Upload
others
View
2
Download
0
Embed Size (px)
Citation preview
Supplementary Information
SI Fig. 1. Male ibex on the cliffs of the Ramon Crater, central Negev highlands (Photograph
by U. Avner, 2012).
SI Fig. 2. Ibex hunting scenes in neighboring deserts: A. Sakaka, Sa‘udi ‘Arabia (‘Abdul
Nayeem 2002:202), B. Najran, Sa‘udi ‘Arabia (courtesy of Christian Robin), C. Wadi
Abu-Qwei, Eastern desert, Egypt, late Predynastic (Redford & Redford 1989:13, c.f.
Morrow et al. 2010:218), D. Wadi Abu-Wasil, Eastern desert, Egypt (Morrow et al.
2010:189).
SI Fig. 3. Ibex with dogs and hunters in Near Eastern art: A. Susa, Iran ca. 4000 BC. (Clark
2001:69), B. Iran, ca. 800 BC (Kist et al. 2003: Fig. 11), C. Saqqara, Egypt, ca. 2320 BC.
(Malek 2001:83), D. Hierakonopolis, Egypt, ca. 2990 BC, lower part of palette (Malek
2001:32, Ashmolean E.3924).
SI Fig. 4. Saving the ibex: A. Achaemenid seal impression, Persepolis, ca. 600 BC (Root
2002:182), B. Mesopotamian seal impression, ca. 4th millennium BC (Amiet 1961: No.
698). C. Dilmun, Baḥrain (Højland et al. 2005: Fig. 17).
SI Fig. 5. Seal impressions with ibex up and down: A. Akkad, ca.1800 BC, (Hartner 1965:
Fig. 25), B-D. Cyprus, ca.1600 BC (Kenna 1967: Figs. 15, 28, 29).
SI Fig. 6. Metal object from Nabataean temple at Jebel Serbal, Sinai, 1st century BC-3rd
century AD (Avner in press: Fig. 13).
SI Fig. 7. Susa, Iranian bowl, ca. 3400 BC (Pope & Ackerman 1938: Pl. 3c).
SI Fig. 8. Ibex with celestial symbols: A. Ramat Matred, central Negev Highlands, B. Har
‘Arqov, central Negev Highlands, C, D. Har Karkom.
SI Fig. 9. Ibex with celestial symbols in Near Eastern art: A. Iranian Goblet, Tepe Sialk, ca.
3300 BC. (Woolley 1961:39). B. Pottery decoration, Susa, ca. 4000 BC (Pope & Ackerman
1938: Fig. 32j,k), C. Tepe Gian, ca. 4000 BC (Amiet 1961: No. 85), D. Early Assyrian
(Ward 1910:181, No. 494), E. Iron Age, Jordan (Timm 1993:192, No. 6), F. Proto-Elamite
(Amiet 1961: No. 537), F. Iron Age II (Sass 1993: Nos. 59/158).
SI Fig. 11. Star constellations: A. Bronze astral bowl, ca. 700 BC (Lemair 1999: Fig. 1), B.
The constellation of Orion (following the astral bowl) with Lepus below him. C.
Reconstruction of ibex below Orion (following the astral bowl).
SI Fig. 12. Middle Bronze Syrian seal impression, an ibex with ‘rabbit ears’ in the mid lower
part (Collon 1982: Fig. 3f; Zevulun & Ziffer 2012: Fig. 24).
References for SI
Abdul Nayeem, M. 2000. The Rock Art of Arabia. Hyderabad.
Amiet, P. 1961. La glyptique Mésopotamienne archaique. Paris
Amiet, P. 1966. Elam. Paris.
Anati, E. 2015. The Rock Art of the Negev and Sinai. Capo di Ponte.
Avner, U. 2015. The Nabataeans in Sinai. ARAM 27: 389-421.
Clark, T. 2001. The dogs of the ancient Near East. In, Brewer, D.J., T. Clark and A. Phillips
(Eds). Dogs in Antiquity, Anubis to Cerberus. Warminster. Pp. 49-79.
Collon, D. 1982. The Aleppo workshop- A seal cutter’s workshop in Syria in the second half of
the 18th century BC. Ugarit Forschungen 13:33-43.
Hartner, W. 1965. The earliest history of the constellations in the Near East and the motif of the
Lion-Bull Combat. Journal of Near East Studies 24:1-19.
Højland, F., P. Bangsgaard, J. Hansen, N. Haue, P. Kjaeum and D. Danner Lund. 2005. New
Excavations at Barbar temple, Baḥrain. Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 16:105-128.
Kenna, V. 1967. The seal use of Cyprus in the Bronze Age II. Bulletin de Correspondance
Hellénique 91: 552-557.
Kist, J., Collon, D. and Wiggermann, F.A.M. 2003. Ancient Near Eastern Seals from the Kist
Collection: Three Millennia of Miniature Reliefs. Leiden.
Lemaire, A. 1999. Coupe astrale inscrite et astronomie araméenne. In. Y. Avishur and R.
Deutsch (Eds). Michael. Historical, Epigraphical and Biblical Studies in Honor of Prof.
Michael Heltzer. Tel Aviv. Pp. 195-211.
Malek, J. 2003. Egypt, 4000 Years of Art. London.
Morrow, M., M. Morrow, T. Judd and G. Phillipson (Eds). 2010. Desert RATS, Rock Art
Topographic Survey in Egypt’s Eastern Desert, Site Catalogue. Oxford, BAR
International Series 2166.
Pope, A. U. and P. Ackerman. 1938. A Survey of Persian Art from Prehistoric Time to the
Present. Vols. I-VII. London and N.Y.
Redford, S. and D.B. Redford. 1989. Graffiti and petroglyphs old and new from the Eastern
Desert. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 26:3-49.
Root, M,C. 2002. Animal in the art of ancient Iran. In, M. Collins (Ed). A History of the Animal World in the Ancient Near East. Leiden, Brill. Pp. 169-209.
Sass, B. 1993. The pre-exilic Hebrew seals, iconography and Syro-Palestinian religion of Iron
Age II: Some afterthoughts and conclusions. In, B. Sass and C. Uehlinger (Eds). Studies in
the Iconography of Northwest Semitic Inscribed Seals. Gottingen. Pp. 194-256.
Timm, S. 1993. Das ikonographische repertoire der Moabitischen sieglel und seine enwjcklung:
von maximalismus zum minimalismus. In, Sass, B. and C. Uehlinger (Eds). Studies in
the Iconography of Northwest Semitic Inscribed Seals. Gottingen. Pp. 161-193.
Ward, W. H. 1910. The Seal Cylinders of Western Asia. Washington.
Woolley, L. 1961. The Art of the Middle East. New York: Crown Publishers.
Zevulun, U. and I. Ziffer. 2012. Back from the hunt: A pictorial Tell El-Yahudiyah juglet in the
Eretz Israel Museum, Tel Aviv. Egypt and the Levant 22:431-447.
