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T h e S c o t s M a g a z i n e .o4

D E C E M B E R , 1 7 4 5 .

P r o c e e d i n g s of t he Political Club, c o n tin u e d from p. 5 14 *

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*Ihe debate upon the bill fo r enlarging andregulating the Turky trade, continued.J

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*Ibe fpeech o f L . Duronius, in the char after o f the Lord Delavvar, who fpoke next.

My Lordsy

A S I may perhaps be fufpefted ofa little partiality in favour of the T urky company, I fhould have been filent in this debate,

i f I had not heard-feveral fads mil-flared, and the proceedings of the company very •much mifreprefented upon this occafion. With refpedt to the Noble Lord who fpoke laft, I am too well acquainted with his candour, to imagine that he had any de- iign to impofe upon this affembly : but he has given too much credit to thofe who are the folicitors for this bill, and by that means has fufFered himfelf to be impofed c n ; otherwife he would not have avert­ed, that the Turky companyby their char­ter is an exclufive company, or that any by-law has been made with a defign to monopolize the trade to the managers or dire&ors o f that company. M y Lords,

, no man is excluded from beilig a member <of that company, except fuch as ought,

'• and mull continue to be excluded, i f we , are refolved to preferve our trade or our privileges in Turky. It is eafy to fay,that low people, or a great number of people, may be kept within the bounds of their duty, as eafily as a fmall number of people of fubflance andcharatìer; but we have the experience o f all ages and coun­tries to the contrary ; .and therefore I am

^convinced, that if we allow low tradefmen 'and fhopkeepers to go over and fettle in vT urky, it will occafion continual difputes t>etween us and the Turks, which will at

jlaft end in our being deprived o f all the iprivileges and immunities we now enjoy

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:n that country. Suppofe the OttomanForte, by being continually teased with

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difputes and altercations between our peo­ple and their own, fliould refolve to llrip us of all our privileges, how could we re­cover them ? It is a country, my Lords, from whence we reap great advantages by trade, but from whence we could not reap, I believe, either glory or advantage by war. W e could therefore redeem our privileges no other way but by a larger fum of money than I fhall take upon me to name ; and for this reafon we ought to endeavour to preferve them, by fending none there that will interfere in bufinefs with the natives, nor any that will mif- behave, or attempt to make a wrong orimmoderate ufe o f the privileges that havebeen procured them.

I f ail forts of people were for a fmall fine to be made free of the company, can we imagine, that Englifh taylors, Ihoe-makers, joyners, and the like, would not go over and fettle in all the Turkifh cities where we have factories eflablifhed? And as they are more expert in their trade than the natives, would not they probably meet with great encouragement ? Would not the natives of each refpe&ive calling en­vy them their fuccefs ? would not they repine at feeing the bread taken out o f their mouths by foreigners ? T h e cafe would be the fame with regard to ftiop- keepers; and might not this raife an un­governable fpirit amongft the populace againft our whole nation? As to fhop- keepers, my Lords, we have from a late accident fome experience of what an uni- verfal clamour they might raife among the Turkifh people. Within thefe lait two or three years, fome of our fattors, find­ing it difficult to difpofe of the Englifh manufa&ures configned to them, they be­gan to fell by retale, and to make their warehoufe a fort of fhop. This was pre- fently taken notice o f by the fhopkeepersof X urky, and complaint made of it to

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546 Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C lu b , Dec.1741 ]their magitfrates; who infilled, that, if this practice fhould be continued, they would fubjeCl all the Englifh warehouses to the fame duties and regulations that fhops are liable to in that country ; which o f courfe obliged our Englilh factors to re­linquish that praCtice. t

So much, my Lords, with regard to tradefmen and fhopkeepers; and now with regard to brokers. I fhall grant, that a licenfed broker is by the charter excluded from his freedom of the company ; and very jultly, becaufe, i f there were any, they were very low fort o f people, when the charter was firft granted: but the bu­finefs has now come into fome repute, and there is nothing in the charter or by-laws o f the company, that can prevent a free­man from fetting up as a broker in T u r­k y , if the thing were practicable. There is nothing more ufual in the city of Lon­don, than for a man who has failed as a merchant, to fet up as a broker; and ma­ny have got greater eftates in the latter capacity than they could have ever ex­pected in the former. In the Turky trade, merchants have failed, as well as in eveiy other branch of commerce; and fome of them would certainly have gone or return­ed to Turky, to fet up as brokers, if they could have expetìed encouragement. But they knew the thing was impracticable. The Jews in that country have fo entirely ingrolTed the bufinefs to themfelves, and have fuch a command over the retalers, that no faCtor could expeCt to fell any goods, if he employed aChriftian, or even a Mahometan broker. They have not, *tÌ8 true, any exclufive charter for this mo­nopoly ; but, neverthelefs, they are very much favoured and protected in the en­joyment o f it by the Turkifh laws and magiftrates. By their law, if a merchant or dealer takes a Jew broker into his fer- vice, as every one mull, he cannot lay him afide and employ another, without allow­ing the broker laid afide fome yearly per- fion, or dead pay, as they call i t } and i f the broker dies, the fon pretends a right to be employed as brcker to all thole merchants that employed his father. Then as to theTurkifh magiftrates, they are too apt to encourage the Jews in their incroach-ments, becaufe they generally employjews

as theifr agents in all money matters, and |iparticularly in collecting'the cuftoms and \other taxes. By thefe means the Hebrew I nation in Turky have got fuch a knowledge io f every private man’s affairs, and fomuchpower in matters o f a publick nature, thatit is very dangerous to have any difpute with them ; for upon fuch occafions they have often interdicted, or forbid dealing with particular merchants, and fometimej with a whole nation. In thefe circum- fiances, your LordChips mult fee, howim* practicable it would be for any Englifit Chriftian to fet upas a broker in Turky. J And this is the true caufe why we have 1 no fuch brokers in that country : which j caufe could not be removed by any regu- J lation in this bill ; for fuppofe our Tar- ] ky trade were thrown entirely into the I hands o f our Englifh }evvs, I believe they would take care not to fall out with their brethren, who are natives of Turky, a- bout the bufinefs of brokerage.

From what I have faid, I hope your Lordfhips are convinced, that the Turky j company is not by their charter any o- therwife an exclufive company, than what was neceffary for the eflablifhment, and Hill is neceflary for the prelervation of the trade. And with refpeCt to the by law that has been fo much exclaimed againft,I am furprifed how it can be thought to be of any prejudice to our trade, when it is fo evidently calculated for the fafety of our (hips and feamen, and for carrying on the bufmefs in a certain, regular courfe. The legiflature has, ’ tis true, taken fome care to prevent our fhips falling into the hands of the Barbary pirates, by ena&ing, that none but fhips of force fhall' fail in the Mediterranean fea, under the penaltyof paying one per cent, extraordinary du­ty ; and the government has taken all pof- iible care to keep thofe pirates at peace with us. But neither of thefe precautions have been found altogether effectual. The penalty inflicted by the aCt of parliament is fo fmall, that even upon a rich fliip it is not equal to the difference of the exj pence between failing in fhips of force! and failing in fhips deligned only for trades therefore, i f the penalty were rigorouflyj exaCted, merchants would often chufe topay it, rather than make ufe of fuch fhip

Dec. 1745. 'Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b .as are appointed for that trade by the a ft : and befides, the aCt may be eafily evaded,by fending out fmall fhips, half loadedwith fifh, to be fold in Italy or Sicily, ar.d with the reft o f the cargo to proceed to Turky ; or by making the fhip take out her clearance, and fail from fome port not capable of admitting a fhip of 200 tuns. Then as to our being now at peace with all the Barbary pirates, experience may -convince us how precarious that depend­ence i s ; for none of thefe piratical towns keep peace any longer than they find it their intereft to do fo: and therefore the belt way to keep peace with them, is to oblige our merchants to make ufe of fuch fhips as may prove an overmatch for molt o f their rovers. This the Turky compa­ny defigned by the by-law complained of, fo far at leaft as was in their power; and this, I am convinced, was their chief de- iign ; for as to their not fending out a new cargo till they were informed by their factors that the old was near difpofed of, it was no more than what every private merchant does in every branch o f trade. Therefore, if there had been no fuch by­law ; i f the members had been under no reftri&ion, but at full liberty to fend out their goods in what fhips and at what times they pleafed, no member ought to have fent out his goods in fliips o f no force, and no one would have fent out a cargo of any fort of goods, till he had in­formation from hisfador, that there would be a demand for it by the time of its ar­rival. This the company always took care to do, as foon and as often as they had any fuch information ; for it has been proved at your Lordfhips bar, that the markets both at home and abroad were

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always kept fully fupplied.In this debate, my Lords, I find great

ftrefs has been laid upon afuppofition, that the Turky company has always been un­der the management of a particular fet of fnen, who directed all the refolutions of the company, both as to their by-laws, and as to their fending out any trading fhips; and that this fet of men made ufe of their power for their own particular advantage, to the ruin of the trade of their country. But this, I think, is impoffi fcle, in a company where every mere mer­chant may iuftft upon bis being admitted

547for fuch a fmall fum as 25 or $ o I . ; for,if any fuch fet of men had got the ma­nagement o f the company, and had made fuch a bad ufe o f their power, I hope there never wanted a fufficient number of merchants of the city o f London, who would have had p.ublick fpirit enough io get themfelves admitted, in order 10 de­feat fuch a combination, by taking the management oat of the hands of a fet o f men who had fo wickedly combined toruin the trade of their country.

But this is not the only grcundlefs fop- poficion that muft be made, in order to Ihew, that the managers of the company here have ruined the trade, by fctting too high a price upon our Englifli manu­factures in Turky, or upon the Turkish commodities here. For this purpofe we mull likewife fuppofe, that they have the abfolute direction o f all the faftoro fettled in Turky, as well as of the company here. Now, this, my Lords, muft appear to be impolTible, if we refledt but the lead upon the nature of the Turky company. B y the conftkution of that company, any freeman may go over and fettle as a fa­ctor in Turky, and every member of the company here, mny employ what fa&or he pleafes there, i f then the managers of the company had fet too high a price up­on their goods, can we fuppofe, that fome of the members, perhaps their rivals in power, would not have fent over a fafìor of their own, and ordered him to fell their goods at a lower pricc than that fixed by the managers of the company ? And would not they have done the fame with refpedfc to the fale of their returns here at home ? It is therefore irapoflible, I think, to fup* pofe, that any man concerned in theTur-ky trade, let him have what management of the company he will, could fix a high­er price, either upon his exports or im­ports, than what the nature o f the trade made abfolutely nece(Tary for producing areafonable profit to the adventurer.

