Support for Democracy in the Fiji Islands - Does Schooling Matter

8/4/2019 Support for Democracy in the Fiji Islands - Does Schooling Matter

1/26

USPSESCHOOL OF ECONOMICS

UNIVERSITY OF THE SOUTH PACIFIC

WORKING PAPER

Support for Democracy in the Fiji Islands: Does Schooling Matter?

Neelesh Gounder

School of Economics

Faculty of Business and Economics

The University of the South Pacific

[email protected]

Mahendra Reddy

School of Economics



[email protected]

Biman Chand Prasad

School of Economics



[email protected]

No. 2008/08 April 2008

This paper presents work in progress in the School of Economics at USP. Comments,

criticisms and enquiries should be addressed to the author.

Copyright 2008 by the author. All rights reserved.
mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]


2/26


Neelesh GounderSchool of Economics



[email protected]

Mahendra Reddy

School of Economics



[email protected]

Biman Chand Prasad

School of Economics



[email protected]

1


3/26


Abstract

Education is highly regarded as having an important influence on individuals

understanding and backing of democracy, but whether this occurs in young and small

democratic states remain unknown. This paper examines whether schooling and

education have a positive impact on an individuals democratic values in Fiji, whose

democratic system has been subject to three coups since independence in 1970. Using

data from a countrywide survey, the results from the ordered probit model reveals that

education level does not affect an individuals democratic values. We, however, find that

gender, age, and ethnicity do have an influence on individuals endorsement of

democracy.

Key words Fiji, democracy, education

2


4/26


1. Introduction

This paper examines whether schooling and education has a positive impact on an

individuals democratic values in Fiji. In a seminal contribution Dewey (1916) argues

that higher levels of education are important preconditions for democracy. In agreement,

Lipset (1959, 1976) views more educated individuals as facilitating the functioning of a

democracy because they believe in the fundamentals of democratic principles. The

higher ones education, the more likely one is to believe in democratic values and support

democratic practices (1976, 56). Lipsets observation is in favour of the modernization

theory which emphasizes the important role of education and economic growth in

encouraging political development in general and education in particular. In support of

Dewey and Lipset, a number of theoretical studies (Almond and Verba, 1963; Hyman

and Wright, 1979; Wringe 1984; Bobo and Licari, 1989; Gibson, Duch and Tedin, 1992;

Nie, Junn and Stehlik-Barry, 1996; Sehr, 1997; Sullivan and Transue, 1999) have pointed

out that more educated citizens are likely to believe in democratic values, critically

monitor the functioning of government and keep democratic values alive.

It is without doubt that individual values and behaviour are important factors shaping

political life and the functioning of democratic societies. Even international organizations

have thrown their support behind this notion. The World Bank, for example, with specific

reference to Africa agrees that broad and equitable access to education is thus essential

for sustained progress toward democracy, civic participation, and better governance

The financial support for this research was provided by The University of the South Pacifics Faculty of

Business and Economics research grant 6D129-1421. We thank Pravinesh Gounder and Ravuama

Mataqaqa for superb research assistance. Data from the survey used in the paper are clearly and precisely

documented and are readily available to any researcher for purposes of replication. Corresponding author:

Neelesh Gounder.

3


5/26

(World Bank, 2001). However, there is little empirical evidence that education indeed

influences individuals democratic attitudes and behaviour in developing countries,

particularly in countries where democracy has come under threat on many occasions. In

particular, whether there exists a causal effect of education on political interest,

participation in voting, political involvement, and democratic values in relatively young

and small democratic states remains unexplored (Siedler, 2007). This study is also

important from a policy perspective as the results can be used to design and strengthen

our education systems so as to ensure that democratic values are inculcated amongst the

future generations early in their lives. In this regard, it is worthy to note that democratic

citizenship has been a compulsory subject in many school systems around the world

(Holmes, 1979).

This research will add to the limited literature on education and democracy in small

island developing countries. In this respect Fiji distinguishes itself as an interesting and

unique case study since it has established two methods of changing government since

independence: 8 elections democratic elections and three coups. In the last twenty years

there have been three coups where democratically elected governments were removed at

gunpoint. Each time there was a coup, it was evident that there was a silent majority that

supported the cause of the coup; whether the majority that sympathised with Sitiveni

Rabukas military coup in 1987 or those masses who went into parliament to support

George Speights coup in 2000 or those who encouraged Commander Frank

Bainimaramas coup in 2006. A distinguishing feature amongst that majority were the

educated who each time voiced their support for the coup and the cause. That then begets

a question whether education indeed promotes democratic values amongst individuals.

Moreover, this is the first study which will comprehensively investigate whether there are

causal effects of education on democracy in Fiji.

The plan of the paper is as follows. The next section surveys the relevant literature.

Section three provides a brief account of Fijis political and economic situation and the

nature of the education system under which the majority of contemporary adults in Fiji

have received their formal training. We then present the estimation strategy in section

4


6/26

four. Data and variables used in the analysis are discussed in section five. The

penultimate section presents the main results concerning the relation between education

and democracy while concluding remarks are provided in the final section.