Symbolism of the ibex motif in Negev rock art
Uzi Avner a, *, Liora Kolska Horwitz b, Wayne Horowitz c
a Arava-Dead Sea Science Center, Israelb National Natural History Collections, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israelc Institute of Archaeology, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel
a r t i c l e i n f o
Article history:
Received 13 October 2015
Received in revised form
27 March 2016
Accepted 22 November 2016
Available online 9 December 2016
Keywords:
Petroglyphs
Rock engravings
Nubian ibex
Dog
Ritual hunting
Celestial constellations
a b s t r a c t
The male ibex is the dominant zoomorphic motif in rock art of the Negev desert, Israel. It recurs in
thousands of petroglyphs, either alone or in association with several recurring images; commonly with
dogs or other predators but also with hunters. These associations occur in all chronological phases of
Negev rock art, implying that they had an enduring symbolic significance. Here we address only some
aspects of ibex iconography, focusing on its associationwith dogs, hunters and astral symbols. We discuss
the possible meaning of these associations with regard to the ritual hunting of ibex and connection to
deities associated with rainfall, seasonal cycles and celestial constellations.
© 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
1. Introduction
Thousands of rock engravings are found in the Negev desert of
Israel. In a few areas of this desert they have been systematically
recorded; at Har Karkom (Anati, 1993:61e91, 1996, 2001:121e128,
154, 2015), Timna (Rothenberg, 2001, 2003), Har Miḥia, ‘Ezuz and
Ramat Matred (Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen, 2013; Eisenberg-
Degen and Nash, 2017), while in the broader region, surveys are
currently being undertaken by members of the Negev Rock Art
Center (Razy Yahel of Sde Boqer and Lior Shwimer of the Israel
Nature and Parks Authority). Though absolute dating of petro-
glyphs is problematic, relative chronology is possible based on
superimposition and varying shades of patination of engravings on
a given panel. Additional information regarding their date can be
obtained from the presence of period-specific images such as do-
mestic animals. Since the approximate time of appearance of do-
mestic animals in the region is known from archaeozoological
studies and other sources, they can supply a terminus post-quem
for these images. Based on these parameters, different times have
been suggested for the beginning of the Negev Rock art; the Early
Neolithic, ca. 10,000 BCE (Anati, 2015:16, 58) or from the 6th
millennium BCE (Eisenberg-Degen and Nash, 2014:16). However, in
many rock art sites, more exact dating of engravings is possible
when comparing their patination to that of adjacent inscriptions
(Fig. 1aed), written in Thamudic (1st and 2nd centuries CE, Halun,
1990:36), Nabataean (2nd century BCE to 4th century CE, Negev,
1991:209; Healey, 2007) and Early Islamic (7th-8th centuries CE,
Sharon, 1990:9*). As a result, we learn that much of the Negev rock
art is only 1000e2000 years old, while the remainder is either
earlier or later.
The identification of ibex amongst the zoomorphs depicted in
Negev rock art is unambiguous, due to its portrayal with extremely
arched and large horns, often exaggerated (Figs. 1 and 2). Given the
current situation of petroglyph surveys in the region it would be
premature to present detailed statistics for the region as a whole,
but the impression is that the adult, male ibex is the most
commonly depicted zoomorphic motif. For example, according to
Anati and Mailland (2009:25) ibex account for 57.5% of all
zoomorphic elements at Har Karkom. They comprise 74% of horned
ungulates depicted in all engraving phases at Har Miḥia; 78% of all
horned ungulates portrayed at Giva't HaKetovot (Eisenberg-Degen
and Rosen, 2013:245e246); and ca. 40% of all zoomorphic motifs in
the Naḥal Nizzana catchment (Schwimer, 2015: calculated from
Fig. on pg. 113). Moreover, as noted by these researchers, on many
panels, images of ibex have been reworked, indicating their
importance throughout the entire chronological span of the Negev
rock art. In contrast, depictions of female ibex and domestic goat
* Corresponding author.
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (U. Avner), [email protected] (L.K. Horwitz),
[email protected] (W. Horowitz).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Journal of Arid Environments
journal homepage: www.elsevier .com/locate/ jar idenv
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaridenv.2016.11.009
0140-1963/© 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Journal of Arid Environments 143 (2017) 35e43
are extremely rare. Interestingly, irrespective of period, the male
ibex recurs with the same combinations of motifs. For example;
ibex attacked by dogs or other predators - either from behind or in
front (Anati, 1999:26e27; Degen-Eisenberg and Nash, 2015: Fig. 7);
ibex hunted by archers and/or riders (Rothenberg, 1972:120; Anati,
1999:26; Eisenberg-Degen and Nash, 2014: Fig. 5); ibex with hu-
man footprints (Anati, 1999:32; Degen-Eisenberg and Nash, 2017);
orante figures (anthropomorph with raised arms) (Eisenberg-
Degen and Nash, 2014: Fig. 6); male and female fertility symbols
(Schwimer, 2015:113e114), amongst others. All these associations
are meaningful, especially since they are common in both rock art
and the general art of the greater Near East (e.g. Porada, 1948: No.
600, Plate LXXXIV; Anati, 1972: Fig. 26; Clark, 2001:60; Abdul
Nayeem, 2000:202; Schmidt, 2009: Figs. 4, 5 and 9; Vahdati,
2011: Fig. 6:9). In this paper, only two associations are addressed,
the ibex-dog or ibex-dog-hunter, and ibex with celestial symbols.
2. Background to the Negev ibex
The species of ibex found today in the Negev desert, and most
probably in the past, is the Nubian ibex (Capra nubiana, SI Fig. 1).
This species is well adapted to arid and hyper-arid environments,
but restricted to steep mountainous terrain (Harrison and Bates,
1991:180e83; Habibi, 1994:46e54, 63e69). Ibex in the Negev and
surrounding areas were almost decimated due to massive hunting
with firearms following World War I (Yom-Tov and Mendelssohn,
1988; Paz, 2001), but since then greatly recovered due to prohibi-
tion of hunting in Israel. In the past, the numbers of ibex in the
Negev desert were probably higher than today, given the abun-
dance of their remains in prehistoric archaeozoological record. For
example, in three Natufian sites (14,000e9500 BCE) in the Negev
Highlands, ibex bones are dominant and comprise 26% of the
osteological assemblage fromUpper Besor 6, 36% from Rosh Ḥorsha
and 66% from Rosh Zin (Butler et al., 1977; Horwitz and Goring
Morris, 2000). In the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B (ca. 8500e6400 BCE)
site of Naḥal ‘Issaron in the southern Negev, again ibex bones
comprise the majority of animal remains (Goring-Morris and
Gopher, 1983). From the Late Neolithic (6400e4600 BCE) on-
wards, however, the composition of archaeo-faunal assemblages in
the Negev changes drastically, with ibex bones absent or very
scarce. In the Southern Negev, a small faunal assemblage from the
Late Neolithic cemetery of Eilat contained no ibex bones (Horwitz
and Avner, in press) as was the case in the 5th-3rd millennia BCE
sites in the ‘Uvda Valley (Horwitz, unpublished data). In the
northern Negev, no ibex bones were found in Chalcolithic sites (ca.
4600e3600 BCE; e.g. Grigson, 1987, 1995), nor in any 3rd
Fig. 1. Rock engraving with inscriptions: A. Har ‘Arkov, central Negev Highlands, ibex and dog are patinated to the same degree as the Nabataean inscription (ca. 2000 years old). B.
Be'er ‘Ada, southern Negev, extensive patina of dog and ibex petroglyphs indicates they are somewhat older than the Thamudic inscription (ca. 2000 years old). C. Netafim Passage,
Eilat region, ibex and dog have the same patina as the transitional Nabataean-‘Arabic inscription (ca. 1500 years old, Avner et al., 2013). D. Har Eldad, Central Negev Highlands, ibex is
later than the ‘Arabic inscription, ca. 1000 years old.