For this reafon, my Lords,ù f the French merchants fell their woollen manufaftures in T u ik y , cheaper than our merchants fell Engliflr manufactures o f the famekind^ it cannot proceed from any mifrnanage- ment of the Turky company, o t of anyo f the members thereof: it muft proceed

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from fome other caufe ; and thofe whoconfider how much cheaper labour is inFrance than it is in England, may eafily find out the caufe. What is the reafon, I do not know ; bat it is certain, that la­bourers and workmen o f all kinds de/ire

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lefs wages in France, than are requiredliere in England ; and I believe their ma­nufacturers and mailer-tradefmen are con­tent with a lefs profit; which enables their merchants to underfell us in every fort o f manufacture in which they can poflibly jival us. Fire-arms, fwords, toys of all kinds, as well as woollen manufactures, are fold infinitely cheaper in France than in England ; and tho’ they pay dearer for their wool than we do, yet the expence of the wool bears fuch a fmall proportion, in any manufacture, to the expence of the labour, that the cheapnefa o f the latter much more than overbalances the dear- nefs of the former. This is the chief rea­fon why, with refpeCt to woollen manu­factures, they underfell us in Turky ; and to this I muft add, that the woollen manu-

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faCturers of France have great encourage­ment from the publick, by premiums and other advantages, which our manufactu­rers have nothing of.

From hence your Lordfhips may fee the true caufe of the French fuccefs in the

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Turky trade ; and what has very much contributed to this fuccefs, is, that their

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manufacturers have invented a fort of cloth which is more agreeable to the Turkifh tafte and climate, than any fort o f manu­facture ever yet made in England, tho’ our T u rk y company have'been at great pains to get fuch a cloth made by our manu­facturers here: and i f fuch a cloth could be made in fome of our remote counties, where labour is cheap, it is to be hoped, our manufacturers would be content with fuch a fmall profit, as to enable our mer­chants to fell it in Turky as cheap as the French do theirs. But I am fure there is nothing in this bill that can contribute to­wards our inventing fuch a cloth, or to­wards enabling our merchants to fell our manufactures cheaper in Turky than they do at prefent.

I hope I have convinced yourLordfhip?, that the fuccefs of the French trade is no argument for proving, that our Turkyfcoaipany, by any ^ombkaùca am erg

themfelves, havetendeavoared to reap an extravagant profit upon their fales of our manufactures in Turky. And now, with regard to the fales of the Turkifh commo­dities here, particularly thofe of raw filk and mohair-yarn, I need not repeat the reafons that were affigned by the Noble Duke for the late decay in the importa­tion of thefe commodities, and therefore fhall only take notice of what was faid by the Noble Lord, for proving, that the company extorted too high a price for them here. M y Lords, I never before heard, that the dearnefs of any commodi­ty made the ufe of it unfafhionable; for I have generally obferved, that the more it coils, the more fafhionable it is to make ufe of it : therefore its having become unfafhionable to wear mohair buttons or button holes, feems to be a proof, that the company fold their mohair-yarn too cheap, rather than that they exacted too high a price for it. This argument then proves the contrary o f what the Noble Lord intended. And as to the proof he brought from the aCt of the 6th of the late King, it will, when rightly confider*ed, appear to be no proof at all of what he alledges. That aft< my Lords, inftead o f being a proof o f the company’s making an extravagant profit by the raw filkand mohair-yarn they imported, is, in myo- pinion, a proof of their regard for the in- tereft of their country, by taking care that we Ihould not buy goods at the fecond hand, when we could buy them much cheaper at the firft, tho’ the expence ofour navigation made them come as dear to the buyer here, as when purchafed a£ the fecond hand.

T o explain what I mean, my Lords, Imuft obferve, that as the French make very little ufe of Turkifh raw filk or mo­hair-yarn, or indeed of any o f the bulky commodities of Turky, their merchants are at a lofs very often with what to load their homeward-bound fhips ; and there­fore their homeward freight coils little or

i ♦ o tnothing, the goods being often taken in by way of balaft. Then again I muft obferve, that the freight from Marfeilles to Leghorn cofts little or nothing, becaufe fhips are continually going between thefetwo places with paffcugers, And,

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£ 4 8 Proceedings o f the P o 1 1 t i c a l C l u b . Dec. 1 745;

I mull obierve, that as our imports from Italy take up much lefs room than our ex­ports, the bulky goods brought hither from thence, pay but a very fmall freight. From thefe three obfervations it is evi­dent, that Turkifh raw filk, and other bulky goods, may be tranfported from Turky to Marfeilles, from Marfeilles to Leghorn, and from thence to England, for a lefs expence of freight than from Turky direCtly to England ; and, confequently, our Italian merchants might have brought the French Turky filk and other bulky goods from Leghorn, and might have fold them as cheap, if not cheaper, here, than our Turky merchants could d o : but then the prime coft was much more to the na­tion, and at the fame time it difcouraged our own navigation, and encouraged that o f the French.

Thus your Lordfhips mull fee, that tho’ our Turky company could have fold their Turkifh raw filk and mohair-yarn, as cheap as any that was imported from Leg­horn ; yet it was the intereft of the na­tion, and for the encouragement of ournavigation, to prohibit that fort of com­merce : therefore we ought, in reafon, and I am fure in charity, to conclude, that it was the company’s regard for the intereft o f their country, and not any defign to make extravagant profits by their fales, that made them propofe and folicit an aft o f parliament for prohibiting the impor­tation of raw filk and mohair-yarn of the product or manufaCtureof Afia, from any ports in the Streights or Levant feas, ex­cept fuch as are within the dominions ofthe Grand Signior.

I hope your Lordfhips are by this timegenerally convinced, that the late decay of our T urky trade is not owing to any exclufive privilege enjoyed by the compa­ny, or to any monopoly acquired by the directors or managers of the company. It is true, no man can trade to Turky with­out being free of the company ; but then, no man that is qualified for the trade can be refufed his .freedom. I never heard that they refufed the freedom of the com­pany to any man that defired i t : I never heard of any complaint of this kind, ex­cept one that has been mentioned uponthis cccafion; and even there the petition

was not refufed ; it was only adjourned* becaufe an objection was made, that the petitioner was not a mere merchant, buc a druggill ; therefore the court adjourned giving an anfwer to the petition till the faCt fhould be inquired into. Then as to the pretended monopoly, I have fhewn, that no fuch monopoly can be fet up by the directors, unlefs they have the abfolute direction of all the faCtors fettled in Turky, as well as that of the company here ; and neither of thefe, much lefs both, can, in my opinion, be fuppofed to be poffible.

I have, my Lords, as great an averfiort to monopolies in trswde as any of your Lordfhips can have ; becaufe, by the high price they fet upon our manufactures in foreign countries, they prevent the con-* fumption: but as it is the national intereft to have our manufactures fold as cheap aspoflible in foreign countries, fo it is the national intereft to have our imports from thence bought at as low a price as poflible; and as the laying of a trade quite open, runs down the price of our manufacturesin any foreign country, fo it raifes theprice of the manufactures or commodities we purchafe there for home confumption or ufe; as we have of late years experien­ced in the trade to Africa, where we now pay for flaves, and almoit every thing we purchafe, double or treble the price we paid formerly. Therefore, when a que- ltion arifes, Whether the trade to any country ought to be laid quite open ? it ought to be well confidered, whether the nation may not lofe more by raifing the price of the commodities we purchafe in that country, than by reducing the price of the commodities we carry thither foe fale; and as this may be the cafe with refpeCt to the Turky trade, we ought to inquire narrowly into the nature of the . trade, before we pafs fuch an enlarging bill as this we have now before us.

As to the objection relating to thejew?, the Noble Lord who fpoke lalt dees not feem to have confidered the nature of that people, and the difference between theBri- tilh Chriftians now fettled in Turky, and the Britifh Jews that would go over and fettle there, fhould this bill be pafled into a law. The Jews, my Lords, let them beborn in what country they will, look upon

themfelves

Dec. 1745.1 Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b .' 549.______ > A * * A ____ —

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4 5 0 Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b . Dec.i 74^themfelves as all of the fame nation ;thofe born in China are as much of the Hebrew nation, as thofe born in England, or.any other country; and where-ever they meet, they confider themfelves a s countrymen: they affociate together, go to the lame fynagogue, fpeak the fame language, and have the fame cuftoms. Can this be faid of the Chriftians born or fettled in Turky ? Have not they different churches, different languages, anddiffereut cuftoms ? Do theBritilh Chriftians fettled in Turkv alTociate themfelves with the native Chriilians there, any more than ivith the native Muffelmen ? It will al­ways, therefore, be more difficult for theTurks, efpecially the populace, to diftin- guifh between the Britifh Jews and the native Jews, than it is now to diftinguifh between the Britifh Chriftians, and the Chriftians who are born in that country, and in every refpeft the fut\jedts of the Ot­toman Porte ; and this difficulty will not only occalion murmurings among the peo­ple, but many more difcufiions between cur Confuls and the Turkifh magiftrates, than have ever yet happened, or can hap­pen while the trade continues under the prefent regulations. From all which I muft conclude, my Lords, that the bill now before us can be of no fervice towards recovering or increafing our Turky trade; but, on the contrary, muft be attended with fuch confequences as will probably occafion the lofsof the whole ; and there­fore I muft be againft our taking the trou­ble to confider it in a committee.

*Ihe fpeech of C. Lsellus, in the char afterof the Lord Vijcount Lonfdale, whoJpoke next.

My Lords,

I Am fo very feniible o f the influencewhich the pafiions and prejudices of

men have upon their undemanding and judgment, that it is always with great cau­tion I determine,, and with greatdiffidence I fpeak upon any fubjed relating to trade; but I think I never had lefs difficulty to determine myfelf than with regard to the queftion now before us. That monopo­lies, or combinations for ingroffing any branch of trade, are in themfelves unjuft,and inconfilUnt with the pubiick good,

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has been acknowledged by every Lord who has fpoke in this debate, and is confirmedby the fevere laws made againft it by this and all other wife nations: upon the pre­fent queftion, therefore, the firft thing we are to inquire into, is, whether any fet of men have got, or may get a monopoly of our Turky trade, or whether there has jbeen or may be a combination among aparticular fort of men for ingrofling to themfelves alone the whole of that trade? That there may be fuch a monopoly or combination, can, I think, be doubted by no man who confiders the powers which the Turky company have ufurped; and that there has been fuch a thing, the na­tion has from the effe&s too fatally expe- r ie need.