2. Relevant Literature

The literature examining the causality between education and democracy can be divided

into two strands; macro level, and individual-level data. Studies in the first strand include

Barro (1999), Przeworski et al. (2000), Glaeser et al. (2004), Acemoglu et al. (2005), and

Glaeser et al. (2006). Results of these empirical studies conclude mixed effects of

education on democracy. Some have found that education has a positive effect on

democracy; while others suggest no relationship at all. For example, Barro (1999),

Przeworski et al. (2000), and Glaeser et al. (2004) find a positive relationship between

levels of education and democracy whereas Acemoglu et al. (2005) found no evidence of

such effect. The most common measurements of democracy used in this literature are the

Freedom House Political Rights Index and the Polity IV index of democracy. Despite

these attempts, the causal effect of education is still the subject of controversy. At the

heart of this controversy is the issue of potential omitted variable bias. A paper that has

given careful attention to this issue is Acemoglu et al. (2005). Acemoglu et al. control for

country specific-effects and find that the association between education and several

measures of democracy die out. They argue that this lack or relationship is highly robust

to different econometric techniques, to estimation in various samples, and to the inclusion

of different sets of covariates (p. 2).

The second strand contain studies by Nunn et al. (1978), Nie et al. (1996), Dee (2004),

Milligan et al. (2004), Touya (2006), Siedler (2007), and Evans and Rose (2007). All

studies in this strand confirm the view that education has a positive effect on democratic

values. For example Nunn et al. (1978) found that with an increase in the number of years

of schooling, students showed an increase in tolerance of freedom of speech, and that

individuals with more schooling were found to be better enlightened about Communist

and Nazi beliefs. Studying USA and UK, Milligan et al. (2004) found that years of

schooling had positive effect on civic behavior in both countries but positive effect on

5


7/26

voting only in the USA. Siedler (2007) used data from the German General Social

Survey (ALLBUS) and found that years of schooling to be positively correlated with a

range of political outcome measures. In a recent study, Evans and Rose (2007) explored

the effects of education on understandings of and support for democracy in Malawi.

Using data from the Malawi Afrobarometer national survey, they conclude that primary

schooling promotes citizen endorsement of democracy. Though there is consistent

evidence from country specific studies, it will be difficult to carry over these evidences to

other countries since every country is different in terms of its political and socio-cultural

environment. Therefore, it is imperative that systematic research is carried out for every

country in order to understand whether education indeed influences democracy.

3. The Context of the Study: Democracy and Schooling in Fiji

Fiji is a small island nation with less than 1 million people and with a land area of about

18,000 square kilometers. Fiji is a multiracial country which comprises the indigenous

Fijian community and a significant Indo-Fijian population with minorities including

Chinese and Europeans. People of Indian origin were brought to Fiji by the British

Colonial governor to work on the sugar cane plantation. Many of them, however, decided

to stay back and made Fiji their home. Before 1987 the Indo-Fijian population was more

than 50 percent of the total population. It was a British Colony for more than 100 years. It

gained independence in 1970 and the transition was peaceful. The economic progress

during the first decade was impressive. The adoption of an import-substitution strategy

for development was the major thrust of economic policy agenda. Between 1970 and

1980 the country achieved economic growth rates of more than 5 percent per annum.

This was mainly led by the expansion of the sugar industry, fisheries and forestry sectors.

In addition to these sectors, major social infrastructure projects such as roads, water

supply, hospitals and schools were built by the government through borrowing and aid

from donors. However, this was not sustainable as debt levels rose and government

machinery became less efficient and corruption and mismanagement became more

evident (Akram-Lodhi and Sephere, 2000). In the 1980s the economic decline was more

pronounced and much of the economic problem remains unresolved at present. Despite

the strains on the economic front, Fiji was proud as a nation to promote its slogan, Fiji

6


8/26

the way the world should be. This slogan was imbedded in the fact that it achieved a

peaceful transition to independence to a young and dynamic democracy with a very

plural society.

This proud record, however, was broken by a military coup in 1987 after a new

government in Fiji was formed under free and fair general elections. The indigenous

Fijian dominated military undertook the coup to supposedly protect the indigenous rights

which it felt was going to be threatened by the newly elected government which had

several members of the Indo-Fijian community in cabinet.1

A democratically elected

government was removed at a gun point and this was widely supported by majority of the

Indigenous Fijian community leaders. The Interim government appointed after the

military coup unleashed a series of racist policies which included the exclusion of non-

indigenous Fijians from the civil service, police and the military. An interim government

ran for the country between 1987 and 1992 when a new general election was held under a

new constitution which was racist and undemocratic in nature. It excluded non-

indigenous Fijians from becoming the prime minister and from holding key government

positions. This constitution was changed to remove some of the racist elements and a

new general election was held in 1999 again producing a multi-ethnic government with a

prime minister from an Indo-Fijian background. The democratically elected government

lasted only for a year when it was overthrown in a military supported coup. This once

again unleashed a whole of series of undemocratic processes in the country but

fortunately democracy was restored in 2001. However, the military overthrew the

government formed after the 2006 general election and Fiji is currently under a military

rule with a promise of election to be held in future. In total in the last 20 years, Fiji had

three military coups and as a result it has had a chequered past in terms of its record on

upholding the rule of law and principles of democracy.