U. Avner et al. / Journal of Arid Environments 143 (2017) 35e4336
Fig. 2. Ibex and dogs: A-D. Various compositions from Har Karkom, SW Negev Highlands. E-G. Dogs kill ibex: E, F. Har Karkom, G. ‘Uvda Valley, southern Negev.
Fig. 3. Ibex hunting scenes: A-B. Har Karkom (for B- c.f. Anati, 1996:28), C. Har Eldad.
U.Avner
etal./JournalofArid
Enviro
nmen
ts14
3(2017
)35e43
37
millennium BCE Early Bronze Age sites, even those located in the
Negev Highlands, despite the latter being the most suitable natural
habitat for ibex herds (Horwitz et al., 2002; Hakker-Orion, 2014).
Likewise, ibex remains are absent in Middle Bronze Age (ca.
2000e1550 BCE), Iron Age (ca. 1200e586 BCE) and Persian (ca.
586e332 BCE) period sites in the Negev (Horwitz and Raphael,
1995; Hakker-Orion, 1999, 2004, 2007; Sapir-Hen and Ben-Yosef,
2014) with a few, tentatively identified ibex bones in only one
Persian period fortress, Ḥorvat Rogem (Hakker-Orion, 2004). With
the exception of two ibex bones identified among 1300 bones at the
Late Roman fortress of Yotvata in the southern ‘Araba Valley
(Halbmaier, 2015), to date, no ibex remains have been found in any
of the Roman, Byzantine or Early Islamic sites in the Negev (37 BCE-
1099 CE, e.g. Horwitz, 1995, 1998; Horwitz et al., 1997; Kishon et al.,
in press). The paucity of ibex bones in sites post-dating the 6th
millennium BCE is further highlighted by the opposite picture for
gazelle, a species whose remains are present inmany ancient Negev
sites, albeit in low percentages (e.g. Hakker-Orion, 1999, 2004,
2007, 2014). However, depictions of gazelles are extremely rare in
the Negev rock art (c.f. Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen, 2013;
Schwimer, 2015).
The faunal data clearly demonstrates that from the 6th millen-
nium BCE onwards, the ibex played a negligible economic role for
the Negev inhabitants despite being present in the region, as evi-
denced by their occasional remains in archaeological sites and its
continued presence in the Negev up until today (Yom-Tov and
Mendelssohn, 1988). The main reason is undoubtedly the adop-
tion of animal husbandry by the desert populations around 6000
BCE, a mode of subsistence which replaced hunting (Avner,
1990:127, 1998:152; 2002:12, 32, 152; Rosen et al., 2005; Babenko
and Khassanov, 2007). However, as noted in the introduction, the
bulk of the Negev rock art appears to have been engraved by the
agro-pastoral inhabitants of the Negev and not by earlier hunter/
gatherers.
In light of the above data, the dominance of the ibex in the
Negev rock art is remarkable and clearly not a naturalistic depiction
of an important dietary element. Due to its power, large horns,
unique climbing ability and adaptation to a variety of harsh envi-
ronments, it has been suggested that the ibex was impressive
enough to stimulate artistic depictions (c.f. Keel and Uehlinger,
1998:20). Another suggestion is that for Negev herding societies
the ibex symbolized wildlife and virility (Eisenberg-Degen and
Nash, 2014). As valid as these arguments are, they do not seem to
explain the ibex's dominance in rock art. This impression is
enhanced by the fact that ibex engravings are prominent even in
steppe zones, away from their natural, mountainous habitat, e.g. at
Giv‘at HaKetovot (NW Negev, Eisenberg-Degen and Rosen, 2013) or
in the sandy steppe of southern Sinai (U. Avner, personal observa-
tion). So, the question remains, what was the source of the
importance of ibex?
3. Ibex hunting versus ritual killing
In Negev rock art, the most common iconic combinations are
ibex with dogs, the latter are depicted attacking the ibex, chasing,
confronting, mounted on their backs or surrounding them
(Fig. 2aed). In some scenes, the ibex is depicted upside-down next
to an upright dog (Fig. 2eeg), while in others the dog is portrayed
upside-down and the ibex upright. We interpret the animal por-
trayed upside-down as representing one that is dead, while the
upright animal is alive.
In other instances, ibex are shown hunted by archers, with or
without the support of dogs (Fig. 3aec). Ample similar associations
of the ibex with dogs and with hunters are known from both the
rock art and the general art of the Near East (for a few examples see
SI Figs. 2e3). As suggested by several researchers (e.g. Fares,
2006:41e2; Rollefson, et al., 2008:18; Judd, 2011:193; Anati,
2015:71e2, 115e142), the hunting scenes reflect economic reality
and represent sympathetic magic, intended to ensure a successful
hunt. However, since ibex did not play a major economic role for
desert communities after the Early Neolithic, a possible option is
that the hunt depicted was a ritual. A ritual-social explanation,
based on pre-Islamic poetry, has been offered by Corbett
(2010:180e182) who related the ibex hunt to an initiation event
from adolescence to adulthood.
As will be discussed below, basing ourselves on several different
sources including artistic iconography of the Near East spanning
different periods (e.g. Porada, 1948; Keel and Uehlinger, 1998), we
propose that the ritual nature of the ibex hunt as depicted in Negev
rock art holds greater symbolic dimensions. Two examples of rock
engravings support this impression. Fig. 4a appears to represent a
person holding an ibex by the horns while another is shooting an
arrow at the animal. Given this interpretation, the ibex appears to
have been captured sometime before, while the scene focuses on
the very act of the kill. In the second (Fig. 4b), the hunter seems to
be shooting an arrow through the ibex's horns to kill the dog
behind it and so ‘saves’ the ibex. This scene is not common, but is
also not an isolated occurrence. In additional examples from Negev
petroglyphs, the dog depicted as behind or in front of the ibex is
upside-down i.e. dead (Fig. 4c, d). This theme is paralleled and well
illuminated in examples from the greater Near East (listed in
ascending chronological order). For example, an Achaemenid seal
impression from Persepolis (5th century BCE, Iran), presenting a
hunter shooting arrows at a lioness attacking an ibex- and so
‘saving’ the ibex (SI Fig. 4a). Another parallel is an Akkadian seal
impression (ca. 1700 BCE, Mesopotamia), presenting two scenes (SI
Fig. 4b). In the upper one the dog kills the ibex, as in many other
examples (Fig. 2 and SI Figs. 2e3), while in the lower, the snake kills
the dog, thereby “saving” the ibex. In a third example, a seal from
Dilmun (ca. 1800 BCE, Baḥrain), the ibex and the snake are both
above the dog, i.e. defeating him (SI Fig. 4c). Further examples are
found on glyptics from Iran (ca. 1800 BCE) and Cyprus (ca. 1600
BCE) where the ibex is often depicted both upright and upside-
down (SI Fig. 5aed) which, following this reasoning, means that
the ibex is depicted both alive and dead.