Whatever may be pretended, my Lords, the by-law made by the company, for pre­venting any member’s fending out or bringing home any goods except in th$ company’s fhips, could be defigned for no­thing elfe, but to enable the dire&orsor managers of the company to ingrofs the whole trade to themfelves: for, that law being once made, and fubmitted to, the company, that is to fay, the diretìorsand managers of the company, had of courle the power to direct when the fhips fhould fail, and what quantity of goods, as well as what fort of goods, each member ihould be allowed to fend out or bring home in fuch a fhip; nay, they had the power tQ appoint the whole loading, the very mo­ment they took the fhip into their fervice; and, if any member came afterwards to delire to fend a parcel of goods by fuch a fhip, they could then anfwer, he was come too late, the fhip had already her fall load­ing : and therefore I think it is plain, that, from the moment this by-law was made, and fubmitted to, the directors or mana­gers of the company got a monopoly of our Turky trade to themfelves and their friends. I fay, fubmitted to; for I won­der how it came to be fubmitted to, I am clearly of opinion, the company had no power to make fuch a by-law It was not only contrary to the fpirit, but to the exprefs words of their charter, which pro­vides, that no by-law, to be made by thecompany, fhall tend to the hinderance of tbttrade or trajfick of any mwber thereof I

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Dec.1745* Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u s . .55*am therefore furprifed, that fome of the

I members of the company did not fend out a (hip upon their private account, and ftand a fuit with the company for the broke or

.. penalty infliCted by this by law. I f there had been iuch a publick fpirit among the

I citizens of London as the Noble Lord who : fpoke laft was pleafed to mention, fome of

them would before now have tried this point with the company: but we all know how cautious a private man is to engage in a law-fuit with a publick company ; and I muft fay, they have, in my opinion, chofe the moll prudent method, which is that

i o f trying to have the point determined by aft o f parliament, becaufe it is lefs expen-

> five, lefs tedious, and more authentick,' than the determination of any of the courts 1 below. I therefore hope, your Lordfhips \ will maturely confider what you are about I todo upon this occafion : for, if you rejeCt I the bill now before you, it will for ever I eftablifti this by law of the Turky compa- $ ny ; no man will hereafter think of trying 1 the validity of it at common law; no judge, k I believe, would venture to decide againft■ it, after it has been under the confiderati- 1 on of this houfe, and pafled without cen* f': fure: fo that the queftion now before us, Teally is, Whether you will eftablifh a mo­

il ropoly of our Turky trade in thofe who I are now, or (hall hereafter be the mana- ti gers o f the company ? And, ifyou do this,ii I may venture to prophe(y what will be

the confequence.I T he Noble Lord was pleafed to fay, : that no man, or fet o f men, can get the £ management of the Turky company ; be- i caufe by their charter they can reiufe the if freedom of their company to no mere mer- è chant, who is willing to pay the fine, and j fubmit to the by-laws. But will any man i- apply for his freedom, when he knows he j|‘ can carry on no trade without the leave of I tho(e who are then the managers ? which ,| muft be the cafe as long as this by-law re-

mains in force. We muft fuppofe, that,I whilit this by law fubfifts, no man who is

not in friendfhip with the then managers, , and refolved to join in combination with I them, will apply for his freedom : and, if (f. any (hould, we may depend on it, that the I managers will always admit two of their;§ dependents for every one independent man

they are forced to admit; by which means they will itill be able to keep in their hands the management of the company i for, in all corporations where the mana­gers may admit whom they pleafe to the freedom of the corporation, we know how eafy it is for thofe who have once got the management of the corporation into their1 hands, to retain that management as leng as they pleafe; efpecially when no man’s private intereft can induce him to endea­vour to get the management taken out of their hands: which is the cafe with regard to the Turky company ; for, whilft the by-law I have mentioned remains in force, a private man will always find his account more in joining with the directors, than in contending with them.

It has been faid, my Lords, that no fee of men can get a monopoly of the T urky trade, unlefs they had the abfolute directi­on, not only of our company at home, but of all our fa&ors fettled in Turky ; which it is faid is impoflible, becaufe any man who is once admitted to his freedom, may go over and fettle in Turky as a faCtor. *Tis true, my Lords, any freeman may go over and fettle in Turky as a fa&or. But how (hall he get any bufinefs ? I f any member of the company here fhould con- fign hisgoodstohim, fucha member would never again be allowed to fend goods in any of the company’s (hips; and, by the by-law, he can fend in none other : nay he could not fo much as get home the car­go commifiioned from fuch a fa&or. Wemay therefore be affured, that no man will go out to Turky as a faCtor, without ha­ving rhe friehdlhip of the directors here; no man will continue as a faCtor there, without cultivating that friendfhip ; andi therefore, whoever has the direction of our company here, muft always have the di­rection of all our faCtors there.

Thus, my Lords, it is evident, that, whillt this by-law continues in force, themanagers of the company may, and .1 be­lieve will ingrofs the whole trade to them­felves and their friends; thnt is to fay, a particular fet of men will have a mono­poly o f the trade. And the nfe they de- ligned to make o f this monopoly, appears very plainly from the exprefs words o f thepreambles to the orders in the company's

books:

4'

-552 Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b . Dec. 17431

books: To raife the price of our doth in Turky, and raw filk at'home, are the very words of thefe preambles; and more bare­facedly {hew the defign o f thefe monopo­lizers, than was ever avowed, I believe, by any monopolizers whatfoever. To raife the price both of their imports and exports is, I fhall grant, the fecret defign of all thofe who aim at a monopoly, either by charter or combination ; but it is fo in­continent with the publick good, that, I believe, it was never before openly pro- fefled ; and I am furprifed how any one who reads thefe words, can be at a lofs for the true caufe of the decay of our Turky trade.

It can be nothing elfe, my Lords, butthat of raifing the price of our cloth in Tur­ky, and ranv filk at home, in order to en- xich the adventurer by an immoderate profit upon both. It was this that firft tempted the French to rival us, and has fince enabled them almoft to undo us in the Turky trade. I fhall grant, that, by the many taxes we have upon the necef- faries, as well as the conveniences of life, the price of labour has been raifed in Eng­land, efpecially here about London, a lit­tle above what it is in France ; but the difference is not fo great as to overbalance the difference between the price o f wool in France, and the price of it in England ;

nor could all the advantages given by thepublick to the unexperienced manufaClu* lers of France, have let them upon a par with the experienced manufacturers here in England: therefore I am perfuaded, that the French woollen manufactures could never have been fold cheaper in Tur­ky, than our manufactures might have been fold, had not our exporters infilled upon a higher profit than the French ex­porters defired. ’Tis true, there are fe- veral forts of French manufactures, efpe­cially toys, which are fold cheaper in the lhops at Paris, than ours are in the fhops at London j becaufe ours are generally morefubftantial, and better wcrkmanfhip, and becaufe our fhopkeepers at London infift upon having a greatfcr profit, than, I believe, is expeCted by the fhopkeepers in any part of the world. It is the fame with refpeCt to the French woollen ma­nufactures. They are more flight and

v *

fhowy than ours, and therefore appear!) cheaper to an ignorant purchafer; butare|i never found to be fo by experience, when IJour merchants or fliopkeepers fell oursatj] a moderate profit. Therefore I am per.I fuaded, that the preference given to French cloths in Turky, is not owing to their be- j ing better fuited to the talk and climate < of the country, but to the immoderate L profit exaCted by our Turky company up­on all the cloths they fend thither.

However, my Lords, I fhall for this once grant, that the French have invent-1ed a fort o f cloth, which is better fuited I to the tafte and climate of Turky, thao I any fort o f cloth we have hitherto fent thither. Even this may be, nay probably is owing to our trade's having been mo­nopolized for many years by a certain fet of men, who went on in the old beaten i path, without ever once fetdng their in-1 vention to work, in order to find oat a | new fort o f cloth, that might be more a-1 greeable to the talle and climate of the I people they dealt with. I f our Turky I trade had been quite open, this would not I have been the cafe. There would havebeen a mutual rivalfhip among all oar I Turky merchants, and every man’s inven* I tion would have been upon the rack, to I find out fome fort of cloth that might be I more agreeable to the people of Turky, I than any fent thither by his rivals. In j this“competition fome lucky man might I have hit on that fort of cloth which the j French have fince invented : and fuppo- fmg that we are not fo good at invention as the French, and might not therefore j have found out this fort o f cloth ; yet we are allowed to be fo good at imitation, that we generally improve upon all foreign inventions. It is therefore furprifing to me, that, in twenty or thirty years time, our Turky company could not inftruCl our manufacturers to imitate and improve this fort o f French cloth: and, fince they have been fo unfuccefsful, I think >ve fhould lay the trade open; to try, at leaft, i f fome merchant, dealing upon his own private account, may not be more fuc- cefsful.

So much, my Lords, with regard to our exports to Turky>; at lealt the chief branch, which is th^t pf our woollen roa*

jwfattuiesj

■Dec. 1 7 4 5 . Proceedings of the Po l i t i c a l Club. 5 5 3nufaftures; for as to the other exports either from France or England, i f the French have fome that vve have not, we have fome, fuch as lead, tin, and many forts of iron ware, which they have little or none of. And now, with regard to our imports, efpecially raw filk and mohair- yarn, the aft of parliament prohibiting their importation from Italy, is to me, notwithstanding what was faid by the Noble Lord who fpoke laft, a demonftra- tive proof, that our Turky company ex- afted an immoderate profit upon thefe commodities; otherwife our Italian mer­chants could never have imported them from Leghorn to any advantage. For, fet ting afide the freight, let us confider the many additional articles of expence thefe commodities are loaded with when imported from Ttaly, which they are quite free from when imported direftly from Turky. Firft, they muft be unloaded and pay fhoar-dues, and afford a moderate pro­fit to the importer, at Marfeilles. Se­condly, they muft be reloaded, and pay fhoar dues at that port for Leghorn. Thirdly, they muft be unloaded and pay Ihoar-dues, with commiflion to the French faftor, and warehoufe-room, at Leghorn. Fourthly, they muft pay brokerage to the broker who fells them, and commiffion to the Englifh faftor who buys them, at Leghorn, for his correfpondent here. And, fifthly, they muft be reloaded and pay ihoar-dues at Leghorn for England. Thefe

: are all additional articles *of expence, which thefe commodities are quite free

; from when imported hither direftly from: Turky. And, in my opinion, the freight : mud likewife be dearer in this round- f about way, than it can be in the direft :E for I do not remember its having been

proved at our bar, that ever any French 5 lhips returned from Turky, or any Eng- if lifh fhips from Italy, without a loading ;

or that the paffage-boats between Mar­feilles and Leghorn required no freight,

I or but a fmall freight in proportion to : the diftance, for any goods they carried,i From all which I muft conclude, that, i f

our Turky merchants had not exafted an r extravagant profit upon the filk and mo- f hairyarn imported by them, our Italian,i merchants neither would nor could haveU V o l . V II . t . . -

thought of importing any fuch commo­dities from Italy ; and how detrimentalthis praftice of our Turky merchants has been to our filk and our mohair manufa­ctures, I fhall leave to your Lordfhips to determine.

From the obfervations I have made, my Lords, there is not, I think, the leafl difficulty in determining, that the mana­gers of the Turky company, by means oftheir by-law, not only may, but have monopolized the whole trade to them­felves and their friends: and this was, I am convinced, their chief, if not their on­ly defign, in making that by-law. For as to their pretending that their defign. was to preferve our fhips and feamen from the Barbary pirates, it can be nothing but a pretence. If that had been their foie defign, they might have inforced the aft of the 13th and 14th of K . Charles I I . by increafing the penalty upon fuch of their members as fhould fend goods in a- ny fhip of lefs force than what is defcribed in that a f t ; but they had from hence na occafion for reftraining their members from fending goods in any fhip but fuch as was entirely under their direftion: and much lefs had they occafion, from any thing in the nature o f a fair trade, to take the leaffc care for preventing the market’s being glutted ; for no man, for his own fake, will fend goods to a foreign market, till he has information that they may proba- bly be fold at a reafonable profit; and the lefs profit he defires, the more he en­courages the trade of his country: there­fore, in every trading country, the Iegif- Jature fhould take care, that no man who

% *

is content with a reafonable, fhall be un­der the power of one who infifts upon an exorbitant advantage.

