own cn members; the chirmn of the n committee isccuse of such ctivities(Interviews 2 n 6). This hs e peope to beieve thtcertin fmiies or cns controe n ocy. Those who h irect ccess ton octions often becme the he of rge fmiies with mny wives (in some


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cses, with four to ten wives).Ech beneficiry ws given forest pot without nyinfrstructure n it ws up to him to eveop it, n impossibe tsk without enistingthe hep of others. This resute in shortge of bour n n ws promise in

exchnge for work. A system invoving the exchnge of bour for sm piece ofn for ones own cutivtion seems to hve existe. In the cse of rge nhoings,sever guest fmiies might shre the n with their host, hving hepe cer theforest (Interview 17). Some so insist they pi for the n octe to them bythe first beneficiries of the scheme or by the ministrtion. The ecentriseccess to n ws so chrcterise by the stretching of bounries where ocrrngements were me with chiefs n subchiefs s we s with the forestuthorities for cutivtion in forest res. None of this business ws conucte egyn ws esiy revoke when the time cme the n reform of 1989 reverse previous n octions n ses.

The system ste s ong s no offici chnge of poicy or renew of eershipoccurre, which it i t the turn of the 1980s. Just before, n ttempt to proceewith n juiction e to renewe opportunities for n grbbing (Interview7). A memornum from the Norobo ws forwre to Presient Moi in October1988, which e to investigtions n the subsequent remov of ministrtorsn emotion of poitic eers.21 Chief Bomje n MP Wiberforce Kisiero reexmpes of officis impicte in the investigtions. They were ccuse of givingn to outsiers even though Kisiero enie this. This episoe, in whichKisieroost his post s ssistnt minister, cn be rete to poitics t the ntion eve

n suen oss of fvour, which expins Presient Mois ecision to pursueegtions of corruption. It ws ecie tht the whoe process of n octionstht h begun in the

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Struggle Over Land in Africa