The assemblage of examples from rock art and from the general
art of the Near East illuminates the symbolic association of the dog
and the ibex. Since the dog so often attacks the ibex and also kills it,
we suggest that the dog probably represents death and the un-
derworld, similar to Anubis (the jackal god) in ancient Egypt (Hart,
1990: 21e27; Altermüller, 1975) or Cerberus in the Greek mythol-
ogy (Bloomfield, 1905). The ibex, on the other hand, depicted both
alive (upright) and dead (upside-down), may represent a cycle of
life and death, possibly a dying and resurrected god such as Dumuzi
in Mesopotamia, Ba‘al in Cana‘an, Osiris in Egypt and Adonis in
Greece (Frazer, 1913: Vols. IV, V, VI, VIII; Mettinger, 2001). Ample
artistic representations from the greater Near East support identi-
fication of the ibex as a divine symbol that undergoes resurrection
(see below). In the context of Egyptian rock art, Huyge (2002:201)
similarly interprets the ibex as a symbol of renewal and rejuvena-
tion. The cycle relates directly to nature and to the change of sea-
sons, which strongly influences the life of desert societies. The
month of July (Akkadian- Du‘�uzu, Hebrew- Tamuz) is the month of
the death of the Mesopotamian god Dumuzi. At this time, vegeta-
tion is parched, water sources are scarce, animals and humans are
stressed. In the autumn season (December), Dumuzi returns from
the underworld, bringing rain that revives the vegetation and re-
stores nourishment to animals and humans (Mettinger, 2001: Ch. 7,
with references). The death and resurrection cycle is well repre-
sented in a rock engraving from Naḥal ‘Amram, southern ‘Araba
U. Avner et al. / Journal of Arid Environments 143 (2017) 35e4338
(Fig. 5a). It shows two mirrored ibex, the upper one stands nor-
mally, with what appears to be a leopard behind him, while the
lower animal is depicted upside-down. A horizontal line separating
them seems to represent the surface, implying that the lower,
upside-down ibex, is dead i.e. in the underworld. This scene is well
paralleled by the mirrored image of Dumuzi on an Akkadian seal
impression (ca. 1700 BCE), depicted both upright and upside-down
between a pair of senior deities (Fig. 5b), and beside them the
familiar ibex and dog.
4. Ibex and rain
The ritual nature of the ibex hunt is well attested in the studies
of Ingrams (1937) and Serjeant (1976), who recorded such hunting
expeditions in the 1930's through 1960's in the Arabian Peninsula,
mainly in the Hadramaut. In all cases, several days of ceremonies
both preceded and followed the ibex hunt. During the latter, hun-
dreds of people shared the meat of the hunted ibex, such that no
direct economic benefit was derived from these hunts. However,
when interviewed, a mansab (spiritual leader) said: “If we did not
hunt (an ibex) the rain would not come to us …” (Serjeant, 1976:36).
The connection of the ibex with rainfall is also expressed in
older Arabian sources. In a Sabaean inscription (CIH547; ca. 8th
century BCE), the god ‘Attar prevents rain from his tribe since they
did not perform the (ibex) hunt properly (Beeston, 1937:50e52;
Serjeant, 1976:35). Furthermore, the storm gods ‘Attar and Ta‘lab
were identified in south Arabia with the ibex (Serjeant,
1976:74e77).
Rain invoking rituals were still practiced in the mid-20th cen-
tury in northern Iraq, preserving the connection to the ibex. This is
illustrated in a Kurdish rain ritual, where the main figure is a male
dancer whose costume included a goat beard, while a Yazidi rain
ritual in the same region addressed Malek Ta‘uz (¼King Tamuz),
whose symbol was an ibex or a domestic goat (Frankfort, 1934),
with the animals apparently interchangeable in this rite. In the
greater Near East, the use of the name Tamuz indicates an associ-
ation with an older tradition relating to the death and resurrection
cycle of the deity Dumuzi/Tamuz, as has been discussed above.
An older connection between the ibex and rain may be found in
a small Nabataean temple, dated from the first century BCE to the
3rd century CE, built on the summit of Mount Serbal, southern Sinai
(2070 m a.s.l.). In the temple, several metal objects were found (SI
Fig. 6), one was a pair of ibex horns cast in copper, 12 cm long,
probably from an ibex statue (Avner, 2015). The ibex, as a mountain
animal, is the best candidate to represent the main aspect of
Dushara, the chief Nabataean god and a mountain god- “that of the
Shara Mountains” (Healey, 2001:87; Zayadine, 2003:59), that brings
rain from the sky, much like the Arabian deity ‘Attar (see above), the
Canaanean Ba‘al (Wiggins, 2000) and other mountain-storm gods
(Green, 2003).
The connection of ibex with rain may actually have had much
older roots. On a pottery bowl from Susa, Iran, ca. 3600 BCE, two
mirrored scenes are depicted (with other motifs, SI Fig. 7). In each,
an ibex with tree-like horns is shown, with a dog on its back and
another dog and a bird behind him, all are standing on top of a
“comb”. Based on parallels, Ackerman (1967: 2920e27) interpreted
the “comb” as a rain-giving cloud and pointed to other examples
where the ibex is connected with rain. Due to this association, she
interpreted the ibex as a symbol of both Anu, the sky god, and Sin,
the moon god.
5. Ibex and celestial constellations
In the Negev rock art, the ibex occurs sometimes with a star, a
cross, a circular spot or with the sun (SI Fig. 8aed). The same
symbols recur with the ibex in rock art in other Near Eastern
countries, similar to their co-occurrence in other art media of this
region (SI Fig. 9aeg). Repetition and connotations of these symbols
Fig. 4. Dead ibex and ibex alive with dead dogs: A. Killing the ibex, Har Karkom (c.f. Anati, 2015, Fig. 145), B. Killing the dog, Har Karkom, C. Har Miḥia, the dog to the right of the ibex
is upside-down, D. Har Miḥia, the dog is upside-down relative to the ibex.
U. Avner et al. / Journal of Arid Environments 143 (2017) 35e43 39
indicate their celestial origin (Henning, 1936:34e36; Van Buren,
1945:82e5, 110e14: Ackerman, 1967:2920e25).
Since the ibex is a mountain animal, it may have been perceived
as being closer to the sky than humans and their habitations,
located at lower altitudes, but this explanation seems unsatisfac-
tory and simplistic. Some scholars suggested a broader and deeper
connection, identifying the ibex with the Capricorn constellation
(Barnett, 1966:275; Lemaire, 1999:197; Haghighat and Sa‘doddin,
2010:67e72; Younger, 2012:215). Based on ancient
Mesopotamian-Iranian art and archaeo-astronomy, Hartner (1965)
showed that until the 4th millennium BCE an ancient star
constellation was viewed as an ibex (SI Fig. 10). It made a heliacal
appearance in the sky in December and disappeared in June, syn-
chronized with the revival and death of the Mesopotamian deity
Dumuzi and with the change of the seasons (Hartner, 1965:1e6,
8e10, Diagrams 1e5; c.f. Rogers, 1998:24 and Fig. 7). Later, the
timing of the ibex in the sky could no longer be synchronized with
the cycle of Dumuzi, since the times of the rising and setting of all
constellations changes by onemonth in every 2106 years due to the
sun's precession. As a result, the ibex almost disappeared from
Mesopotamian-Iranian art, replaced by another celestial drama -
the combat between the lion and the bull (i.e. Leo and Taurus,
Hartner, 1965:15e16). Hartner (1965:9), and more recently Dibon-
Smith (2015:28), further suggested that by themid-4thmillennium
BCE the ibex constellation was divided into two- Capricorn and
Aquarius. Support for this celestial concept may be found in the
name of the ninth Sumerian king (ca. 2800 BCE), EN.NUN.DAR-
A.ANNA (Jacobsen, 1939:170, Tables 1 and 2) or EN.DARA.AN.NA
(Zevulun and Ziffer, 2012:443), translated as “Lord Ibex of Heaven”.
