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Supporting standards comprise 35% of the U. S. History Test
9 (G)
Supporting Standard (9)The student understands the impact of the
American civil rights movement.
The Student is expected to:(G) Describe the role of individuals such as governors George Wallace, Orval Faubus, & Lester Maddox and groups, including the
Congressional bloc of southern Democrats, that sought to maintain the status quo
Supporting Standard (9)The student understands the impact of the
American civil rights movement.
The Student is expected to:(G) 1 Describe the role of individuals such as
governor George Wallace who sought to maintain the status quo
George Corley Wallace Jr. (1919–1998) was an American politician & the 45th governor of Alabama, having served two nonconsecutive terms and
two consecutive terms as a Democrat: 1963–1967, 1971–1979 and 1983–1987. Wallace has the third longest gubernatorial tenure in post-Constitutional U.S. history at 5,848 days. After four runs for U. S.
president (three as a Democrat and one on the American Independent Party ticket), he earned the moniker “the most influential loser” in 20th-century U.S. politics, according to biographers Dan T. Carter and Stephan Lesher.
A 1972 assassination attempt left Wallace paralyzed, and he used a wheelchair for the remainder of his life.
He is remembered for his Southern populist & segregationist attitudes during
the desegregation period. He eventually renounced segregationism but remained a populist.
George Corley Wallace Jr. (1919–1998) was an American politician & the 45th governor of Alabama, having served two nonconsecutive terms and
two consecutive terms as a Democrat: 1963–1967, 1971–1979 and 1983–1987. Wallace has the third longest gubernatorial tenure in post-Constitutional U.S. history at 5,848 days. After four runs for U. S.
president (three as a Democrat and one on the American Independent Party ticket), he earned the moniker “the most influential loser” in 20th-century U.S. politics, according to biographers Dan T. Carter and Stephan Lesher.
A 1972 assassination attempt left Wallace paralyzed, and he used a wheelchair for the remainder of his life.
He is remembered for his Southern populist & segregationist attitudes during
the desegregation period. He eventually renounced segregationism but remained a populist.
Early in his career, he was considered a moderate on racial issues. As a delegate to the 1948 Democratic National Convention, he did not join
the Dixiecrat walkout at the convention, despite his opposition to President Truman’s proposed civil rights program, which Wallace considered an
infringement on states’ rights. The Dixiecrats carried Alabama in the 1948 general election, having rallied behind Governor Strom Thurmond of South
Carolina. In his 1963 inaugural speech as governor, Wallace excused his failure to walk out of the 1948 convention on political grounds.
In 1952, he became the Circuit Judge of the Third Judicial Circuit in Alabama. Here he became known as “the fighting
little judge,” a nod to his past boxing association. He gained a reputation for fairness regardless of the race of the plaintiff,
and J.L. Chestnut, a black lawyer, recalled, Judge George Wallace was the most liberal judge that I had ever practiced
law in front of.
Early in his career, he was considered a moderate on racial issues. As a delegate to the 1948 Democratic National Convention, he did not join
the Dixiecrat walkout at the convention, despite his opposition to President Truman’s proposed civil rights program, which Wallace considered an
infringement on states’ rights. The Dixiecrats carried Alabama in the 1948 general election, having rallied behind Governor Strom Thurmond of South
Carolina. In his 1963 inaugural speech as governor, Wallace excused his failure to walk out of the 1948 convention on political grounds.
In 1952, he became the Circuit Judge of the Third Judicial Circuit in Alabama. Here he became known as “the fighting
little judge,” a nod to his past boxing association. He gained a reputation for fairness regardless of the race of the plaintiff,
and J.L. Chestnut, a black lawyer, recalled, Judge George Wallace was the most liberal judge that I had ever practiced
law in front of.
On the other hand, “Wallace was the first Southern judge to issue an injunction against removal of segregation signs in
railroad terminals.” Wallace blocked federal efforts to review Barbour County voting lists, for which he was cited for
criminal contempt of court in 1959. Wallace also granted probation to some blacks, which may have cost him the 1958
gubernatorial election.