1 A number of books and articles have been published on the reasons for the military in Fiji and how

democracy was destroyed. See for example, B.V. Lal (1988, 1992), Lal (1989), Howard (1991), Prasad

(1988), Robertson and Tamanisau (1988) and Scar (1988). For a general discussion of race, class, politics

and land see Ravuvu (1991) Norton, R. (1990) Sutherland (1984), Narayan (1984), Durutalo (1985),

Chand (1994), and Nayacakalou (1975)

7


9/26

The military coups since 1987 have had a negative economic impact with average growth

rates of about 2 percent over the 20 year period.2

The declining economic performance

has also contributed to increasing levels of poverty.3

The education system in Fiji was modeled on the British, Australian and New Zealand

school systems. In fact, until the early 1980s most of the external examinations were

conducted and prepared by New Zealand authorities until Fiji developed its own

examinations. Education forms one of the largest budgetary expenditure for Fiji. Majority

of the children are in school and literacy rate is almost 98 percent. These are very good

indicators for Fiji.

4. Data

This survey was conducted from September to November in 2007. Data were collected

through questionnaires in an interview session with individuals selected at random in

different parts of Fiji. As such, the presence of the researcher is indispensable. The sole

condition was that of age. Since voting age in Fiji is 21 years, participants with less than

20 years old were excluded. The survey is a nationally representative, stratified random

sample of individuals producing interviews with 607 eligible voters, 20 years and older.

The questionnaire was designed to elicit a wealth of information. The first part covered

the respondents general details, and comprised questions regarding gender, age, marital

status, ethnicity, number of years of formal education, education level, highest school

level, and parents highest school level. Different levels of educational attainment are

important to analyse the idiosyncratic consequences of these levels of educational

experience. Therefore we not only collected information on the level of education (no

formal, primary, secondary, and tertiary) but the number of years of education as well.

2 See for example Brown and Scott (1989) Cameron (1993, 1989) Chand and Levantis, (2000) Chandra,

(1989) Cole and Hughes (1988) Elek, Hill and Tabor, (1991), Narayan and Prasad (2006)

3 See for example Barr and Naidu (2007), Narsey, (2006), Prasad and Kumar (2003)

8


10/26

The succeeding part included questions concerning democracy; democratic values, and

political awareness and involvement. This part contains a mainly rich array of questions

that not only measure understanding of and attitudes of democracy but also the level of

political awareness and involvement. We follow the literature to ensure that the various

types of measures of democratic citizenship are included in the questions. Political

involvement was included to accommodate the theory that individuals with more

education may have greater opportunity costs of time and hence reduce time spent

towards civic activities (Siedler, 2007). This could actually act as a factor reducing

democracy amongst more educated individuals.

5. Estimation Methods

To model this relationship, we use the ordered probit probability model. The ordered

probit model serves as a better framework for statistical analysis whenever field survey

responses are ordinal as distinct from numerical. It is an extension of the probit model

where there is an ordering with the dependent variable. This model was first introduced

into the social sciences by political scientists McKelvey and Zavoina (1975) (see also

Davidson and MacKinnon, 1993; Greene, 2003). Similar to the probit model, the

parameters are estimated using maximum likelihood and standard normal tests can be

used to test the significance of individual coefficients. Moffatt and Daykin (2002)

provide a detailed review of the ordered probit model.

The dependent variable for this study is an encompassing measure of democracy. The

basis of the ordered probit model is the linear relationship:

Demi = Xi + i

where Demi is an unobserved index of democracy, and can be thought of as the

underlying tendency of an observed phenomenon, namely the democracy likert scale,

9


11/26

Demi. is a vector of parameters with X being the vector of explanatory variables and it

is assumed that i (disturbance term) follows a normal distribution with ~ N (0, 2). The

democracy index is developed by taking the average likert score of the responses that was

obtained from a number of questions pertaining to the persons perception on democratic

values and principles.

6. Results

(a). Understanding and Preference for democracy

In every questionnaire we proceeded by asking the individual to define democracy in

his/her own words. It was important to establish whether the individuals are able to

provide a definition of democracy because then only we can assure the validity of the

responses to all other questions. In other words, we exclude individuals who are likely to

be constrained by being unfamiliar with a meaning of democracy. The most common

understanding of democracy includes government chosen by the people through free and

fair elections, and freedom of expression. Figure 1 illustrates that majority of respondents

agree that they would prefer to have a democratic government to any other kind of

government. This is found across all levels of education. Figure 2 shows that most

respondents agree that free and fair elections are the only way governments can be

brought to power and can be removed. This view is reflected across all levels ofeducation except in the case of no formal education where for almost 50 per cent

democratic or non-democratic regime does not make any difference.

10


12/26

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

No Formal Primary Secondary Tertiary

%r

espond

ents

DisagreeNeutral

Agree

Figure 1. Do you prefer democracy to any other type of government?

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

No Formal Primary Secondary Tertiary

%r

espondents

Disagree

Neutral

Agree

Figure 2. Is periodic free and fair elections the only way to bring/remove

governments to/from power?

(b). Does schooling matter?