Indeed, ibex imagery did not totally disappear from the Near
Eastern art. It was common in Late Bronze-Iron Age seals (e.g. Keel
and Uehlinger, 1998: Nos. 1a,b, 101b, 152b, 154b; Ornan, 2005:
Figs. 33, 42, 43,122 and 171; Sass,1993: 224, Figs.111e113) and very
common in the Iron Age metal works of central-western Iran (the
Fig. 5. A. Naḥal ‘Amram, southern ‘Araba, mirrored ibex (alive and dead) with what may be a leopard behind the upper one. B. Akkadian seal impression, ca. 1800 BCE, showing a
dead and alive young god between two senior deities, with an ibex and dog and additional details (Ward, 1910; No. 1160; Winter, 1983; Abb. 98).
U. Avner et al. / Journal of Arid Environments 143 (2017) 35e4340
“Luristan Bronzes”, early first millennium BCE; Amiet, 1976,
passim). A bronze bowl from Luristan, originated in Syria or Phoe-
nicia and dated around 700 BCE, is important in this context. It
presents a large anthropomorph in the center, striding above an
ibex, surrounded by the star-full sky, with the sun, the moon, six
zodiac constellations and the planets (SI Fig. 11a, Barnett, 1966;
Lemaire, 1999; Younger, 2012). The anthropomorph, facing to the
right, is identified by the writers as Orion, the hunter or hero in the
Greek mythology, while the ibex, facing left, is identified with
Capricorn. However, in the sky, the constellation just belowOrion is
Lepus, the rabbit (who is facing right), and not Capricorn (the ibex)
(SI Fig. 11b). This, brings to mind the possibility that in the past
another tradition existed, one that perceived and drew the celestial
constellation Lepus as an ibex facing left, as depicted in the Luristan
bowl (SI Fig. 11c). This theory may find possible support in a Syrian
cylinder seal that seems to present an ibex with rabbit ears,
combining the two traditions (SI Fig. 12, Collon, 1982: Fig. 4g;
Zevulun and Ziffer, 2012: Fig 24).
The connection of Orion with the ibex, representing the deity
Dumuzi/Tammuz, is also echoed in an earlier group of cuneiform
astronomical texts. “Astrolabe B” from Berlin, a 12th century
bilingual Sumerian-Akkadian hemerology, states the following in a
passage for the month of Tammuz:
Translated from Sumerian- “The month of Tammuz, mulsipa.-
zi.an.na (¼ The True Shepherd of Heaven), Nin�subur, the great vizier
of An and Inanna. The month of heaping up seed, taking out seed early.
The wailing of Ninrurugu, the month when the shepherd Dumuzi was
captured. (Horowitz, 2014:64).
Translated from Akkadian- “The month of Tammuz (the
constellation) �Sitadallu, Papsukkal, the great vizier of Anu and I�star.
The month of heaping up seed, taking out early seed. The wailing of
Ninrurugu, the month when the shepherd Dumuzi was captured”
(Horowitz, 2014).
In the Astrolabe tradition, Orion rises in the month of Tammuz,
also named here Ninrurugu, (Horowitz, 2015: 64e68), the fourth
month of the Mesopotamian year, the height of the Mesopotamian
summer, when lamentation rituals were recited for Dumuzi's
death. Yet, following the Sumerian tradition and the mainstream
Mesopotamian astronomy, Orion is not a hunter. His Sumerian
name, mulSIPA.ZI.AN.NA, literally means- “The True Shepherd of
Heaven”. This title suits the Mesopotamian plain, where herding
sheep and goat was a central pillar of economy, while viewing
Orion as a hero or hunter only began with the Greek and Roman
mythology (Pat-El, 2008:564). The Akkadian name for the
constellation, �Sitadallu (alternatively �Sidallu or �Sitaddaru) literally-
“The Onewho is Smitten byWeapon” (Kurtig, 2007: 445) provides a
hint for the possible association between Orion and the ibex
tradition, that was known in Mesopotamia. Two additional Akka-
dian texts cited by Horowitz (2014: 67e68), also link Orion with
Dumuzi.
In light of the cuneiform texts, we suggest that the iconography
of the bronze bowl from Luristan (SI Fig. 11) reflects a tradition
identifying the hunter/shepherd Dumuzi/Tammuz and the ibex
with Orion and Lepus - the latter viewed as a left-facing ibex (SI
Fig. 15c).
Though the specific role of the ibex in the sky, in different times,
is currently not totally clear, the frequent association of ibex with
the dog, the hunter and stars, in petroglyphs and in the art of the
Near East in general, seems now well connected to celestial cos-
mology. Indeed, there is nothing new in linking rock art and general
art with astronomy, cosmology and mythology (e.g. Hartner, 1965;
Sognnes, 1996:25e6; Whitley, 1998, 2005; Bradley, 2006;
Kristiansen, 2010; Melheim, 2013). The profound interest of past
societies in the sky is well attested through ample written docu-
ments of various cultures. They carefully recorded the stars’ timing
in the sky, identifying stars and constellations with deities - relating
them tomythological stories and seasons, and decorated numerous
artefacts with their images (Evans, 1998; Ruggles, 2005). For the
ancient Near East, the most detailed recording of the starry sky is
that of the series MUL.APIN (the “Plough Constellation”, written
early 1st millennium BCE). It embodies Sumerian and Akkadian
traditions of the third and second millennia BCE (probably even the
fourth), with the addition of new, first millennium ideas concerning
the sky (Horowitz andWatson, 2011; Horowitz, 2005). The fact that
the ibex is not recorded in the mature Mesopotamian stellar
repertoire of the second and first millennia BCE, fits well with the
theory of Hartner (1965) and Dibon-Smith (2015) elucidated above.
6. Conclusions
A brief survey of the symbolic role of the male ibex in the Negev
rock art shows that the animal was highlighted in most panels.
More so, its recurrence and predominance throughout the rock art
chronological sequence is not paralleled by any other zoomorphic
image. Though the exact role of the ibex for past desert societies is
not fully understood as yet, the evidence presented here seem to
support its identification as a symbol of a dying and resurrected
god, related to rainfall, the changing of seasons and the fertility of
the soil, animals and humans. This symbolic - iconic linkage was
apparently adopted by early desert communities and continued
into the Islamic era. The ibex and its combinations with other
motifs also appears in artistic representations from the greater Near
East that are older than the majority of Negev engravings, appar-
ently indicating that a shared iconographic tradition (and possibly
symbology) spanned large geographic realms and chronological
periods in this region.
The Negev rock art scenes, whether executed during a ritual or
not, involving shamans or commoners, were meant to invoke the
divine to provide well-being and fertility. The cultic, mythological
interpretation makes better sense when ibex appears with the
associated elements, but its meaning is more hidden when it was
just engraved individually. Perhaps the ibex alone was an abbre-
viated representation of the broader idea (pars pro toto), known
both to the engraver and to spectators. For example, the ibex could
be engraved as an act of invoking him to come back from the un-
derworld and bring rain, which was obviously crucial for desert
inhabitants.