Having thus fhewn, my Lords, that theby-law for reftraining the members of the Turky company from fending goods in any but a joint fhip, has not only made that company an exclufive company, but has eftablilhed an abfolute monopoly in the managers of the company for the time being, and their friends, I fhall next con­fider that exclufion eftablifhed by their charter, with refpeft to all his Majefty’s fubjefts under the degree of a mere mer­chant. It is eafy to fee through the fe-

4 D crel;

cret reafon of this exclulion, when thecharter was firft granted. There were then but few mere merchants in England; and from thence the merchants who foli- cited the charter, concluded, that, if they could obtain this exclufion, it would be eafy for them to ingrofs the whole trade to themfelves, and fuch of their friends as fhould be willing to fubmit to their di­ctates. Perhaps, even at that time, they pretended, as they do now, that it would be dangerous toadmit manufacturers, fhop,- keepers, or tradefmen, to the freedom of the company, becaufe of the difputes that jnight be occafioned by many of them go­ing over to fettle in Turky ,* and this pre­tence was eafily received as a folid reafon by courtiers, who, from their ignorance of trade, or from private motives, have ge­nerally been fond of granting exclufive charters. But experience, i f we will at­tend to it, will convince us, that this was then, as it is now, nothing but a pretence. We have merchants, factors, and Confuls in Spain, and in every trading country in Europe ; yet none, or very few, of our fhopkeepers or tradefmen go over to fet­tle in any foreign country. The natale folum prevails as much among the vulgar, perhaps more than it does among thofe of fuperior rank. No rtian who can live at home, will go to fettle in any foreign country, unlefs he has a profpeCt of fome extraordinary advantage. And as to thofe tradefmen who may not be able to live at borne, it is very certain, that all of them would chufe to go to our plantations, or to fome country in Europe, rather than to a- ny part of Turky. From hence I thinkwe may be fully convinced, that, if all the Ihopkeepersand tradefmen of theking- dom were free of the Turky company, ve­ry few of them would go over to fettle in Turky : and, i f a poor man cannot live at home, I can fee no reafon why we fhould prevent his going to fettle in Turky, up-

' on the invitation of fome of our faCtors or-Confuls there; efpecially as he muft continue to fubmit to, and remain under the protection and diredion of the Britifh Ambaflador and Confuls refpeCtively for the time being, and fubjeCt to the by-laws and regulations of the Turky company, during the whole time he continues thereas a Britifli fubjeCt.

What a luxuriant fancy may fuggeft, { do not know ; but really, my Lords, j cannot fuppofe, that any great number ofour low people would go over to fettle in Turky, were it put as much into their power as is propofed by this bill; confe. quently I can apprehend no danger from any difputes that can arife upon that ac­count. And as to the difpute mentionedby the Noble Lord, in relation to our fa­ctors felling by retale, I mull fay, I think the Turkifh magiftrates were in the right. I f our faCtors keep open (hop, they ought to pay the fame duties that are paid byo- ther fhopkeepers; and if any of ourfhop- keepers fliould go over to fettle there as ftiopkeepers, they mud certainly do the I fame. Such difputes may, upon all occa- , lions, be eafily determined by reafonable • men. And if the Ottoman Porte fhould, j without any reafon, deprive us of ourpri- | vileges; we mull, we may recover them [ by force of arms: for I was fuprifed to [ hear the Noble Lord fay, that in fuch a cafe we could not còmpel them to do ijs I jultice. This, I fay, I was furprifedat; j becaufe I think there is no nation lies more expofed to our refentment than the Turks do, on account of the many iflands they poflefs in the Archipelago, the ma- I ny feaports they have that lie expofed to 1 a bombardment from the fea, and the ca- J pital itfelf, which might be rendered de* I folate by an Englifh fquadron fent thither for that purpofe, as Cromvvel once threat-1ened to do. I

We have therefore nothing to appre- Jhend from abolifhing this exclufive part I of the company’s charter ; but, on the J contrary, we have, I think, feveral ad- J vantages to expeCt. Would it not be an advantage to our trade, to have our rich filk-weavers made members of the com­pany, and enabled to import raw filk andmohair-yarn upon their own account? Would it not be an advantage to our trade, to have fome of our rich woollen manufacturers made members of the com­pany, and enabled to export our manufa­ctures upon their own account? Could it be any difadvantage to the nation, to have fome of our rich fliopkeepers free of the company, and enabled to import Turkilhburdets and other manufactures upon their

- • QW*

554 Proceedings of the Po l i t i c a l Club. Dec. 1745,

own account, in cafe they found them­felves impofed on by the extortion of our Turky merchants ? Even our druggifts might with advantage to the nation be admitted to the freedom of the company, and thereby intitled to import drugs from Turky upon their own account; which they certainly would do, if they found the Turky merchants exacting from them an unreafonable profit, or entering into any combination for that purpofe: for tho’ drugs, when ignorantly applied or whimfically taken, are often pernicious; yet it muft be allowed, that they are ne- ceflary for preferving the health of the people; and therefore the publick good requires, that they fhould be imported and retaled at as cheap a rate as poflible.

I can therefore, my Lords, forefee no danger, but, on the contrary, many ad­vantages that might accrue to the nation, by laying the Turky trade as open as is intended by the bill now before us. As to the Jews, I am furprifed to hear any objection made to the bill on their account; becaufe, with refpeCt to Jews, as Jews, this bill can make no alteration in the Turky trade. Are not the Jews born in England as much his Majefty’s fubjeCts, as thofe of any other nation or religion whatever ? Could the Turky company refufe the freedom of their company to any man, on account of his being a Jew, i f he were every other way qualified ? Therefore, if the Britifh Jews do not now get themfelves admitted to the freedom of the Turky company, it is not on account of their being Jews, but on account of the fetters that are put by the managers ofthat company upon every member, let himbe of what nation or religion he will: and it is thofe fetters that prevent Chriftians as well as Jews from feeking to be mem­bers of the Turky company ? becaufe, i f they were admitted, they could pretend to no (hare of the Turky trade, without fubmitting to be the flaves of the then ma­nagers and directors o f the company, as I have already fufficiently fhewn. .

The other objection, with refpeCt to the prime coft of our imports, would in­deed have fomething more the appearance of reafon, if Turky werea country that took

none o f our produft or manufafturesj

and from whence we imported nothingbut a fupply for our luxury. But every one knows, that in Turky we do difpofe of large quantities of our produCt and ma­nufactures ; and I believe we might dif- fpofe of much larger quantities of both, if our exporters would fell them there at a moderate profit: and it is likewife well known, that Turky is a country from whence we import great quantities of ma­terials for our manufactures, and many forts of drugs which are neceffary for the prefervation of health. Therefore, if we had fome reafon to apprehend, that, by laying the trade open, we fhould inhance the prime coft of our imports from Tur­ky, I fhould, neverthelefs, be for agree­ing to it. But, my Lords, we have not even this confequence to apprehend. The Turks were a people that underftood the value of money, and the value of the commodities they had to difpofe of, as alfo the value of what we had to fell, long before we had any trade with them ; and therefore, our laying the trade open, may very probably lefTen the price of Turkifh commodities here, but it cannot inhance the prime coft in Turky. ’Tis true, the leffening of the price here, will of courfe increafe the quantities of our imports; but that lofs will, I am perfuaded, be fully made good to the nation, by the increafe o f our exports.

With regard to the African trade, my Lords, the cafe was very different. The people of that country, when we firft be*r gan to trade thither, knew nothing of the value of money, or of any thing either they or we had to difpofe o f ; and I be­lieve they have, by the trade’s being open, come at laft to a little more knowledge in the value of things. But will any one fay, that the nation has fuffered by the opennefs of that trade ? Are not we flill great gainers upon the balance of that trade ? And would not we be much great­er gainers, if the people of that country could find any thing to give for the ma­nufactures they want of us ? Tho’ the prime coft of many of the African com­modities has of late years been inhanced, and tho’ many forts o f our manufactures are now fold there at a lower price thanthey were at firft i yet a confiderabìe ba-

4. D z lane*

D ec. 1745. Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b ? 555a ^ ^ « 1 I ^ ■ a 4 t •

556 Proceedings of the Pol i t i c a l C lu b . Dec. 1745,___ A ^ A A A ^ A A ^ A I

Jance comes home to us yearly in gold: and that balance would be much more confiderable, if the inhabitants would be indultrious, and could learn the art of find­ing and working mines; for our mer­chants are never at a lofs what to fend to Africa j the only difficulty is, to put the people there upon finding fomething to give in return, which in one part of Africa confifts chiefly in flaves: and if the price o f flaves in Africa has of late been inhan- ced, it is not fo much owing to the trade’s being open, as to the great increafe of the French and Spanifh plantations as well as ours; and perhaps to the African princes being more at peace with one another; for it is their mutual wars that furnifh the Europeans with Haves, becaufe they fellthe prifoners they take in war, but canhave none to difpofe of when they are at peace among themfelves.

From hence, my Lords, I am apt to be­lieve, that, if our African trade had been as much confined as our Turky trade is now, the price of flaves would have been as high in Africa, and much higher in our plantations, than it is at prefent, becaufe the company neither could nor would have fold at fuch a fmall profit as our private merchants now d o : and as the French, Dutch, and Portugueze, as well as we, carry on a trade to the coafl of Africa, the natives would have learned, from our mu­tual rivalfhip, to have fold their other goods as dear, and to have bought Euro­pean commodities as cheap as they do at prefent, even fuppofmg our African trade liad been as much confined as our trade to Turky. But, if our African trade had been as much confined ; if none of his iVlajefty’ s fubjetts could have traded to Africa without being admitted members o f that company ; and i f the members of that company had been, by a by-law, re­trained from fending any goods to Afri­ca, or bringing any goods from thence, except in the company’s fhips; that is to fay, if the directors of the African com­pany for the time being, had had a mo­nopoly of the trade, I fubmit it to your Lordfhips, whether our African trade could have been in fo flourifhing a condi­tio.) as it is at prefent ? For my own part,I do net believe we ihould now have had#

v,1

any African trade at all, or but a very Ilittle more than was necefTary for fupply. Iing our fugar-plantations with negroes at j a very high price ; and this would have I had as bad an effeft upon our fugar-plan- i tations, as our Turky monopoly has had 1 upon our mohair-manufa&ures.