In the wake of his defeat, Wallace “made a Faustian bargain,” said Emory University professor Dan Carter. “In order to
survive and get ahead politically in the 1960s, he sold his soul to the devil on race.” He adopted a hard-line segregationist
stance and used this stand to court the white vote in the next gubernatorial election in 1962 (which he won).
On the other hand, “Wallace was the first Southern judge to issue an injunction against removal of segregation signs in
railroad terminals.” Wallace blocked federal efforts to review Barbour County voting lists, for which he was cited for
criminal contempt of court in 1959. Wallace also granted probation to some blacks, which may have cost him the 1958
gubernatorial election.
In the wake of his defeat, Wallace “made a Faustian bargain,” said Emory University professor Dan Carter. “In order to
survive and get ahead politically in the 1960s, he sold his soul to the devil on race.” He adopted a hard-line segregationist
stance and used this stand to court the white vote in the next gubernatorial election in 1962 (which he won).
The Second Infantry Division from Ft. Benning, Ga., was ordered to be prepared to enforce the integration of the University of
Alabama in Tuscaloosa. In a vain attempt to halt the enrollment of black students Vivian Malone & James Hood, Governor Wallace
stood in front of Foster Auditorium at the University of Alabama on June 11, 1963. This became known as the “Stand in
the Schoolhouse Door.”
In September 1963, Wallace again attempted to stop four black students from enrolling in four separate
elementary schools in Huntsville. After intervention by a federal court in Birmingham, the four children were
allowed to enter on September 9, becoming the first to integrate a primary or secondary school in Alabama.
The Second Infantry Division from Ft. Benning, Ga., was ordered to be prepared to enforce the integration of the University of
Alabama in Tuscaloosa. In a vain attempt to halt the enrollment of black students Vivian Malone & James Hood, Governor Wallace
stood in front of Foster Auditorium at the University of Alabama on June 11, 1963. This became known as the “Stand in
the Schoolhouse Door.”
In September 1963, Wallace again attempted to stop four black students from enrolling in four separate
elementary schools in Huntsville. After intervention by a federal court in Birmingham, the four children were
allowed to enter on September 9, becoming the first to integrate a primary or secondary school in Alabama.
The Encyclopædia Britannica characterized him as not so much a segregationist, but more as a “populist” who pandered to the white majority of Alabama voters. In his 1972 campaign to
become president, Wallace announced that he no longer supported segregation and had always been a “moderate” on racial matters. Nevertheless, Wallace expressed continued
opposition to desegregation busing.
For the next four months, Wallace’s campaign proceeded well. Then on May 15, 1972, he was shot five times by Arthur Bremer while campaigning at the Laurel Shopping Center in Laurel, Maryland, at a time when he was
receiving high ratings in national opinion polls. Wallace was hit in the abdomen and chest, and as one of the bullets lodged in Wallace’s spinal
column, he was left paralyzed from the waist down for the rest of his life. A five-hour operation was needed that evening and Wallace had to receive
several pints of blood in order to survive.
The Encyclopædia Britannica characterized him as not so much a segregationist, but more as a “populist” who pandered to the white majority of Alabama voters. In his 1972 campaign to
become president, Wallace announced that he no longer supported segregation and had always been a “moderate” on racial matters. Nevertheless, Wallace expressed continued
opposition to desegregation busing.
For the next four months, Wallace’s campaign proceeded well. Then on May 15, 1972, he was shot five times by Arthur Bremer while campaigning at the Laurel Shopping Center in Laurel, Maryland, at a time when he was
receiving high ratings in national opinion polls. Wallace was hit in the abdomen and chest, and as one of the bullets lodged in Wallace’s spinal
column, he was left paralyzed from the waist down for the rest of his life. A five-hour operation was needed that evening and Wallace had to receive
several pints of blood in order to survive.