Though the precise meaning of rock art is generally obscure to
us, by following associations and repeating patterns, and by using a
broader array of sources - artistic, textural, anthropological
zoological and archaeo-astronomical, some rock art themes may be
contextualized and so deciphered. Our impression is that rock en-
gravings contain rich cultural and mythological content which
require and justify such intensive and broad-spectrum research.
Although many ethically refrain from interpreting rock art, we find
it essential, even with the chance of erring. Discussions and cor-
rections in interpretation of archaeological artifacts are regularly
ongoing, so rock art requires and deserves the same approach.
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to: Christian Robin for providing Beeston's paper
and the text of CIH547 with explanations, and SI Fig. 2b; Dr. Irit
Ziffer for providing a copy of her paper published with U. Zevulun,
and the reference to Jacobsen, 1939; Dr. Mohammad Naserifard for
sending us the link to his publication and additional Iranian ma-
terials; Wienie van der Oord of the Israel Astronomic Association
for the suggestions concerning the ibex as a star constellation and
for preparing the illustration (SI Fig. 11b, c). U. Avner would like to
thank Prof. Tryggve Mettinger (Lund University) for sending him
U. Avner et al. / Journal of Arid Environments 143 (2017) 35e43 41
his book “The Riddle of Resurrection”; Wienie van der Oord and
Dominique Slous for assistance in reading German and French
publications; and the Negev Rock Art Center for support. Photo-
graphs are by U. Avner, unless otherwise stated.
Appendix A. Supplementary data
Supplementary data related to this article can be found at http://
dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaridenv.2016.11.009.
References
Abdul Nayeem, M., 2000. The Rock Art of Arabia. Hyderabad.Ackerman, P., 1967. Symbols and myth in prehistoric ceramic ornament. In:
Pope, A.U., Ackerman, P. (Eds.), A Survey of Persian Art, vol. XIV. Oxford Uni-
versity Press, London, pp. 2914e2932.Altermüller, B., 1975. Anubis. Lexikon der €Agyptology, vol. 1. Helck and W. West-
endorf, Wiesbaden, pp. 327e333.Amiet, P., 1976. Les antiquites du Luristan. Diffusion De Boccard, Paris.
Anati, E., 1972. Arte preistorica in Anatolia. In: Edizioni del Centro Internazionale di
Studi Preistorici. Etnologici, Capo di Ponte.Anati, E., 1993. Har Karkom in the light of new discoveries. In: Edizioni del Centro
Internazionale di Studi Preistorici. Etnologici, Capo di Ponte.Anati, E., 1996. The rock art of Har Karkom. Bolletino del Centro Cammuno bi Studi
Preistorici 29, 13e48.Anati, E., 1999. Rock art of the Negev desert. Near East. Archaeol. 62 (1), 22e34.
Anati, E., 2001. The Riddle of har mount Sinai, archaeological discoveries at Har
Karkom. In: Edizioni del Centro Internazionale di Studi Preistorici. Etnologici,Capo di Ponte, Italy.
Anati, E., 2015. The rock art of the Negev and Sinai. In: Edizioni del Centro Inter-nazionale di Studi Preistorici. Etnologici, Capo di Ponte.
Anati, E., Mailland, F., 2009. Archaeological survey of Har Karkom (229). In: Centro
Internazionale di Studi Preistorici. Etnologici, Capo di Ponte.Avner, U., 1990. Ancient agricultural settlement and religion in the ‘Uvda Valley in
southern Israel. Biblic. Archaeol. 53, 125e141.Avner, U., 1998. Settlement, agriculture, and paleoclimate in ‘Uvda Valley, southern
Negev desert, 6th-3rd millennia B.C. In: Issar, A., Brown, N. (Eds.), Water,Environment and Society in Times of Climate Change. Kluwer, Dordrecht,
pp. 147e202.
Avner, U., 2002. Studies in the Material and Spiritual Culture of the Negev and SinaiPopulation, during the 6th-3rd Millennia B.C. Ph.D. Dissertation. The Hebrew
University, Jerusalem.Avner, U., 2015. The Nabataeans in Sinai. Aram 27, 389e421.
Avner, U., Nehme, L., Robin, C., 2013. A rock inscription mentioning Tha‘alabah, an
Arab king from Ghassan. Arabian Archaeol. Epigr. 42, 237e256.Babenko, A., Khassanov, B., 2007. The absolute chronology of the zoogenic deposits
from the Negev desert (Israel). Geochronometria 28, 47e53.Barnett, R.D., 1966. Homme masqu�e dieu-ibex? Syria 43, 259e276.
Beeston, A.F.L., 1937. Sabaean Inscriptions. Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Bloomfield, M., 1905. Cerberus, the Dog of Hades, the History of an Idea. The OpenCourt Publishing Company, Chicago.
Bradley, R., 2006. Danish razors and swedish rocks: cosmology and Bronze Agelandscape. Antiquity 80, 372e389.
Butler, B.H., Tchernov, E., Hietala, H., Davis, S., 1977. Faunal exploitation during thelate Epipaleolithic in the Har Harif. In: Marks, A.E. (Ed.), Prehistory and Paleo-
environments in the Central Negev, Israel, Vol. 2: the Avdat/Aqev Area, Part 2,
and the Har Harif. Southern Methodist University Press, Dallas TX, pp. 327e345.Clark II., T., 2001. The dogs of the ancient Near East. In: Brewer, D.J., Clark, T.,
Phillips, A. (Eds.), Dogs in Antiquity, Anubis to Cerberus. Warminster,pp. 49e79.
Collon, D., 1982. The Aleppo workshop - a seal cutter's workshop in Syria in the
second half of the 18th century BCE. Ugarit Forschungen 13, 33e43.Corbett, J., 2010. Mapping the Mute Immortals: a Locational and Contextual Anal-
ysis of Thamudic Early Islamic Inscriptions from the Wadi Hafie of SouthernJordan. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Chicago.
Dibon-Smith, R., 2015. The ibex as an iconographic symbol in the ancient Near East.academia.edu. https://www.academia.edu/15735124/The_Ibex_as_an_
Iconographic_Symbol_in_the_ancient_Near_East.
Eisenberg-Degen, D., Nash, G., 2014. Hunting and gender as reflected in the centralNegev rock art, Israel. Time Mind 7, 1e19.
Eisenberg-Degen, D., Rosen, S., 2013. Chronological trends in Negev rock art: theHar Miḥia petroglyphs as a test case. Arts 2, 225e252.
Evans, J., 1998. The History and Practice of Ancient Astronomy. Oxford University
Press.Fares, S., 2006. Les gravures rupestres de Jordanie du Sud et enquete sur les pra-
tiques de chasse actuelles. In: I., Vila, E., Erikson, P. (Eds.), La chasse, Pratiquessociales et symboliques, Maison Ren�e-Ginouv�es, Arch�eologie et Ethnologie.
Diffusion de Boccard, Paris, pp. 37e44.Frankfort, H., 1934. A Tammuz ritual in Kurdistan. Iraq 1, 137e147.
Frazer, J., 1913. The Golden Bough. I-XII. The MacMillan Company, New York.