Evidence from the graphical analysis suggests that educational level is important for

support of democracy. However, this does not provide evidence that these democratic

values are the direct result of the level of education that an individual has. It could very

well be that there are other factors that influence these democratic attitudes that account

for the relationship observed between the level of education and support for democracy.

11


13/26

For example those educated may have inherited their parents democratic thoughts and

interests or it could be due to age as individuals my have acquired and accumulated

wisdom through time. We run regressions using ordered probit model. The dependent

variable, democracy, is computed based on answers provided to questions in the second

section of the questionnaire where we noted the respondents views on various aspects of

democratic values, and political awareness and involvement. The independent variables

included education level, gender, age, ethnicity, and parents highest school degree. These

attributes, apart from education, are highly likely to influence individuals support for

democracy in Fiji. Why will these attributes provide an explanation of support for

democracy? We believe age is an important attribute because different generations have

had different experiences in the last thirty years in terms of the coups and the interim

governments after coups amidst elected governments. Gender matters as well because

most women still do not attend political rallies and meetings. As such males are likely to

benefit considerably through greater political awareness and involvement. Furthermore,

many women in rural areas are still involved in traditional household roles whereas males

are more mobile socially and occupationally. Ethnicity is likely to be important since the

coups, and which political party forms the government has always had an ethnic

dimension. Political mobilization historically has had an ethnic orientation in Fiji. Our

respective communities continue to find security and support among their kind, and their

attitudes are, in turn, reinforced by an electoral system that is ethnically based

(Madraiwiwi, 2007). We also consider parents schooling level because children may

inherit their educated parents interest in politics and democratic values. This inheritance

and hence the views is not due to how many years of school they themselves have

attended.

The results are presented in Table 1. Unlike an OLS model, the R2

statistic is not

appropriate for test of goodness-of-fit. However, the successful predictions are taken as a

proxy for this and it was found that the model predicts 61% of the actual observations

correctly. This is a reasonable goodness-of-fit for this kind of discrete choice model.

12


14/26

The model reveals that education level does not affect an individuals belief in

democratic principles. We believe this is an imperative and a predictable result. The 1987

and 2000 coups had the backings of bulk of ethnic Fijians, educated and non-educated,

and many Indo-Fijians were seen to be strongly in favour of the 2006 clean-up coup

(Fraenkel, 2007). The results also demonstrate that other variables like gender, age, and

ethnicity does have an influence on peoples democratic values.

Table 1. Results from Ordered Probit Model: Determinants of Democracy in Fiji.

Variable Coefficient Standard Error P-Value

Constant 3.000* 0.324 0.000

Gender -0.267* 0.097 0.006

Age 0.011* 0.005 0.036Marital Status -0.127 0.120 0.288

Ethnicity -0.698* 0.105 0.000

Education 0.019 0.014 0.176Parents Education 0.034 0.022 0.116

Goodness of Fit Test:Correct Predictions

61%

Log likelihood

function

-553.12

N 607

Note: An * indicates significance at the 5% level.

The significant gender variable indicates that females believe less in democracy than

males and this may be due to their limited participation in the electoral process and lack

of women candidates. In addition, males are still regarded as traditional household heads

and as such mainly males attend political gatherings and rallies. Therefore males are

expected to benefit through greater political involvement and awareness. The age variable

indicates that older people believe more in democracy than the younger generation.

Another interesting finding is the significance of the ethnicity variable. This variable

indicates that Indo-Fijians are likely to possess lesser democratic values than the ethnic

Fijians. This we believe could be due to the timing of the survey. The coups of 1987 and

2000 removed governments dominated by Indo-Fijians under the pretext that only

indigenous Fijians should be allowed to rule Fiji. The 2006 coup, however, was carried

13


15/26

out against a Fijian dominated government which was voted in power by the masses of

Fijian population. Since it was a Fijian dominated government that was removed from

power, it could be that the indigenous Fijians have realized the importance of the virtues

of democracy whereas Indo-Fijians regard this as fair in terms of past coups which they

see as injustices against the Indo-Fijian community.

7. Concluding Remarks

Taking into consideration the fact that Fiji is a relatively young democratic country that is

still suffering from the effects of three coups and democracy has more than once proved

to be an elusive dream, this paper explored whether education would be the facilitating

factor in transition towards a more democratic state. The results reveal that education

does not predict endorsement of democracy. Our study also shows that most respondents

not only having a general understanding of the meaning of democracy but support

democracy as well. However, this support for democracy does not arise as a result of the

level of education but due to other reasons. Findings from this analysis should be

interpreted with caution, however. For example, results do not necessarily suggest that

education programs for democracy promotion should be curtailed but in fact it should be

enhanced. The lack of any relationship from education to democracy does not imply that

education is irrelevant in promoting democracy amongst individuals. What we do find is

that the support for democracy does not arise because of an individuals education level

of education but other factors. The results from this paper is important for those

democracy proponents, including the donor agencies, that transition towards democracy

can not be achieved easily or quickly but has to be germinated and nurtured by the

individuals themselves. Education is not sufficient to create democratic individuals

though it may be a necessary condition.