In the late 1970s, Wallace announced that he was a born-again Christian and apologized to black civil rights leaders for his
past actions as a segregationist. He said that while he had once sought power and glory, he realized he needed to seek love and
forgiveness. In 1979, Wallace said of his stand in the schoolhouse door: “I was wrong. Those days are over, and they
ought to be over.”
Wallace’s final term as governor (1983–1987) saw a record number of black appointments to
state positions, including, for the first time, two black members in the same cabinet, a number
that has been equaled but never surpassed.
In the late 1970s, Wallace announced that he was a born-again Christian and apologized to black civil rights leaders for his
past actions as a segregationist. He said that while he had once sought power and glory, he realized he needed to seek love and
forgiveness. In 1979, Wallace said of his stand in the schoolhouse door: “I was wrong. Those days are over, and they
ought to be over.”
Wallace’s final term as governor (1983–1987) saw a record number of black appointments to
state positions, including, for the first time, two black members in the same cabinet, a number
that has been equaled but never surpassed.
Supporting Standard (9)The student understands the impact of the
American civil rights movement.
The Student is expected to:(G) 2 Describe the role of individuals such
as governor Orval Faubus who sought to maintain the status quo
Orval Eugene Faubus (1910–1994) was the 36th Governor of Arkansas, serving from 1955 to 1967. He is best known for his 1957 stand against the desegregation of the Little Rock School District during the “Little
Rock Crisis,” in which he defied a unanimous decision of the U. S. Supreme Court by ordering the Arkansas National Guard to stop African-
American students from attending Little Rock Central High School. Despite his initial staunch segregationist stances, Faubus moderated his
positions later in life.
During his early political career, Faubus was a “moderate” on racial issues, but his political realism
resurfaced as he adopted racial policies that were palatable to influential white voters in the Delta region
as part of a strategy to effect key social reforms and economic growth in Arkansas.
Orval Eugene Faubus (1910–1994) was the 36th Governor of Arkansas, serving from 1955 to 1967. He is best known for his 1957 stand against the desegregation of the Little Rock School District during the “Little
Rock Crisis,” in which he defied a unanimous decision of the U. S. Supreme Court by ordering the Arkansas National Guard to stop African-
American students from attending Little Rock Central High School. Despite his initial staunch segregationist stances, Faubus moderated his
positions later in life.
During his early political career, Faubus was a “moderate” on racial issues, but his political realism
resurfaced as he adopted racial policies that were palatable to influential white voters in the Delta region
as part of a strategy to effect key social reforms and economic growth in Arkansas.
The 1954 gubernatorial election made Faubus sensitive to attacks from the political right. It has been suggested that this sensitivity
contributed to his later stance against integration when he was challenged by segregationist elements within his own party.
Faubus was known as a particularly effective one-on-one campaigner and was said to have never turned away anyone who
sought to shake his hand, no matter how much time it took.
Faubus’ name became internationally known during the Little Rock Crisis of 1957, when he used the National Guard to stop African Americans from
attending Little Rock Central High School as part of federally ordered racial desegregation. His strong stand on this issue may seem surprising considering Faubus’ 1954 run for governor as a progressive candidate promising to increase
spending on schools and roads. During the first few months of his administration, Faubus desegregated state buses and public transportation and
began to investigate the possibility of introducing multi-racial schools.
The 1954 gubernatorial election made Faubus sensitive to attacks from the political right. It has been suggested that this sensitivity
contributed to his later stance against integration when he was challenged by segregationist elements within his own party.
Faubus was known as a particularly effective one-on-one campaigner and was said to have never turned away anyone who
sought to shake his hand, no matter how much time it took.
Faubus’ name became internationally known during the Little Rock Crisis of 1957, when he used the National Guard to stop African Americans from
attending Little Rock Central High School as part of federally ordered racial desegregation. His strong stand on this issue may seem surprising considering Faubus’ 1954 run for governor as a progressive candidate promising to increase
spending on schools and roads. During the first few months of his administration, Faubus desegregated state buses and public transportation and
began to investigate the possibility of introducing multi-racial schools.