Goring-Morris, A.N., Gopher, A., 1983. Naḥal Issaron: A Neolithic settlement in the
southern Negev: preliminary report of the excavations in 1980. Israel Explor. J.
33, 149e162.Green, A.W., 2003. The Storm God in the Ancient Near East. Eisenbrauns, Winona
Lake.Grigson, C., 1987. Shiqmim: pastoralism and other aspects of animal management in
the Chalcolithic of the northern Negev. In: Levy, T.E. (Ed.), Shiqmim I: Studies
Concerning Chalcolithic Societies in the Northern Negev Desert, Israel (1982-1984), vol. 356. BAR International Series, Oxford, pp. 219e242.
Grigson, C., 1995. Cattle keepers of the northern Negev: animal remains from theChalcolithic site of Grar. In: Gilead, I. (Ed.), Grar: a Chalcolithic Site in the
Northern Negev. Ben- Gurion University of the Negev Press, Beersheva,pp. 377e452.
Habibi, K., 1994. The Desert Ibex. Life History, Ecology, and Behaviour of the Nubian
Ibex in Saudi Arabia. London.Haghighat, A., Sa’doddin, A., 2010. Totegenism: towards the definition of missing
phase in ancient metaphysics. Acta Terra Septemcastrensis 9, 65e83.Hakker-Orion, D., 1999. Faunal remains from Middle Bronze Age I sites in the Negev
highlands. In: Cohen, R. (Ed.), Ancient Settlements of the Central Negev Volume
I. The Chalcolithic Period, the Early Bronze Age and the Middle Bronze Age I,pp. 327e335. Israel Antiquities Authority Report No, Jerusalem.
Hakker-Orion, D., 2004. Animal bones from sites of the Iron Age and Persian periodsin the Negev Highlands. In: Cohen, R. (Ed.), Ancient Settlement of the Negev
Highlands Vol. II. The Iron Age and Persian Period, pp. 220e222. Israel Antiq-
uities Authority Report No. 20, Jerusalem (Hebrew).Hakker-Orion, D., 2007. The faunal remains. In: Cohen, R., Bernick-Greenberg, H.
(Eds.), Excavations at Kadesh Barnea (Tell El-Qudeirat) 1976-1982, vol. I. IsraelAntiquity Authority, Jerusalem, pp. 285e302.
Hakker-Orion, D., 2014. The faunal remains from Be’er Resisim. In: Dever, W.G. (Ed.),Excavations at the Early Bronze IV Sites of Jebel Qa’aqir and Be’er Resisim.
Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, pp. 311e318.
Halbmaier, R., 2015. The faunal remains. In: Davies, G., Magness, J. (Eds.), The 2003-2007 Excavations in the Late Roman Fort at Yotvata. Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake,
pp. 219e238.Halun, M., 1990. The Thamudic inscriptions from the Negev. In: Lender, Y. (Ed.),
Ancient Rock Inscriptions: Supplement to Map of Har Nafha (196). The
Archaeological Survey of Israel, Jerusalem, pp. 36e45.Harrison, D.L., Bates, P.J.J., 1991. The Mammals of Arabia, second ed. Sevenoaks, UK.
Hart, G., 1990. A Dictionary of Egyptian Gods and Goddesses. Routledge & KeganPaul, London.
Hartner, W., 1965. The earliest history of the constellations in the Near East and themotif of the lion-bull combat. J. Near East Stud. 24, 1e19.
Healey, J.F., 2001. The Religion of the Nabataeans. E.J. Brill, Leiden.
Healey, J., 2007. Nabataean inscriptions: language and script. In: Politis, K.D. (Ed.),The World of the Nabataeans. Franz Steine Verlag, Stuttgart, pp. 45e54.
Henning, H., 1936. Ancient Oriental Seals in the Collection of Mrs. Agnes BaldwinBrett. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago.
Horowitz, W., 2005. Some thoughts on Sumerian star-names and Sumerian as-
tronomy. In: Sefati, Y., et al. (Eds.), An Experienced Scribe Who NeglectsNothing, Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Jacob Klein. CDL Press,
Bethesda, pp. 163e178.Horowitz, W., 2014. The Three Stars Each: The Astrolabes and Related Texts. Vienna,
vol. 33. Archiv für Orientforschung Beiheft, Vienna.Horowitz, W., Watson, R., 2011. Writing Science before the Greeks: An Analysis of
the Babylonian Astronomical Treatise Mul-apin. Brill, Leiden.
Horwitz, L.K., 1995. Fauna from the Nahal Mitnan farm. Atiqot 26, 15e19.Horwitz, L.K., 1998. Animal exploitation during the early Islamic period in the
Negev: the fauna from Elat-Elot. Atiqot 36, 27e38.Horwitz, L.K., Avner, U., Late Neolithic faunal remains from a cemetery near Elat. In:
Bar-Oz, G., Horwitz, L.K., (Eds.), Discovering Noahs Ark: Zooarchaeology of the
Holyland. in press, Israel Antiquities Authority Monographs, Jerusalem.Horwitz, L.K., Goring-Morris, A.N., 2000. Fauna from the early Natufian site of Upper
Besor 6 in the central Negev, Israel. Pal�eorient 26 (1), 111e128.Horwitz, L.K., Raphael, O., 1995. Faunal remains. In: Beit-Arieh, I. (Ed.), Horvat
Qitmit. Monograph Series of the Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University,Tel-Aviv, pp. 287e302.
Horwitz, L.K., Mienis, H., Tchernov, E., 1997. Faunal remains from Nahal Oded. In:
Rosen, S.A., Avni, G. (Eds.), The 'Oded Sites. Investigations of Two Early IslamicPastoral Camps South of the Ramon Crater. Beer-sheva Monographs, vol. XI. Ben
Gurion University of the Negev Press, Beersheva, pp. 107e108.Horwitz, L.K., Tchernov, E., Mienis, H.K., Hakker-Orion, D., Bar-Yosef Mayer, D.E.,
2002. The archaeozoology of three Early Bronze Age sites in Nahal Besor, North-
Western Negev. In: van den Brink, E.C.M., Yanai, E. (Eds.), In Quest of AncientSettlements and Landscapes. Archaeological Studies in Honour of Ram Gophna.
Tel Aviv University-Ramot Publishing, Tel Aviv, pp. 107e133.Huyge, D., 2002. Cosmology, ideology and personal religious practice in Ancient
Egyptian Rock Art. In: Roberts, D. (Ed.), Egypt and Nubia: Gift of the Desert.
British Museum Press, London, pp. 192e206.Ingrams, W.H., 1937. A dance of the ibex hunters in the Hadhramaut. Man 37, 12e13.
Jacobsen, T., 1939. The Sumerian King List. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.Judd, T., 2011. What the ‘animal’ rock art images of the eastern desert of Egypt tell
us about the people who drew them. Rock Art Res. 28, 187e195.Keel, O., Uehlinger, C., 1998. Gods, Goddesses and Images of Gods in Ancient Israel.
Augsburg Fortress, Minneapolis.