14


16/26

References

Acemoglu, D., Johnson, S., Robinson, J.A., and Yared, P. (2005). From Education to

Democracy? American Economic Association Papers and Proceedings, 95 (2), 44-49.

Almond, G., and Verba, S. (1963). The Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy

in Five Nations. London: Sage Publications.

Barro, J. (1999). The determinants of Democracy. Journal of Political Economy, 107,

S158-S183.

Bobo, L., and Licari, F.C. (1989). Education and political tolerance. Public Opinion

Quarterly, 53, 285-308.

Brown, C. and Scott, D.A. 1989. Economic Development in Seven Pacific Island

Countries, International Monetary Fund, Washington, D.C.,

Cameron. J. 1993. A Political Economy of Market-led Structural Adjustment. A Case

study of Fiji, Journal of International Development, 5: 123-133.

Cameron. J. 1989. Fiji: The Political Economy of Recent Events, A Quarterly Journal of

Critical Thought, 70: 29-45.

Chand, S., and Levantis, T. 2000. The Fiji Coup: a spate of economic catastrophes,

Pacific Economic Bulletin, 15: 27-33.

Chandra, R. 1989. The Political Crisis and the Manufacturing Sector in Fiji, Pacific

Viewpoint, 30:163-178.

Cole, R. and Hughes, H. 1988. The Fiji Economy, May 1987: Problems and Prospects,

Pacific Policy Papers No.4, National Centre for Development Studies, Australian

National University, Canberra

15


17/26

Dewey, J. (1916). Democracy and Education. New York: The Macmillan Company.

Elek, A., Hill, H. and Tabor, S.R. 1991. Liberalisation and Diversification in a Small

Island Economy: Fiji since the 1987 Coups, Working Papers in Trade and Development

No.91/4, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, Canberra.

Evans, G., and Rose, P. (2007). Support for Democracy in Malawi: Does Schooling

Matter? World Development, 35 (5), 904-919.

Fraenkel, J. (2007). The Fiji coup of December 2006: who, what, where and why? In J.

Fraenkel and S. Firth (Ed.), From Election to Coup in Fiji: The 2006 Campaign and its

Aftermath. Suva, IPS Publications.

Gibson, J., Duch, R.M., and Tedin, K.L. (1992). Democratic values and the

transformation of the Soviet Union. The Journal of Politics, 54 (2), 329-371.

Glaeser, E., Ponzetto, G., and Shleifer, A. (2006). Why Does Democracy need

Education? Working Paper 12128, National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge,

MA.

Greene, W. (2003). Econometric Analysis. NJ: Prentice Hall.

Holmes, B. (1979). International guide to education systems. Paris: UNESCO.

Howard, M.C. (1991) Fiji, Race and Politics in an Island State, University of British

Colombia: Vancouver.

Hyman, H.H., and Wright, C.R. (1979). Educations lasting effect on values. Chicago:

Chicago University Press.

16


18/26

Lal, B.V. (1988) Power and Prejudice: The Making of the Fiji Crisis, New Zealand Institute

of International Affairs: Wellington.

Lal, B.V. (1992) Broken Waves: A History of Fiji Islands in the Twentieth Century,

University of Hawaii Press: Honolulu.

Lal, V. (1989) Coups in Paradise: Race, Politics and Military Intervention, Zed Books:

London.

Lipset, S.M. (1959). Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and

Political Legitimacy. American Political Science Review, 53, 69-105.

Lipset, S.M. (1976). Political man. London: Heinemann.

Madraiwiwi, J. (2007). An election retrospective. In J. Fraenkel and S. Firth (Ed.), From

Election to Coup in Fiji: The 2006 Campaign and its Aftermath. Suva, IPS Publications.

Daykin A. R.., and P. G. Moffatt and (2002) Analyzing Ordered Responses: A Review

of the Ordered Probit Model, Understanding Statistics, 1(3): 157-166.

Milligan, K., Moretti, E., and Oreopoulos, P. (2004). Does education improve

citizenship? Evidence from the United States and the United Kingdom. Journal of Public

Economics, 88, 1667-1695.

Nie, N.H., Junn, J., and Stehlik-Barry, K. (1996). Education and democratic citizenship in

America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Naidu, V. (1991) Development, State and Class Theories: An Introductory Survey, Fiji

Institute of Applied Studies: Suva.

Narayan, J. (1984) The Political Economy of Fiji, South Pacific Review Press: Suva.

17


19/26

Nayacakalou, R.R. (1975) Leadership in Fiji, Oxford University Press: Melbourne.

Norton, R. (1990) Race and Politics in Fiji, 2nd Ed, The University of Queensland Press:

Brisbane

Prasad, S. (ed) (1988) Coup and Crises: Fiji a Year Later, Arena Publications: Melbourne.

Ravuvu, A. (1991) The Faade of Democracy in Fiji, Institute of Pacific Studies, The

University of the South Pacific: Suva.

Sehr, D.T. (1997). Education for Democracy. Albany, NY: State University of New York

Press.

Sullivan, J.L., and Transue, J.E. (1999). The psychological underpinnings of democracy:

a select review of research on political tolerance, interpersonal trust, and social capital.