We have no occafion therefore, my |i Lords, to enter into any deep refearches a- I bout the affairs o f Alia, or of any foreign j country, in order to find out the caufeof I the decay of our Turky trade. Tome I the caufe is obvious. It is the monopoly j which the direftors of our Turky company have enjoyed, ever fince they made the by.law for reftraining their members fromfending out or bringing home any goods | but in the joint fhips of the company, j Therefore, if we have a mind to reftore j our Turky trade, or even to preferve what we have left of it, we muft abolifh that monopoly. For this purpofe the bill now I before us is, I think, extremely well cal- I culated; and as I have heard no objections to it but what have been fully ar.fwered,I fhall be for committing it. I hope your Lordfhips will not rejeft it, becaufe yourrejecting the bill would eftablifh the vali­dity of the by-law I have mentioned; j which I am confident your Lordfhips do I not intend to do, becaufe it is contrary to the exprefs words of their charter, as 1 have already obferved.

The fpeech of Claudius Marcellas, in tht char after of the Earl of Sandwich, wht fpoke next.

My Lords,

FRom this debate, as well as from ma*ny others, we may perceive, how

much the opinions of mankind are govern­ed by their prejudices and paffions; fori am perfuaded this bill would never have paffed the other houfe, nor met with fo good a reception in this, if it had not been for the prejudice o f late years fo general-

1 ly conceived againft all publick trading companies whatever: and I mull fay, thatthe many grofs frauds lately difcovered inthe management of fuch companies, has

: given but too much occafion for that pre*- judice. I am therefore not at all furpri*, fed, that the Turky company has the opi*i nion of the populace againft (hem; but I

affl

am very much iurprifed to find, that this general prejudice has fuch an effe& upon feveral of your Lordfhips; and efpecially upon the Noble Lord who fpoke la ft ; who, in forming his opinions, is, I believe, as little fubjeft to be governed by his paf- fions or prejudices as any man ever w as; and yet, upon the prefent occafion, I hope he will excufe my thinking that he has given too much way to that prejudice which at prefent prevails againlt all tra­ding companies eftablifhed by charter.

I fhall readily join with his Lordfhip in this, that the firlt queftion to be inquired into upon this occafion, is, Whether any member, or any particular fet o f members o f the Turky company, can, or have ac­quired a monopoly, by ingrofiing the whole Turky trade to themfelves, and fuch friends as they are pleated to admit into a combination with them ? That no fuch monopoly can be acquired by means of any regulation orreftri£tion in the char­ter, is, I think, upon all fides admitted ; for as there are now fuch vaft numbers o f mere merchants in G . Britain, and as no man of that character can be refufed his freedom, it would be abfolutely impoflible to acquire a monopoly by means of that reftri&ion in the charter. But it is faid, what the managers of the company could not do by their charter, they have done by a by-law for reftraining their members from fending out or bringing home any goods except in the company’ s {hips. This law, it is faid, being once fubmitted to, no member could afterwards carry on any trade to Turky, unlefs he was in the fe- cret with thofe who had got the manage­ment of the company ; becaufe he could not otherwife know when any of the com­pany's (hips was to fail, or what quantity o f goods, if any, he fhould be allowed to put on board the next fhip the company was to fend out. Thefe things are faid, my Lords; but they are mere fuggeftions without any proof.

Suppofe, my Lords, that, after this by­law was made, the managers of the com* pany had refolved to confine the trade to themfelves and their friends, that from thence they might have it in their power to put what price they pleafed both upontheir imports and exports; fuppofe they

had entered into a combination for this purpofe: could that combination have been concealed from the other members of the company ? Might not they have eafily difcovered it, by demanding, that a fhip fhould be ordered to fajl at fuch a time, and that they ftiould have leave to fend fuch quantities of goods by that iliip ? I f they had been refufed fuch a reafonable demand, would not they have complained, and fhould not we have had fuch com­plaints fully proved at our bar upon this occafion ? We muft therefore fuppofe, either that all the members of the compa­ny were partners in this combination, or that there never was any fuch combina­tion. I f we fuppofe the iirft, and that the members o f the company had thereby made extravagant profits both upon their imports and exports, could fuch a benefit cial trade have efcaped the obfervation of all the other rich merchants in London, moll of whom know the prices o f goods both here and in Turky, as well as any of the Turky company ? Can we fuppofe, that they would not have put in for a fhare o f fuch a beneficial trade, when it was fo eafy for them to do fo ? I fay eafy, my Lords; becaufe, i f a dozen of them had joined together, and demanded their freedom of the Turky company, they could not have been refufed: and, after be­ing once admitted, as they were able to furnifh a whole loading by themfelves a- lone, they might, and certainly would have gone to the diredtors or managers o f the company, and infilled, that one of the company’s fhips fhould be ordered to fail againft fuch a day. If they had been re­fufed, would not they have had reafon to complain ? and fhould not we, upon this occafion, have had fuch a demand and re-fufal proved at our bar ?

That this would have been the cafe, my Lords, is to me demonftrable; and therefore I muft fuppofe, that there never was fuch a combination amongft all, or a- monglt any particular fet o f the members of, the Turky company. Indeed to me the thing appears in itielf to be impoflible. There are fuch a number of confiderable merchants concerned in the Turky trade, and fuch a number of faftors fettled in thefeveral fcales of the Levant, that I do noe

think

Dec. 1 7 4 5 . Proceedings of the Po l i t i c a l C l u b . 5 5 7

think it poflible for fuch a number o f mento join in any combination for oppreffing the trade of their country, by exacting ttnreafonable profits; efpecially now that they are rivalled by the French, and con- fequently muft trade at a moderate profit, or not trade at all.

There are, my Lords, above fifty con- fiderable merchants in London now con­cerned in the Turky trade, and about for­ty difiindVhoufes for carrying it on. There are twenty three different Englifh houfes in the feveral fcales of the Levant; and I can bear witnefs, that, fo far from being in any combination, they are often at great variance with one another. When I was upon my travels in Turky, where my cu- riofity led me, as it did to feveral other pla­ces, there was fuch a difference between two of thefe houfes, tnat the people, tho’ fettled in thefamecity, neither vifited, nor fo much as converfed with one another: and this I was told was often' the cafe ; which I think highly probable, becaufe people concerned in the fame trade, cannot avoid having frequent contefls one with another, and thefe contefts are fometimes carried on with fo much heat, ar' to efta- blifh at laft an irreconcileable hatred be­tween them. In thefe circumftances, can your Lordfhips think, that a combination o f any kind can be carried on among fuch a number of men, or that it could have been continued for fuch a number of years ? For my part, I think it abfolutely impof- fible ; and therefore I think the monopo­ly, faid to have been fet up by thofe who have got the management o f the Turky company, to be altogether imaginary.

But, my Lords, beiides the impoffibility of the thing, we have, from our fuccefs a- gair.ft the Dutch, a very ftrong argument for concluding, that there never was any monopoly in our Turky trade, or, at leaft, that our Turky merchants never aimed at any immoderate profit, either upon their exports or imports. When we firft began to enter into the Turky trade, the Dutch tvere in pofTeflion o f it, and almoft the foie poffeffors; but they were almoft entirely beat out of it by our Turky companylong before the French began to be our rivals: for our merchants fold all forts of Europe­an goods in Turky, and all forts of Turkygoods in Europe, fo cheap, that the Dutch

found they could carry on no trade there to any advantage ; and therefore molt oftheir merchants gave it up.

This, my Loras, is an unanfwerable ar­gument for proving, that the late decay of our Turky trade is not owing to any mo­nopoly, or to our merchants fetting too high a price either upon their exports or imports: and as this is the only obje&ion I have heard, in this long debate, to the conduct of our Turky company, we muft conclude, that the late decay of our Turky trade is not owing to any mifcondudi in that company, but to the other caufes mentioned in this debate, particularly that of the French having fo much interfered with us in that trade. For, if we confiderthe natural and artificial advantages the French have, we cannot wonder at their being able to undermine us very much in the Turky trade. Their woollen manu- failures have had, and ftill have many en- j couragements at the publick expence; ours have none at all. Their manufactures for Turky lie all near the port of imbarkati- 1 on ; ours lie at a great diftance, and muft confequently be loaded with an expenfive * land-carriage. The labour of the common people is much cheaper in France than it • is in England ; and muft be fo, becaufe there is a much greater plenty of money here than there; for the price of labour 1 and every thing elfe will be in proportion i to the plenty or fcarcity of money in a 1 country. The freight and infurance from | the port of Marfeilles, and home again, muft be vaftly lefs than from the port of London, and home again. And as the pu­blick funds in France are a very precarious fecurity, either for the principal or intereft ofa man’s money, perhaps the rich French merchants may trade at a lefs profit than any rich Englifh merchant w ill; becaufe the former can otherwife make nothing of their money, whereas the latter may have their principal fecured, and a good intereft accruing yearly, by putting their money in our publick funds. T o all which I fhall add, that the French may perhaps meet with more favour both from the peo­ple and government of Turky, than we do ; becaufe they are the conftant rivals,whereas we are the ccnltani friends of thehoufe of Auftria,

Tfcfc,

<558 Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b . D ec . 17 4 5 .. - — ^ 1 I V 1 v I

Dec.1745. Proceedings of the P o l i t i c a l C l u b . 559Thefe, my Lord?, I take to be the true

caufes of the decay of our Turky trade ; and I appeal to your Lordfhips, whether the bill now before us, i f paffed into a law, could be of the leaft fervice for removing any one of thefe caufes ? What are we then to do ? We are to try an experiment, which, if it is not a dangerous, will cer­tainly prove to be an ufelefs experiment; and we are to do an aft of injultice to a Company, whofe conduct, after the ltrift- eft fcrutiny, we cannot find the leaft fault with. I fay, my Lords, an aft of injuftice; for I really think it fo. The company have been, from time to time, at a vaft ex­pence in procuring and preferving thofe privileges they now quietly enjoy in Tur- ky ; and we are, by an aft of power, a- gainft'their confent, to communicate all the advantages they reap by thefe privile­ges, to all his Majefty’s fubjefts; and that at a lefs fine than any of thofe now of the company paid for their admittance. This we are to do, my Lords, by the bill now before u s ; and this we are to do without any neceffity, and without offering the leaft compeniation to the prefent members of the company for the injury done to them : which, in my opinion, is neither confidentwith the juftice, nor with the ufual pra­ctice of parliament.

Monopolies, my Lords, I fhall admit, are deftruftive to trade, and therefore to be difcountenanced; but trading compa­nies are, in many cafes, abfolutely necef­fary. When the eftablifhing and prefer­ving of forts and faftories at a great ex­pence, is necefTary for the fetting up, or continuing of any trade, a trading compa­ny muft be incorporated by charter for that purpofe. I believe we fhould never have had any India, Africa,orTurky trade, i f a company had not been incorporated for the purpofe. And as a company was necefTary for beginning the trade, fo I be­lieve it is neceffary for continuing the trade. As our forts and faftories were eftablifhed, fo they muft be preferved, at a vaft ex­pence ; which expence muft be furnifhed and applied by a company, or by the pu­blick. As to its being furnifhed by the publick, I have no objeftion ; but I fhall never be for leaving the application of it to minifters of ftate ; and, confeqpently, Imult think, that in all fuch cafes a trading

\

company isneceffary. Thatcompany muft be under fome regulations, and they are themfelves the belt judges, what regulati­ons are moft proper. The French Turky trade is under many more, and ftrifter re­gulations than our Turky trade is at pre­fent ; the Dutch T urky trade was never under a n y : yet the French have got the trade, and the Dutch have loft it. We can therefore have, from experience, no in­ducement for laying our Turky trade fo open as is intended by this bill j and for this reafon, my Lords, I fhali be againfl committing the bill.