Critics have long charged that Faubus’ fight in Little Rock against the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision by the Supreme Court that separate schools were
inherently unequal was politically motivated. The ensuing battle helped to shield him from the political fallout from the tax increase and to diminish Johnson’s
appeal. Journalist Harry Ashmore (who won a Pulitzer Prize for his columns on the subject) portrayed the fight over Central High as a crisis manufactured by Faubus.
Ashmore said that Faubus used the Guard to keep blacks out of Central High School because he was frustrated by the success his political opponents were having in
using segregationist rhetoric to arouse white voters.
Faubus’ decision led to a showdown with President Eisenhower and former Governor Sid McMath. In October 1957, Eisenhower federalized the
Arkansas National Guard and ordered them to return to their armories which effectively removed them from Faubus’ control. Eisenhower then sent elements of the 101st Airborne Division to Arkansas to protect the
black students and enforce the Federal court order. In retaliation, Faubus shut down Little Rock high schools for the 1958—1959 school years. This
is often referred to as “The Lost Year” in Little Rock.
Critics have long charged that Faubus’ fight in Little Rock against the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision by the Supreme Court that separate schools were
inherently unequal was politically motivated. The ensuing battle helped to shield him from the political fallout from the tax increase and to diminish Johnson’s
appeal. Journalist Harry Ashmore (who won a Pulitzer Prize for his columns on the subject) portrayed the fight over Central High as a crisis manufactured by Faubus.
Ashmore said that Faubus used the Guard to keep blacks out of Central High School because he was frustrated by the success his political opponents were having in
using segregationist rhetoric to arouse white voters.
Faubus’ decision led to a showdown with President Eisenhower and former Governor Sid McMath. In October 1957, Eisenhower federalized the
Arkansas National Guard and ordered them to return to their armories which effectively removed them from Faubus’ control. Eisenhower then sent elements of the 101st Airborne Division to Arkansas to protect the
black students and enforce the Federal court order. In retaliation, Faubus shut down Little Rock high schools for the 1958—1959 school years. This is
often referred to as “The Lost Year” in Little Rock.
Supporting Standard (9)The student understands the impact of the
American civil rights movement.
The Student is expected to:(G) 3 Describe the role of individuals such as governor Lester Maddox who sought to
maintain the status quo
Lester Garfield Maddox, Sr. (1915–2003), was an American politician who was the 75th Governor of Georgia from
1967 to 1971. A populist Democrat, Maddox came to prominence as a staunch segregationist, when he refused to serve black customers in his Atlanta restaurant, in defiance of the Civil Rights Act. Yet as Governor, he oversaw notable improvements in black employment.
Later he served as Lieutenant Governor under Jimmy Carter.
In 1944, Maddox, along with his wife, the former Hattie Virginia Cox (1918–1997), used $400 in savings to open a combination grocery store and restaurant called
Lester’s Grill. Building on that success, the couple then bought property on Hemphill Avenue off the Georgia Tech campus to open up the Pickrick
Restaurant. Following the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision of the Supreme Court, Maddox’s refusal to adjust to changes following the passage
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 manifested itself when he filed a lawsuit to continue his segregationist policies. Maddox said that he would close his
restaurant rather than serve African Americans.
Lester Garfield Maddox, Sr. (1915–2003), was an American politician who was the 75th Governor of Georgia from
1967 to 1971. A populist Democrat, Maddox came to prominence as a staunch segregationist, when he refused to serve black customers in his Atlanta restaurant, in defiance of the Civil Rights Act. Yet as Governor, he oversaw notable improvements in black employment.
Later he served as Lieutenant Governor under Jimmy Carter.
In 1944, Maddox, along with his wife, the former Hattie Virginia Cox (1918–1997), used $400 in savings to open a combination grocery store and restaurant called
Lester’s Grill. Building on that success, the couple then bought property on Hemphill Avenue off the Georgia Tech campus to open up the Pickrick
Restaurant. Following the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision of the Supreme Court, Maddox’s refusal to adjust to changes following the passage
of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 manifested itself when he filed a lawsuit to continue his segregationist policies. Maddox said that he would close his
restaurant rather than serve African Americans.