Annual Review of Psychology, 50, 625-650.

Sutherland, W.M. (1984) The State and Capitalist Development in Fiji, Phd Thesis,

University of Canterbury: Canterbury.

Przeworski, A., Alvarez, M., Cheibub, J.A., and Limongi, F. (2000). Democracy and

Development: Political Institutions and material well-being in the world, 1950-1990.

New York: Cambridge University Press.

Robertson, R. and Sutherland, W. (2001) Government by the gun: the unfinished business

of Fijis 2000 coup, Pluto Press: Sydney.

Robertson, R.T. and Tamanisau, A. (1988) Fiji-Shattered Coups, Pluto Press: Sydney.

18


20/26

Scarr, D.A. (1988) The Politics of Illusion: The Military Coups in Fiji, UNSW Press:

Sydney.

Touya, D.M. (2006). Can we teach civic attitudes? DT 06-03, Vigo: Universidade de

Vigo.

World Bank (2001). Chance to learn. Knowledge and finance for education in sub-

Saharan Africa. World Bank, Washington, DC.

Wringe, C. (1984). Democracy, schooling and political education. London: George Allen

& Unwin.

19


21/26

Recent Working Papers

2008/wp

7 Sunil Kumar Fijis declining formal sector economy: Is the informal

sector an answer to the declining economy and social security?

6 T K Jayaraman and Evan Lau Does External Debt Lead to Economic Growth in thePacific Island Countries: An Empirical Study

5 Gyaneshwar Rao The Relationship between Crude and Refined Product Market: The

Case of Singapore Gasoline Market using MOPS Data4 Bill B Rao and Saten Kumar A Panel Data Approach to the Demand for Money and

the Effects of Financial Reforms in the Asian Countries

3 Bill B Rao and Rup Singh Contribution of Trade Openness to Growth in East Asia: APanel Data Approach

2 Bill B Rao, Rup Singh and Saten Kumar Do We Need Time Series Econometrics?

1 Rup Singh and Biman C Prasad Small States Big Problems Small Solutions from BigCountries

2007/wp:

24 Biman C Prasad Changing Trade Regimes and Fijis Sugar Industry: Has the Time

Run-out for Reform or is There a Plan and Political Will to Sustain it?

23 B Bhaskara Rao and Rup Singh Effects of Trade Openness on the Steady State GrowthRates of Selected Asian Countries with an Extended Exogenous Growth Model

22 T K Jayaraman and Jauhari Dahalan How Does Monetary Policy Transmission

Mechanism Work in Samoa?21 T K Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong More on Shocking Aspects of A Single

Currency For Pacific Island Countries: A Revisit20 Biman C Prasad Economic Integration and Labour Mobility: Are Australia and New

Zealand Short-Changing Pacific Forum Island Countries?

19 T K Jayaraman and C K Choong Monetary Policy Transmission Mechanism In ThePacific Islands: Evidence From Fiji

18. K L Sharma High-Value Agricultural Products of The Fiji Islands: Performance,

Constraints And Opportunities

17 Saten Kumar Income and Price Elasticities of Exports in Philippines16. Saten Kumar Determinants of Real Private Consumption in Bangladesh

15. K.L Sharma Public Sector Downsizing in the Cook Islands: Some Experience and

Lessons14. Rup Singh and B C Prasad Do Small States Require Special Attention or Trade

Openness Pays-off

13. Rup Singh Growth Trends and Development Issues in the Republic of Marshall Islands12. B. Bhaskara Rao and G Rao Structural Breaks and Energy Efficiency in Fiji

11. Rup Singh Testing for Multiple Endogenous Breaks in the Long Run Money Demand

Relation in India

10. B.B Rao, Rukimini Gounder and Josef Leoning The Level And Growth Effects in theEmpirics of Economic Growth: Some Results With Data From Guatemala

20


22/26

9. B. Bhaskara Rao and K.L Sharma Testing the Permanent Income Hypothesis in the

Developing and Developed Countries: A Comparison Between Fiji and Australia.8. T. K Jayaraman and Chee K Choong Do Fiscal Deficits Cause Current Account Deficits

In The Pacific Island Countries? A Case Study Of Fiji

7. Neelesh Gounder and Mahendra Reddy Determining the Quality of Life of Temporary

Migrants using Ordered Probit Model.6. T K Jayaraman Fiscal Performance and Adjustment in the Pacific Island Countries: A

Review

5. Yenteshwar Ram and Biman C Prasad Assessing Fiji' Global Trade Potential Using theGravity Model Approach

4. Sanjesh Kumar and Biman C Prasad Contributions of Exports of Services Towards

Fiji's Output3. Paresh Kumar Narayan, Seema Narayan, Biman Chand Prasad and Arti Prasad Tourism

and Economic Growth: a Panel Data Analysis for Pacific Island Countries

2. T.K. Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong - Will External Borrowing Help Fiji'sGrowth.

1. Arti Prasad Paresh Kumar Narayan and Biman Chand Prasad- A Proposal for PersonalIncome Tax Reform For The Fiji Islands

2006/wp:

34. Paresh K Narayan and Arti Prasad - Modelling Fiji-US Exchange Rate Volatility.33. T.K. Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong - Why is the Fiji Dollar Under Pressure?