[This Journal to be continued.J

To the Rt Rev. Bifhopsand Clergy of England,My Lords, and Rev. Gentlemen,

PErmit me, in thisdreadful timeof dan­ger and confufion, to offer the fenti-

ments of an heart juftly warmed with ap- prehenfions from a foreign invafion, and zealoufly attached to the Proteftant reli­gion, and the fucceffion of the crown in the illuftrious houfe o f Hanover.

I cannot fufficiently commend your Lordfhips vigilance and care, in directing your circular letters to the clergy of the feveral diocefes, defiring them to inculcate from the pulpit, the neceffary principles of loyalty and obedience to his Majefty, and to inforce the doftrines of the Reformed re­ligion, in oppofition to the grofs idolatry and corruption of the church of Rome. But, as human me^ns, fubfervient to the providence of God, are ever neceffary, I would humbly offer to your confideration the following propofal, viz . That (exclu­five of the prefent taxes) a voluntary con­tribution of a tenth part of the real in­come of every preferment in the church be tendered to his Majefty for his imme­diate fervice. This, in my opinion, will not only ftrengthen the hands of the go­vernment, but convince the people com­mitted to our charge, that, in fmcerity and finglenefs of heart, we are true pro- feffors of that religion of which we are the minifters.— J amt

My Lords and Gentlemen, \Your moji obedientfervanty andfellow-

labourer in Chrifi, &c.J o h n G i l b e r t ,

Reflor o f Whipftngham in the ijle of Wight,P-rf-n

gSo P O E r i C J L E S S A Y S. Dec. 1745.4

P-rf-n G — l b — r t ’s addrefs to the Bifhopsand Clergy, verfified.

T

O thefe fe w lines vouchfafe an ear,

Which tend to rid you of your fea r, In thtfe fad times o f dread and danger,To which no foul can he a fir anger.1 beg for once your kind attention,To what Tm going now to mention.I f it but meets with your compliance,To all our foes w e 'll bid defiance ;W e'll make the Pope and the pretender Fall before George, our faith's defender*

But firft of all ( that you may better Like both the writer and the letter)There may, perhaps, be fome occafion.To tell my principles and perfuafion.Know, Tm a P -rfn by profeffion,A zealous friend to the fucceffionFftablifh'd in the Brunfwick linetIn which for ever may it fhine !An H — —— n true bluet A ftauncher one you never knew ;Jam not o f th' uncircumci s'd,E v 'n more than G r --------- Germaniz’d :1 love a Whig, and hate a Tory Worfe than fhe devil. Now to my flory.1 cant enough commend the zeal,My L —ds, you've fhewn for Britain’* weal. None with remffnefs, jure, can charge ye, Witnefs the letters to your clergy.But one thing ft ill you have forgot,Which i f not done, we go to pot.

It is w ell known all the world over, The Englifh clergy live in clover;That they have all things at command, Money good flare, as well as land.Since thefe rich r-gu-s do tythe the realm,9Tis fit they give to thofe at th' helm The tythe o f what they now poffefs ;They carit in reafon offer lefs :And this they chearfully fbould do,Andfreely pay their taxes too.<lhe men of Totnefs call to mind,( Such gen'rous fouls we rarely find; Befiilltheir names with honour crown'd!) Tho' tax'd four fhillings in the pound,They vow 'd they fbould not be unwilling To part with ( mind it ! ) ev'ry fhilling. Then fpare not one, no not an inch,Let Curates pay as w ell as L --------- .

Sor:e wag w ill afk, What do you meàn ? 1 fmell a rat; you'd he a Dean:Nay, I durfl fw ear byr Lady M ary, potior, pit want epifcopaw.

Indeed, my friend, you've hit the nail j And ’twould be hard i f 1fhauld fail.

But let me not forget to tell My name, and country where I dwell'. Tm call'd Jo h n G --lb- rt, friend to clippingThe clergy's wings, and am of Wh-----ing.ham the Reffor, in th' i le of W—ht. Now 1 have done ; and fo, good night.

T h e M a n o f the M oon’s E pigram.

WHile the mad Parfon fcolds and rant}}Serene and mild the Knight

Difdains the little puppy's threats,That barks but cannot bite.

Thus fhines the moon with equal ray%On fnarling curs below ;

And gen'rous mafiiffs nobly p—fs Upon a puny foe.

Poor Curate ! fave thy prieftly pride;Elfe, i f thou fbouldft rife higher,

There won't be flock fufficient left,For dignify d high-fiyer.

E c c l e s i ; e A n g l i c a n j e H ierarchia.'O r, V e r s e s to help the M emory.

C Ant. London. Lincoln. Cov. NorwichExeter. Ely.

Winton. Bath. Durham. Sal'slury, Wor*'fìer. Ebor.

| Chefi. Chickeft. Briji. Ox. Gloc. Rojfen.atque Peterburgh.

Carl, Landaff. David. Bangor, dfapb,Hereford.V o x L i e e r t a t i s .

A R Mt Britons, arm, your country nowdemands

Not empty fpeeches, but vindifiive hands. Shall a mad, highland crew, rebellious race, In Britifh hearts fa ir Virtue's lines efface? Shall Popifh tyranny pollute the throne, Where facred Liberty fo long has Jhcne? Forbid it, heav'n, let ev'ry Briton cry, And ans'ring heav'n forbid it from the fk)\ Is there a wretch, by Freedom blefs'd, fo vile To wifh that freedom banijìì'd from our ifle t On him may Popery, rags, and bondage waitx Curs'd in his wifh with all the plagues of fall.But be the men whom Liberty infpires, Whofe patriot fouls paternal ardour fires)Who'dfight y like William, in their country i J

caufe, .’ And die all Gard’ners to defend her laws:

Be thefe with freedom, peace and plentycrown'dt

Blefid in this age, and to ths laft renown I*G tnerai

j

^ i

Dec. 174 c Seleft Effays from the Weekly Papers, &c. 5 61

General Evening Port, Nov. 28.The proofs on which the maxim% That faith

is not to be kept with hereticks, is char- gea upon the Papifls.

I Suppofe, that no Proteflant ever meant, and that no Roman Catholick ever un-

derftood him to mean, that they are not to keep faith with hereticks in every cafe what- foever, where religion is not concerned j but in fuch cafes only, where the Catho­lick faith and the rights of the Romifh church are concerned. I defire therefore only one thing to be granted to me, whichI prefume every Roman Catholick willrea- dily grant, viz . that a promife made to hereticks for the prefervation of their reli­gion, is a promife to preferve a religion con­trary (in theopinion of the church of Rome) to the Catholick faith and to the rights of thatchurch. Ifthis be granted, Iundertake to prove, by the following inftances, that both Popes and councils have determined,that faith is not to he kept with kereticks.

The firft proof offered, is what has beentaken notice of by the Lord Bifhop of Ox­ford in his excellent fermon lately publifh- cd. A treaty had been made at Alt Ran- ftadt by the Emperor with Charles X II. o f Sweden, in 1707, in which were fome things favourable to the Proteftants. On this fubjedt Pope Clement X L wrote a let­ter to the Emperor, in which hefaid, “ We do by thefe prefents denounce, and by the authority given to us by almighty God we declare, that the aforefaid articles of the faid treaty of Alt-Ranjiadt, and the otherthings contained in it; which hurt the

V o l . V II .

Catholick faith, the divine worfhip, th# falvation of fouls, the ecclefiaflical autho­rity, jurifdidlion, and rights whatfoever, and in what manner foever,— with all and every prefent and future confequences o fthem, have heen from the very beginning% are now, and for ever fhall be null andsuoid, Scq. and that no one is bound to obferve tyem, or any of them, even th<? they have been of­ten ratified and confirmed by oath Andthe fame Pope wrote to the Abbot of St Gall in Swifferlandy concerning his treaty made with the Proteftant canton of Bern in 17 18 , telling him,“ Thatheand his fuc-cefTors were not bound to obferve the article $ of that treaty, any more than i f they had ne­ver been agreed to •f'.”

The next inftance is drawn from thegreat Lateran council, held in 12 15 , un­der Innocent III . and at which were pre­fent 2 Patriarchs, 70 Metropolitans, 400Bifhops, & c. Among other things it was decreed by that council, “ That if a tem­poral prince, when required andadmonifh- ed by the church, fhall negledl to purge his country of heretical filth, he fhall be excommunicated by the Metropolitan and other Bifhops of the province ; and i f herefufes to make fatisfafiion within a yearp it is to be fignified to the Pope, that he may declare his vaffals to be from that time freed from their fidelity to him J . ”

Here is the decree of a council, acknow­ledged for a valid one by the church o f Rome, that, in the cafe of religion, fa ith is not only not to be kept with hereticks, but not even with thofe who neglect to extir­pate hereticks. The Pope is hereby im-

4 E powered

* Majeftati tuts per prafentes denunciamus, ac infimul tradita nobis ab omnipotente Deo au ft or it ate declaramus, pranarratas ditti trafiatus Altranftadenfis paBiones, cate- raque in eo content a qua Catholic# fidei, di-vino cultui, animarum jaluti% ecclefiaque au- èioritati, jurifdiSiioni, libertati ac juribus quibufcunquey quomodolibet ojficiunt, —cum 0- ntnibus & fingulis inde Jecutis & quandocunque jecuturisy ipfojure nulla, irrita, invaiida,injufta, reprobata, inania, viribufque & effcftu penitus ac omnino vacua ab ipfo initio fuiffe, & effe, ac perpetuo fore; neminemque ad illorum, feu cujufcunque illorum* etiamfi pluries ratificata ac juramento vallata fmt, obfervantiam teneri. Clement. X I . Pont. Maximi E ptfi.iS Brevia. Fol. Roma 1724. tom. 2. p. 179. as quoted in the^- fta Eruditorum for 1727, p. 199.

■f- Ju xta illarum liter arum tenorem pro comperto habeas, te fuccefforefque tuos ad ea, qua in pradifta infaufia tra£latione conventa fuerunt, obfervanda, perinde ac fi nun- quam conventa fuiffent, nullo modo teneri.