An initial group of black demonstrators came to the restaurant but did not enter when Maddox informed them that he had a large
number of black employees. In April 1964, more African Americans attempted to enter the restaurant. Maddox confronted the group with a bare ax handle. Maddox ultimately closed his restaurant on
February 7, 1965 rather than integrate it; he claimed that President Lyndon Johnson and communists put him out of business.
In the following years, Maddox ran for political office. An unidentified Republican viewed Maddox’s appeal as follows: “We have a populist
revolution in its truest sense moving here. White people who work with their hands see in Lester Maddox a man of their own kind and are fighting to elect him
[as governor].” Time magazine termed Maddox a “strident racist”; Newsweek viewed him as a “backwoods demagogue out in the
boondocks.” Yet, the former restaurateur’s appeal transcended race to embrace a right-wing brand of “populism,” picturing government, rather than big business,
as the villain.
An initial group of black demonstrators came to the restaurant but did not enter when Maddox informed them that he had a large
number of black employees. In April 1964, more African Americans attempted to enter the restaurant. Maddox confronted the group with a bare ax handle. Maddox ultimately closed his restaurant on
February 7, 1965 rather than integrate it; he claimed that President Lyndon Johnson and communists put him out of business.
In the following years, Maddox ran for political office. An unidentified Republican viewed Maddox’s appeal as follows: “We have a populist
revolution in its truest sense moving here. White people who work with their hands see in Lester Maddox a man of their own kind and are fighting to elect him
[as governor].” Time magazine termed Maddox a “strident racist”; Newsweek viewed him as a “backwoods demagogue out in the
boondocks.” Yet, the former restaurateur’s appeal transcended race to embrace a right-wing brand of “populism,” picturing government, rather than big business,
as the villain.
As Georgia’s governor, Maddox campaigned hard for states’ rights and maintained a segregationist stance while in office. After Maddox’s death
in 2003, Tom Murphy, the former Speaker of the Georgia House of Representatives, said of the former governor: “He had a reputation as a segregationist, but he told us he was not a segregationist, but that you should be able to associate with whoever you wanted. He went on to do more for African Americans than any governor of Georgia up until that
time.”
This view, however, was not universally shared. In its obituary of the former governor, The New York Times called him an “arch-segregationist;” to support this
contention, the Times noted that his convictions included “the view that blacks were intellectually inferior to whites, that integration was a Communist plot, that segregation was somewhere justified in scripture and that a federal mandate to
integrate [all-white] schools was ‘ungodly, un-Christian and un-American.’” Despite this, the obituary notes that after becoming governor, Maddox “surprised
many by hiring and promoting blacks in state government and by initiating an early release program for the state prison system.”
As Georgia’s governor, Maddox campaigned hard for states’ rights and maintained a segregationist stance while in office. After Maddox’s death
in 2003, Tom Murphy, the former Speaker of the Georgia House of Representatives, said of the former governor: “He had a reputation as a segregationist, but he told us he was not a segregationist, but that you should be able to associate with whoever you wanted. He went on to do more for African Americans than any governor of Georgia up until that
time.”
This view, however, was not universally shared. In its obituary of the former governor, The New York Times called him an “arch-segregationist;” to support this
contention, the Times noted that his convictions included “the view that blacks were intellectually inferior to whites, that integration was a Communist plot, that segregation was somewhere justified in scripture and that a federal mandate to
integrate [all-white] schools was ‘ungodly, un-Christian and un-American.’” Despite this, the obituary notes that after becoming governor, Maddox “surprised
many by hiring and promoting blacks in state government and by initiating an early release program for the state prison system.”
Supporting Standard (9)The student understands the impact of the
American civil rights movement.