32. T.K. Jayaraman and Baljeet Singh -Impact of Foreign Direct Investment on

Employment in Pacific Island Countries: An Empirical Study of Fiji31. B. Bhaskara Rao and Toani B Takirua - The Effects of Exports, Aid and Remittances

on Output: The Case of Kiribati30. B. Bhaskara Rao and Saten Kumar Cointegration, Structural Breaks and the Demand

for Money in Bangladesh

29. Mahendra Reddy Productivity and Efficiency Analysis of Fijis Sugar Industry28. Mahendra Reddy Preferential Price and Trade Tied Aid: Implications on Price

Stability, Certainty and Output Supply of Fijis Sugarcane

27. Maheshwar Rao Challenges and Issues in Pro-Poor Tourism in South Pacific Island

Countries: The Case of Fiji Islands26. TK Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong Structural Breaks and the Demand for Money

in Fiji

25. B. Bhaskara Rao and Saten Kumar Structural Breaks and the Demand for Money inFiji

24. Mahendra Reddy Determinants of Public Support for Water Supply Reforms in a Small

Developing Economy.23. Mahendra Reddy Internal Migration in Fiji: Causes, Issues and Challenges

22. Mahendra Reddy and Bhuaneshwari Reddy Analyzing Wage Differential by Gender

Using an Earnings Function Approach: Further Evidence from a Small Developing

Economy.21. Biman C. Prasad Trade: "WTO DOHA Round: An Opportunity or a Mirage for Fiji.

21


23/26

20. Benedict Y. Imbun Review of Labour Laws in Papua New Guinea

19. Benedict Y. Imbun Review of Labour Laws in Solomon Islands18. Rup Singh Cointegration Tests on Trade Equation: Is Devaluation an Option for Fiji?

17. Ganesh Chand Employment Relations Bill: An Analysis.

16. TK Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong Public Debt and Economic Growth in the

South Pacific Islands: A Case Study of Fiji15. TK Jayaraman and Chee-Keong Choong Aid and Economic Growth in Pacific Islands:

An Empirical Study of Aid Effectiveness in Fiji.

14. Rup Singh A Macroeconometric Model for Fiji.13. Rup Singh and Saten Kumar Private Investment in Selected Asian Countries.

12. Ganesh Chand The Labour Market and Labour Market Laws in Fiji

11. Carmen V-Graf Analysis of Skilled Employment Demand and Opportunities in thePacific Labour Market

10. Philip Szmedra, Kanhaiya L Sharma and Cathy L Rozmus Health Status, Health

Perceptions and Health Risks Among Outpatients with Non-communicable Diseasesin Three Developing Pacific Island Nations

9. Heather Booth, Guangyu Zhang, Maheshwar Rao, Fakavae Taomia and Ron DuncanPopulation Pressures in Papua New Guinea, the Pacific Island Economies, and Timor

Leste8. Mahendra Reddy Technical efficiency in Artisanal Fisheries: Evidence from a

Developing Country.

7. Paresh K Narayan and Biman C Prasad Macroeconomic Impact of the Informal Sectorin Fiji

6. Biman C Prasad Resolving The Agricultural Land Lease Problem in The Fiji Islands;

Current Discussions and The Way Forward.5. Rup Singh & Saten Kumar Demand For Money in Developing Countries: Alternative

Estimates and Policy Implications4. B. Bhaskara Rao, Rup Singh & Fozia Nisha, An Extension to the Neoclassical Growth

Model to Estimate Growth and Level effects.

3. Rup Singh & Saten Kumar, Cointegration and Demand for Money in the SelectedPacific Island Countries.

2. B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, Estimating Export Equations.

1. Rup Singh, An Investment Equation for Fiji

2005/wp:

27 Neelesh Gounder & Biman C. Prasad & Biman C. Prasad What Does AffirmativeAction Affirm: An Analysis of the Affirmative

Action Programmes for Development in the Fiji Islands

26 B.Bhaskara Rao, Fozia Nisha & Biman C. Prasad The Effects of Life Expectancy onGrowth

25 B. Bhaskara Rao, Rup Singh, & Neelesh Gounder, Investment Ratio in Growth

Equations

24 T.K. Jayaraman, Regional Economic Integration in the Pacific: An Empirical Study

22


24/26

23 B. Bhaskara Rao & Maheshwar Rao, Determinants of Growth Rate: Some

Methodological Issues with Time Series Data from Fiji22 Sukhdev Shah, Exchange Rate Targeting of Monetary Policy

21 Paresh Narayan and Baljeet Singh, Modeling the Relationship between Defense

Spending and Economic Growth for the Fiji Islands

20 TK Jayaraman, Macroeconomics Aspects of Resilence Building in Small States19 TK Jayaraman, Some Shocking Aspects of a Regional Currency for the Pacific

Islands.