J Et, fi fatisfacere contemferit infra annum, fignificetur hoc Summo Pontificit ut e#tunc ipfe vaffalki ab ejusfidditaU denumiet abfolulQi* CwiC. Lat. 4, cap, 3,

562 Seleft Effays from the Weekly Papers, &c. Dec. 174^• « A f t * * * + * A _ ^ A A __________- a

powered to difcharge the fubje&s o f fuch princes from their fidelity and allegiance to them ; fo that the fiaith of thofe fub- jeft? is not in this cafe to be kept with their sovereigns: and therefore it follows by ne­ceffary confequence, and a fortiori, that,wheii the prince is a Roman Catholick, and*his fubje&s are efteemed hereticks, his fa it4 -given, not t0 Purge his country ofheretical filth, is not to be kept with them, according to the decifion of this council.

A third inftance, from the famous coun­cil of Confìance will make this affertion of Proteftants ft ill more undoubted. John Hufs came to that council, begun in 14 14 , under the fafe conduct of the Emperor Si- gifnond: notwithftanding which he was feized, and imprifoned, and degraded by ■that council, and afterwards burnt alive by order of the Emperor. After his exe­cution, the faid council decreed, “ That whereas there were feveral, who private­ly and openly blamed the Emperor, and even the Sacred council, faying, or infinu- ating, that the fafe conduit granted to John Hufs the herefiarch, had been un­worthily violated, contrary to all the rules

- o f honour and juftice; altho’ the faid John Hufs, obftinately oppofmg (as he did) the orthodox faith, rendered himfelf unworthy of any fafe condudt and privilege, and al-tbo', according to the law of nature, divine and human, no word ought to be kept to the prejudice of the Catholick faith ; the Sacred Synod declares by thefe prefents, that the faidEmperor has done with regard to John Hufs, •what he could and what he ought to do, not- nvithjianding his fafe conduB |J

Thefe inftances, to a reafonable man, may be fufficient to fhew, that, in cafes prejudicial to the Roman Catholick faith, where a declaration or promife is made by a prince o f that communion to his Proteft- ant fubje&s, it is no flander or miftake to fay, that, in the opinion of the church of Rome, faith is not to be kept with here ticks.

An extrail of the Occafional Writer, datedNov. 5. Written in the form of a letter to the pretender s eldeji fan, by way of an- fw er to his fecond manifeflo. See p.490,

[Ibis extraB contains about one half of thepamphlet verbatim, without mutilation]

S I R ,

I Am one of the fubje&s of this king­dom who has ferioufly and attentively

perufed your mamfefto of the 10th of 0. Bober 1745, add relied to all his Maje-

fly's jubjeBs of what degree foenjer; and asit has not worked upon me t he t ffeft which was by you intended, I (hall take the li­berty to offer my reafons why it has not} and endeavour to do this with candour and good manners; without being-abufivè, ordifcovering any of that rancour and ill-will,from which you are at pains to diffuade, and which the mifchiefs already produced by your attempt are very apt to beget. But my intention at prefent is, to enter in­to a calm, difpaffionate reafoning, on the fubjefl: of your paper.

You begin with declaring, “ Thatyour father’s foie intention is, to reinfiate all his fubje&s in the full enjoyment of their re- j ligion, laws, and libe: ties; — not to inilave a free people, but to remove the incroach- ments made upon them.’* See p.466.

This is your firft general and capital declaration, which attacks us upon the fide of our own fuppofed intereft, abftrafting from the confideration of your indefeafibl' title; and therefore I (hall follow you in confidering thefe federally And, upon this firft article, I would take the liberty to afk, what is the fenfe or meaning of n- inftating the fubjeBs of this kingdom in tk fu ll enjoyment of their religion, laws, andliberties ? for, by the firjl of thefe, you de­clare, in the fame paragraph, that youmean the religion at prefent eflablifhed: and,that being the cafe, for God’s fake how can we be reinfiated in the full enjoyment

of

|| Cum tamen diBus Johannes IJufs, fidem orthodox am pertinaciter impugn an s, ft ab cmni conduBu & privilegio reddiderit alienum; nec aliqua fibi fide* aut proniiflio, de jure riaturali,divino vel humano, fuerit^in prsejudicium Catholicae fidei obfervanda} idcirco diBa SanBa Synodus pra’fentium tenore declarat, diBum inviBifftmum principm circa prtediBum quondam Johannem Hufs, non obfiante memorato falvo conduBu, ex ju‘ris debito feciff'e quod licuit, quod decuit Regiam Majeflatw■ See Vondsr Hardt t*M S, Vindab. i)orrt tom, 4. p. 522»

• i

o f thefe good things ? for of which of them do we now ftand deprived? or upon which of them have incroachments been made by the government under which we are now living ? Ic is not even in the plenitude of ablolute power to work impoflibilities,or to rejiore what has never been taken a-nvay. To make fuch a declaration be Ali­ened to, you fliould have enumerated the grievances, or incroachments, of which you are pleafed to offer us redrefs. But you and your young counfellors feem not very well acquainted with the conftitution and liberties of this free kingdom; and, for your information, I fhall refer you to thedeclaration of tboje rights and liberties made by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, affembled at Weitminlter, repre-fenting all the ejiates of this realm, upon the l$th A/** February 1688.

I know that the very date of this will flartle you, and that you will deny the authority of any thing tranfa&ed at that period: but, that I may not be thought to argue unfairly, I abftrad at prefent from the legiflative authority which gave a fan- £tion to that declaration, and fhall comeio low as only to quote it as a hifloricalproof o f the fenfe of this nation, and of themoft brave and wife men in it, concerning their o<wn libertiesy which were then af- ferted and claimed as follows.

“ That the pretended power offufpending o f laws, or the execution of laws, by Re­gal authority, without confent of parlia-'ment, is illegal.

That the pretended power of difpenfing with laws, or the execution of laws, by Re­gal authority, as it hath been afTumed and exercifed of late, is illegal.

That the commijjion for ere&ing the late court of Commiffioners for ecclefiajiical caufes, and all other commiflions and courts of like nature, are illegal and pernicious.

That levying money for, or to the ufe o f the crown, by pretence of prerogative, without grant o f parliament, for longer time, or in other manner than the fame is, or fhall be granted, is illegal.

That it is the right of the fubje&s to petition the King, and all commitments and profecutions for fuch petitioning are illegal.

That the raifing or keeping a Jlandingfrmy within ike kingdom in lime of

unlefs it be with confent o f parliament, is againft law.

That the fubjefts which are Proteflantsmay have arms for their defence, fuitable to their conditions, and as allowed by law.

That elefìions of members of parliament ought to be free.

That the freedom of fpeech, and debates or proceedings in parliament, ought not tobe impeached or queftioned in any court or place out of parliament.

That exceflive bail ought not to be re­quired, nor exceffive fines impofed, nor cruel and unufual punijbments infl.&ed.

That jurors ought to be duly impannel- led and returned ; and jurors which pafs upon men in trials for high treafont ought to be freeholders.

That all grants and promifes o f fines and forfeitures of particular perfons before convidlion, are illegal and void.

And that, for redrefs o f all grievances, and for the amending, ftrengthening and preferving of the laws, parliaments ought to be held frequently.”

Thefe are the rights and liberties that were then afferted and claimed, as being th$-true, ancient, and indubitable rights and li­berties of the people of this kingdom. And now, Sir, I afk you and all your counfel­lors and advocate?, Which o f all thefe have been incroached upon, in the prefent, or in the late reign ? And i f it be true, as all the kingdom knows, that this muft be an- fwered, by faying, Not one of them, whatoccafion is there for the redrefs ^grievan­ces which you are pleafed to offer ? There is a book called ^ Go/pel, which the lai­ty of your church are not permitted to read, which fays, The vohole have no need of a phyfician, but the fick. Now, Sir, the good people of this kingdom find them­felves already in the fu ll enjoyment of their religion, la ws and liberties > and, in refpe<$ of thefe mofl effential interefts, we are per-

fe&ly found and fwhole; and yet, in order to perfuade us to receive a change of go­vernment, you tell us that we are fick, and offer us your fervice to reinftate us in what we are already poffeffed of as fully as ourhearts can wifh : and, in fuch a cafe, you ought not to be furprifed, that we are fo univerfally unwilling to accept of any o f your ms ditine s.

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(Dec 1745. An Extraft of the Occafional Writer. 563

The fecond article of your manifefto is with regard to the national debt; as to which you fay, “ That altho* it voas con-trafted under an unlawful government, and is now a mo ft heavy load upon the nation, your father is refolded to take the advice o f bis parliament concerning i t A very com­fortable fecurity truly, for the proprietors Offifty millions, that, inftead of what they are now pofTtfled of, an abfolute fecurity that muft be made good to them, of right and juflice, they (hall have the chance o f a vote in a future parliament, whether, by way o f grace, they fhall be allowed to have any property, or none at a l l !

With refpedt to the union of the tvuo nations, you fay, “ your father cannot pof- iibly ratify that, fince he has had repeat­ed remonftrances againft itfrom each king­dom.— But whatever may be hereafter de- vifed for the joint benefit o f both nations, he will comply with the requeft of his par­liaments to eftablifh.”

This is one fcene o f confufion that you fairly confefs your refolution to introduce, i f that fhall be in your power; and that isalone, withme, a very weightyargument for oppofmg your prefent attempt with all jny might; and the like is the fenfe of all perfons of my acquaintance of both nati­ons ; who are now fully convinced, after a trial of almoft forty years, that it is forthe common benefit o f both the Britifh nati­ons to ftand united as they novo are. And as la m ignorant o f the names and argu ments of the remonfirants to whom you re­fer, I fhall not trouble you with a farther difcuffion of that fubjeft, I can eafily con­ceive it to be the intereft of France, or of a King who feeks to become arbitrary in England, that Scotland fhould be rendered a feparate kingdom, as it was formerly ; but to the fubjefls of either part of the united kingdom, I am not able to difcern the ad* vantages that would accrue from fuch fe- paration, and am afraid we fhould become like man and wife after they are divorced, to hate one another more heartily than if they never had been united.

Thefe are the heads of your declaration or manifefto, which you are pleafed to con­firm upon oath in your own name, as ap­parent heir to the crown; and then youCoijdefcend, “ to tx^afiulaU this weighty

matter with the fubje&s of this kingdom; complaining that the pulpits and congre* gations of the clergy, as well as our week­ly papers, ring with the dreadful threat* o f Popery and arbitrary power; and bid us liften only to the naked truth.”

In anfwer to this, our author quotes, from a fermon of the Bifbop of Oxford’*, publijhei after the date of the manijefto, the pajfagtof Pope Clement X I . ’* letter to the Emperor,infer ted above p. £ 6 1 . and then proceeds thus.— Now, Sir, this fame Pope Clement XI. who reigned but lately, was reputed fo mo­derate a perfon, that he fometimes recei* ved the appellation of the Proteftant Pope; and yet you fee what his Holinefs gives us to exped from the promifes made to us Proteftants by thofe o f the Romijh com­munion. You ought not therefore to beoffended, if we believe his Holinejs s word, who forbids us to believe your*s\ and this at the fame time without any perfonal re­flexion upon you in particular, whom we may fuppofe.as honeft a Gentleman as the religion of any Papift will fuffer him to be in his dealings with Proteftants or here* ticks; efpecially as the principle thus plain­ly avowed by a late Pope, was fo ftrongly exemplified in the praSiice of the late K. James II. your fuppofed grandfather.