Kishon, V., Hellwing, S., Meshel, Z., Ayalon, E., Early Islamic faunal remains fromYotvata. In: Bar-Oz, G., Horwitz, L.K., (eds.), Discovering Noahs Ark:
U. Avner et al. / Journal of Arid Environments 143 (2017) 35e4342
Zooarchaeology of the Holyland. in press, Israel Antiquities Authority Mono-
graphs; Jerusalem.Kristiansen, K., 2010. Rock art and religion: the sun journey in the Indo-European
mythology and Bronze Age rock art. In: Fredell, A.C., Kristiansen, K., Kriado, F.(Eds.), Representation and Communication Creating Archaeological Matrix of
the Prehistoric Rock Art. Oxbow Books, Oxford, pp. 75e92.
Kurtig, G.E., 2007. The Star Heaven of Ancient Mesopotamia, the Sumero-AkkadianNames of Constellations and Other Heavenly Bodies. Aletheia, St. Petersburg.
Lemaire, A., 1999. Coupe astrale inscrite et astronomie aram�eenne. In: Avishur, Y.,Deutsch, R. (Eds.), Michae: Historical, Epigraphical and Biblical Studies in Honor
of Prof. Michael Heltzer. Archaeological Center Publications, Tel Aviv,pp. 195e211.
Melheim, L., 2013. An epos carved in stone: three heroes, one giant twin and a
cosmic task. In: Bergerbrant, S., Sabatini, S. (Eds.), Counterpoint Essays inArchaeology and Heritage: Studies in Honour of Professor Kristian Kristiansen,
vol. 2508. BAR International Series, Oxford, pp. 278e282.Mettinger, T., 2001. The Riddle of Resurrection: “Dying and Rising God” in the
Ancient Near East. Dept of Theology, University of Lund, Lund.
Negev, A., 1991. Personal Names in the Nabataean Realm. Qedem 32, Jerusalem.Ornan, T., 2005. The Triumph of the Symbol: Pictorial Representation of Deities in
Mesopotamia and the Biblical Image Ban. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, Fribourg.Pat-El, I., 2008. The Encyclopedia of the Celestial Constellations. Ma‘ariv Book Guild,
Ramat-Gan (Hebrew).
Paz, U., 2001. In: Barkai, G., Shiller, E. (Eds.), The Negev Fauna, Past and Present.With the Face to the Negev. Jerusalem, Hebrew, pp. 71e86.
Porada, E., 1948. Corpus of Ancient Near Eastern Seals in North American Collec-tions, vol. 1. The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.
Rogers, J.H., 1998. Origins of the ancient constellations: I. Mesopotamian tradition.J. Br. Astronomical Assoc. 108, 9e28.
Rollefson, G., Wasse, A., Rowan, Y., 2008. Images of the environment: Rock art and
the exploitation of the Badiah. J. Epigraph. Rock Draw. 2, 17e51.Rosen, S.A., Savinetsky, A.B., Plakht, Y., Kisseleva, N., Khassanov, B., Pereladov, A.,
Haiman, M., 2005. Dung in the desert: Preliminary results of the Negev Holo-cene ecology project. Curr. Anthropol. 46, 317e327.
Rothenberg, B., 1972. Timna Valley of the Biblical Copper Mines. Thames and
Hudson, London.Rothenberg, B., 2001. Rock Drawings in the Ancient Copper Mines of the Arabah -
new aspects of the region's history. Inst. Archaeo-Metallurgical Stud. Newsl. 21,4e9.
Rothenberg, B., 2003. Egyptian Chariots, Midianites from Hijaz/Midian (NorthwestArabia) and Amalekites from the Negev in the Timna Mines. Rock drawings in
the Ancient Copper Mines of the Arabah e New Aspects of the Region’s History
II. Inst. Archaeo-Metallurgical Stud. Newsl. 23, 9e14.Ruggles, C.L., 2005. Ancient Astronomy: an Encyclopedia of Cosmologies and Myth.
Abc-Clio.
Sapir-Hen, L., Ben-Yosef, E., 2014. The Socioeconomic status of Iron Age metal-
workers: Animal economy in the ‘Slaves’ Hill’, Timna, Israel. Antiquity 88,775e790.
Sass, B., 1993. The Pre-Exilic Hebrew Seals, iconography and Syro-Palestinian reli-gion of Iron Age II: Some afterthoughts and conclusions. In: Sass, B.,
Uehlinger, C. (Eds.), Studies in the Iconography of Northwest Semitic Inscribed
Seals. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 125, Gottingen, pp. 194e256.Schmidt, K., 2009. The Tell al-Khujayrat - The wall decorations. In: Khalil, L.,
Schmidt, K. (Eds.), Prehistoric Aqaba I. Leidorf, Rahden.Schwimer, L., 2015. Animals on rock engravings the Western Negev Highlands.
Qadmoniot 48 (150), 111e118 (Hebrew).Serjeant, R.B., 1976. South Arabian Hunt. Luzac & Company Ltd, London.
Sharon, M., 1990. Arabic rock Inscriptions from the Negev. In: Lender, Y. (Ed.),
Ancient Rock Inscriptions: Supplement to Map of Har Nafḥa (196). TheArchaeological Survey of Israel, Jerusalem, pp. 9e35.
Sognnes, K., 1996. Recent rock art research in Northern Europe. In: Bahn, P.,Fossati, A. (Eds.), Rock Art Studies, News of the World I. Oxbow Books, Oxford,
pp. 15e28.
Vahdati, A.A., 2011. A preliminary report on a newly discovered petroglyphiccomplex near Jorbat, the Plain of Jajarm. Northeastern Iran. Pal�eorient 37,
177e187.Van Buren, D., 1945. Symbols of the Gods in Mesopotamian Art. Pontificium Insti-
tutum Biblicum, Rome.
Ward, W.H., 1910. The Seal Cylinders of Western Asia. Carnegie Institution,Washington.
Whitley, D.S., 1998. Finding rain in the desert: landscape, gender, and Far WesternNorth American rock art. In: Chippendale, C., Tacon, P. (Eds.), The Archaeology
of Rock Art. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, pp. 11e29.Whitley, D.S., 2005. The iconography of Bighorn sheep petroglyphs in the Western
Great Basin. In: Johnson, K.L. (Ed.), Onward and Upward!, Papers in Honor of
Clement W. Meighan. Stansbury Publishing, Chicago, pp. 191e203.Wiggins, S.A., 2000. The weather under Baal: Meteorology in KTU1.1-6. Ugarit
Forschungen 32, 577e598.Winter, U., 1983. Frau und G€ottin. Fribourg Universit€atsverlag, G€ottingen.
Yom-Tov, Y., Mendelssohn, H., 1988. Changes of the distribution and abundance of
vertebrates during the 20th Century in Israel. In: Yom-Tov, Y., Tchernov, E.(Eds.), The Zoogeography of Israel. Holland, Dr. W. Junk Publishers, Dordrecht,
pp. 515e548.Younger, K.L., 2012. Another look at an Aramaic astral bowl. J. Near East. Stud. 71,
209e230.Zayadine, F., 2003. The Nabataean gods and their sanctuaries. In: Markoe, G. (Ed.),
Petra Rediscovered: Lost City of the Nabataeans. Thames & Hudson, London,
pp. 57e64.Zevulun, U., Ziffer, I., 2012. Back from the hunt: A pictorial Tell El-Yahudiyah juglet
in the Eretz Israel Museum. Tel Aviv. Egypt Levant 22, 431e447.
U. Avner et al. / Journal of Arid Environments 143 (2017) 35e43 43