The Student is expected to:(G) 4 Describe the role of the Congressional bloc of southern Democrats that sought to
maintain the status quo
After World War II, during the civil rights movement, Democrats in the South initially still voted loyally with their party. After the signing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the old argument that all whites had to stick together to prevent
civil rights legislation lost its force because the legislation had now been passed. More and more whites began to vote Republican, especially in the suburbs and growing cities. Newcomers from the North were mostly Republican; they were now joined by conservatives and wealthy Southern whites, while liberal whites
and poor whites, especially in rural areas, remained with the Democratic Party.
After World War II, during the civil rights movement, Democrats in the South initially still voted loyally with their party. After the signing of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the old argument that all whites had to stick together to prevent
civil rights legislation lost its force because the legislation had now been passed. More and more whites began to vote Republican, especially in the suburbs and growing cities. Newcomers from the North were mostly Republican; they were now joined by conservatives and wealthy Southern whites, while liberal whites
and poor whites, especially in rural areas, remained with the Democratic Party.
Southern Democrats are members of the U.S. Democratic Party who reside in the American South. In the 19th century, Southern Democrats comprised
whites in the South who believed in Jacksonian democracy. In the 1850s they held that slavery was a good thing and promoted its expansion into the West. After Reconstruction ended in the late 1870s, they controlled all the Southern
states and disenfranchised the blacks (who were Republicans). The “Solid South” gave nearly all its electoral votes to Democrats in presidential elections.
Republicans seldom were elected to office outside some mountain districts.
During the 1930s, as the New Deal began to move Democrats as a whole to the left in economic policy, Southern Democrats were mostly supportive,
although by the late 1930s there was a growing conservative faction. Both factions supported Roosevelt’s foreign policies. By 1948 the protection of segregation led Democrats in the Deep South to reject Truman and run a third party ticket of Dixiecrats in the 1948 election. After 1964, Southern Democrats lost major battles to the civil rights movement. Federal laws
ended segregation and restrictions on black voters.
Southern Democrats are members of the U.S. Democratic Party who reside in the American South. In the 19th century, Southern Democrats comprised
whites in the South who believed in Jacksonian democracy. In the 1850s they held that slavery was a good thing and promoted its expansion into the West. After Reconstruction ended in the late 1870s, they controlled all the Southern
states and disenfranchised the blacks (who were Republicans). The “Solid South” gave nearly all its electoral votes to Democrats in presidential elections.
Republicans seldom were elected to office outside some mountain districts.
During the 1930s, as the New Deal began to move Democrats as a whole to the left in economic policy, Southern Democrats were mostly supportive,
although by the late 1930s there was a growing conservative faction. Both factions supported Roosevelt’s foreign policies. By 1948 the protection of segregation led Democrats in the Deep South to reject Truman and run a third party ticket of Dixiecrats in the 1948 election. After 1964, Southern Democrats lost major battles to the civil rights movement. Federal laws
ended segregation and restrictions on black voters.
Many southern Democrats became Republicans at the national level, while remaining with their old party in state and local politics throughout the 1970s and 1980s. The
South became fertile ground for the GOP, which conversely was becoming more conservative as the Democrats were becoming more liberal. It wasn’t until the 1990s
in the Deep South that Democratic control began to implode, starting with the elections of 1994, in which Republicans gained control of both houses of Congress, through the rest of the decade. By the mid-1990s, however, the political value of the race card was evaporating and many Republicans began to court African Americans
by playing on their vast dedication to Christian conservatism.
Many southern Democrats became Republicans at the national level, while remaining with their old party in state and local politics throughout the 1970s and 1980s. The
South became fertile ground for the GOP, which conversely was becoming more conservative as the Democrats were becoming more liberal. It wasn’t until the 1990s
in the Deep South that Democratic control began to implode, starting with the elections of 1994, in which Republicans gained control of both houses of Congress, through the rest of the decade. By the mid-1990s, however, the political value of the race card was evaporating and many Republicans began to court African Americans
by playing on their vast dedication to Christian conservatism.
Fini