18 Bimal B. Singh and Biman C. Prasad, Employment-Economic Growth Nexus andPoverty Reduction: An Empirical Study Based on the East Asia and the Pacific

Region

17 Biman C. Prasad and Azmat Gani, Savings and Investment Links in Selected PacificIsland Countries

16 T.K. Jayaraman, Regional Integration in the Pacific.

15 B. Bhaskara Rao, Estimating Short and Long Run Relationships: A Guide to theApplied Economist.

14 Philip Szmedra, KL Sharma, and Cathy L. Rozmus, Managing Lifestyle Illnesses inPacific Island States: The Case of Fiji, Nauru and Kiribati.

13 Philip Szmedra and KL Sharma, Lifestyle Diseases and Economic Development: TheCase of Nauru and Kiribati

12 Neelesh Gounder, Rural Urban Migration in Fiji: Causes and Consequences

11 B. Bhaskara & Gyaneshwar Rao, Further Evidence on Asymmetric US Gasoline PriceResponses

10 B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, Demand for Money for Fiji with PC GETS

9 B. Bhaskara Rao & Gyaneshwar Rao, Crude Oil and Gasoline Prices in Fiji: Is theRelationship Asymmetric?

8 Azmat Gani & Biman C. Prasad, Fijis Export and Comparative Advantage.7 Biman C. Prasad & Paresh K Narayan, Contribution of the Rice Industry to Fijis

Economy: Implication of a Plan to Increase Rice Production

6 Azmat Gani, Foreign Direct Investment and Privatization.5 G. Rao, Fuel Pricing In Fiji.

4 K. Bunyaratavej & Tk Jayaraman, A Common Currency For The Pacific Region: A

Feasibility Study.

3 Sukhdev Shah, Kiribatis Development: Review And Outlook.2 T.K. Jayaraman, B.D. Ward, Z.L. Xu, Ate the Pacific Islands Ready for a Currency

Union? An Empirical Study of Degree of Economic Convergence

1 T.K. Jayaraman, Dollarisation Of The South Pacific Island Countries: Results Of A

Preliminary Study

23


25/26

2004/wp:

15 Vincent D. Nomae, Andrew Maneporaa, Sunil Kumar & Biman C. Prasad, PovertyAmongst Minority Melanesians In Fiji: A Case Study Of Six Settlements In Suva

14 Elena Tapuaiga & Umesh Chand, Trade Liberalization: Prospects and Problems for Small

Developing South Pacific Island Economies13 Paresh K. Narayan, Seema Narayan & Biman C. Prasad, Forecasting Fijis Exports and

Imports, 2003-2020

12 Paresh K. Narayan & Biman C. Pradad, Economic Importance of the Sugar Industry in

Fiji: Simulating the Impact of a 30 Percent Decline in Sugar Production..11 B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, A Cointegration and Error Correction Approach to

Demand for Money in Fiji: 1971-2002.

10 Khainhaiya L. Sharma, Growth, Inequality and Poverty in Fiji Islands: InstitutionalConstraints and Issues.

9 B. Bhaskara Rao, Testing Halls Permanent Income Hypothesis for a Developing Country:

The Case of Fiji.

8 Azmat Gani, Financial Factors and Investment: The Case of Emerging MarketEconomies.

7 B. Bhaskara Rao, The Relationship Between Growth and Investment.6 Wadan Narsey, PICTA, PACER and EPAs: Where are we going? Tales of FAGS,

BOOZE and RUGBY

5 Paresh K. Narayan & Biman C. Prasad, Forecasting Fijis Gross Domestic Product,

2002-2010.4 Michael Luzius, Fijis Furniture and Joinery Industry: A Case Study.

3 B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, A Consumption Function for Fiji.

2 Ashok Parikh & B. Bhaskara Rao, Do Fiscal Deficits Influence Current Accounts? ACase Study of India.

1 Paresh K. Narayan & Biman C. Prasad, The Casual Nexus Between GDP, Democracyand Labour Force in Fiji: A Bootstrap Approach.

2003/wp:

11 B. Bhaskara Rao & Rup Singh, Demand For Money in India: 1953-2002.

10 Biman C. Prasad & Paresh K. Narayan, Fiji Sugar Corporations Profitability and

Sugar Cane Production: An Econometric Investigation, 1972-2000.9 B. Bhaskara Rao, The Nature of The ADAS Model Based on the ISLM Model.

8 Azmat Gani, High Technology Exports and Growth Evidence from Technological

Leader and Potential Leader Category of Countries.

7 TK Jayaraman & BD Ward, Efficiency of Investment in Fiji: Results of an EmpiricalStudy.

6 Ravinder Batta, Measuring Economic Impacts of Nature Tourism.

5 Ravinder Batta, Ecotourism and Sustainability.4 TK Jayaraman & Rajesh Sharma, Determinants of Interest Rate Spread in the Pacific

Island Countries: Some Evidence From Fiji.

3 T.K. Jayaraman & B.D. Ward, Is Money Multiplier Relevant in a Small,OpenEconomy? Empirical Evidence from Fiji.

24


26/26

2 Jon Fraenkel, The Coming Anarchy in Oceania? A Critique of the `Africanisation of

the South Pacific Thesis.

1 T.K. Jayaraman, A Single Currency for the South Pacific Islands: A Dream or A

Distant Possibility?

Documents

Support for Democracy in the Fiji Islands - Does Schooling Matter