And now, Sir, I fhall proceed to takenotice of fqch parts of your declaration as plead your own or your father’s Z/V/? to the crovon of thefe kingdoms: which is an ar* gument indeed very diftinfl from the que- flion of expediency, Whether for our own fakes we ought to reftore you ? And I think it is fair, that the queftion of right and juflice ought to be confidered, upon whatever fide the expediency Wes', and I fhalJ admit, that, in difcufling the titles to kingdoms, as well as in all other queftions of property amongft mankind, the horn«

Jium and the utile ought never to be fepa- rated, nor the former violated for the fake of the latter. And you fhall be at liber­ty to make what ufe you can of this con*cefiion.

You fay, “ That the government fincethe revolution has been an unlawful govern­ment } that your father cannot ratify the union, for this among other reafons,That the principal point then in view, was tht txclufion of the Royal fam ily from their »#•

, •

564 An ExtraB of the Occafional W riter. Dec, 1745. 'M i % 4 L % * A + » • a ^ a m . A ^ a

'■Dec. 1 745. An ExtraB of the Occafional Writer. 565doubted right to the crown. You mention

' the outcries formerly raifed againft the* Royal family, and fay, that whatever mifi ^carriages might have given occafion to

th em , they have been m ore than atoned for fince, for that your family have fufFer-

^ed exile during theie fifty feven years.’ *t Here, Sir, I muft humbly applaud your 'Ì' candour, or your policy, in at leaft tacitly* admitting that there weremifcarriages tru­

ly committed, which gave occafion to the! outcries, as you call them, that were for- ® merly raifed againft your family j and you ' feem alfo to admit that thefe mifcarriages 1 were fuch as flood in need of fome atone-15 merit.

I f I rightly apprehend your meaning,! it is then true, that even a K i n g taking the- Crown by fucceffion or hereditary right,* may be in the nvrong, and commit mifcar- e riages; and that thefe being committed,i there is fome redrefs, or atonement, due to im the people.ii If, on the other hand, I miftakeyourr. meaning ; i f you hold the reverfe of this»1 to be true, That every ftep o f your grand­er father’s adminiftration was juft and right, Is and every effort of the nation.to oppofefc him, was difloyal and traiterous; then it je were in vain for us to talk of rights and //- in: berties, or of laws forfecuring thefe, which à you fo readily promife ; for every one of ih the liberties above recited, on occafion of is; your grandfather’ s having trampled upon them all, are in reality nothing but the

K falfe pretences of the multitude, that are : dependent upon the foie will of the prince, r and may be violated or refumed by himI at pleafure.5 Th is is fuch a do&rine as the prefent

I'" generation, which has been born and i grown up under the days of liberty, is not

L abie to bear; and therefore I Hill appre- , I hend I am in the right in my conftrudtion ,(l o f your manifefto, as not meaning to pro- ; fefs or avow this dodlrine, but the contrary. So far therefore we are agreed : for when people hold principles diametrically oppofite, and each of them flicks to his

!I1 own, there can be no fuch thing as their \ arguing with each other. But, if a King^ o f England can mtfcarry, and thereby the |IV people acquire a right to fome redrefs or at-1 \ m m m lor (hat jnifcarriage, we aieif - .5

agreed in one principle ; and it remains only to examine what are the jull confe- quences to be deduced from it.

Mifcarriage is a very wide and ambigu­ous word, and may be applied to offences of very various degrees. You have been taught, that there are venial and mortal

fins. And, in foro foli, this is true. Ir isnot every fault of a young man that de- ferves being difwherited by hi father, nor every fault of a wife that can legitimate her divorce, or a total diffoiution of the marriage-covenant ; but there are fuch capital offences as may diffolve thefe molt facred and natural ties of the conjugal and parental relations, which are the firft: fources of all fociety and government a- mongft mankind. The adulterous wife may be divorced, and the hufband marry again, and beget lawful iflue capable to in­herit. And tho’ the natural relation of father and fon be indiffoluble, becaufe the fafi which exifted cannot ceafeto be true, the mutual obligations refulting from that relation may be difiolved. Exceffive cruel­ty on the part o f the father, emancipates the fon from his filial duty and obedience :• excefiive mifbehaviour on the part of the fon, intitles the father jullly to difinherit him, and to deprive him of that protection and provifion which otherwife, by nature, and by law, had been his due.

And do you think, Sir, it is pofTible that the voluntary, artificial relation betwixt prince and fubjeft, can be more facred or indiffoluble than thefe original, univerfal and natural relations o f which I have been juft fpeaking? This is not an age, or a country, in which there are many people to be found who can call this in queftion. The ridiculous conceit of indefeafible he­reditary right, or, as our poet, lately de­ceas’d, exprefìèd it,

Ihe right di vine of Kings to govern wrong,

is now almoft univerfally exploded, unlefsit be amongft fome gloomy Monkifh teach­ers, and their ignorant, bigotted, fuperfti-tious difciples.

Now, if this rule in general be juft ; i f fubjetts be not the very property of theirKings; if they are capable of any rights òrliberties which may not be violated withimpunity, or without redrefs j if it be pol-

iible

5 66 An Extraft of the Occafional Writer. Dec. 1745,fible for the tnoil cruel and tyrannical mo­narch who can be conceived, to deferve being dethroned: in the application o f this rule to practice, where can the judgment pollibly be, bat in the majority o f the people themfelves, or o f their reprefenta- tives, where the nation is fo populous that they cannot be all affembled, or fo conjii~ tuted as to a£t by reprefentatives of their own ele&ion ? For when things come to th is extremity, there is no common judge up on earth to appeal to. The King and the people become asdifh'nft and independent as any two ita es or kingdoms, and the differences betwixt them can only be deci- ed by force, or by war, which the law of nations calls an appeal to God for decifion.

It is therefore abfolutely vain and fo- phiftical, to argue, that there can be no law made in this kingdom without the joint confent of King, Lords, and Com­mons. That is, no doubt, true, fo long as the kingdom remains in its natural and regular flate: but, as foon as that is dif- turbed by illegal and violent invafions on the part of the prince, of the eflential, ancient, and indubitable rights and liber­ties of the people, the frame of the go­vernment is diffolved; force becomes lawful on the other fide, by way of de­fence. There is a right competent to the people, which muft have a remedy ; and it is impratìicable to purfue that remedy in the ufual regular courfe, in which the body-politick a&s, when the head and members are in their healthy natural ftate, each of them performing their pro­per functions.

To illuftrate this truth to you, Sir, I need go no further than to appeal to your own recent practice, within thefe few days or weeks. You are now engaged in an enterprize, to recover by force of arms the crown of thefe kingdoms, as be­ing the fuppofed right of your father.This declaration o f your’s profeffes, that he has no other intention than to reinftate all his fubjedts in the full enjoyment o f their religion, laws, and liberties; and to redrefs and remove the fuppofed incroach- jnents made upon thefe. Now, in the profecution of this attempt, you take no­tice, that you are already matter of theancient kingdom of Swtknd, A a d after

what manner is it that you are now go. verning that kingdom ? Not furely accor. ding to the laws and conllitutions of that country, even as they flood before the uni- on ; but by an arbitrary, defpotick, mili- tary government; as truly fuch as that which was exercifed by the ufurper Croat- 'tvfll, after the murder of your great* | grandfather, and the conquell of that king, dom i when there was one General r Vi­zier over the whole, and inferior Major- Generals or Bafhaws in every province; fo you govern without magiltrates, raife money without a parliament, take con*, tributions as from an enemy’ s country. J

The only poflible excufe for thefe ww* j gularities, is the necefiity of the prefent I conjun&ure, when you are but attempt-1 ing to recover this kingdom for your fa* | ther; tho’ I do not find, that, in any pu-1 blick aft of your’s, even this excufe has | been offered. But fuppofing it, for argu-1 ment’s fake, a juft one, it is an example, in your own pradiice, of what I have been I now urging. And if it be true, that the Inecejjity o f an extraordinary imjunftm j may juftify a King ailing 'without a par-1 Uament, in fuch things as the levying of I money from the fubjeft, which, by the I conftitution in its natural and regularfìate, I requires the confent of parliament; does! not the like necelììty ferve to legitimate J the parliament, or ettat;es of the kingdom,!their adting without the authority of the |crown, when that authority cannot bly be obtained ? the fubjed-matter of 1 their deliberations being the mifcarrtagts, I as you call them, of the King himfelf.j and the atonement or redrefs which the na* [ tion fhall take for thefe mifcarriages. [

Thefe mifcarriages may be fo heinous, | as well to merit a total and abfolute^W- f nation of the crown, or the expulfion of the rtyrant and his whole family. It is not | the ufual temper of this nation to be ca- r pable of fuch a cruel policy, as we find in hiftory has been often pradtifed on fuch I occafions, to exterminate the whole race I of the tyrant; and therefore we all agree I with you, in condemning and deploringthe murder of K . Charles I. But weap*plaud the old Romans for the expulfm of the 'Tarquins: after which that brave peo­ple were at liberty to make their ele&ion,

t

kjDec.i745. An iixtraft of the Occafional Writer. 567i

j,whether to alter the form of the govern-■ ment, as they did, by ere&ing that repu- I blick, which became the mill refs of the ! world; or to continue their original form! of government, by conferring the Regal

power upon a new family.' I f it be objected,That there is no equi-1 ty in caufing the innocent to fuffer for the

guilty; that your father was an infant, and you yourfelf was unborn, when your

. grandfather committed thofe mifcarriagesthat proved fatal to him ; we anfwer,

: That, in ftriff juftice, as well as found poli­cy, the children muft fuffer consequentially through the crime of the father * ; and fuch is the univerfal fenfe and practice of

l mankind. Upon this principle it is, that,; by the laws of all nations, when the trai- : tor who rebells againft hi& fovereign for* i feits his life, his eftate and dignities, the I children are deprived of the two laft by ; confequence. And there can be no good

reafon why this fhould not be reciprocal\1 when the prince, for the time being, for­

feits his crown by tyranny : for however,; in point .of dignity, there is no compari- ( fon betwixt the King and any one fubjeft,

the intereft of the whole body of the peo- pie muft outweigh the particular feparate

't intereft of the King and his family ; for . it was for their fakes that he was invefted , with that dignity We, Sir, are one of the , Northern nations who ftill retain the fpi-

rit of liberty; and firmly believe, that j fubje&s were not made for princes, but ’ princes for fubje&s. We cannot enter in- | to the wild notions that prevail amongft■ the flavifli people in defpotick govern* ' ments, fuch as thofe in the Afiatick nati- ! ons, and eifewhere, who entertain a kind ! of idolatrous veneration for their monarch,* and the fuppofed facred line of his family;• and therefore you muft not think it ftrange,

i f we argue, in treating a queftion betwixt .King and people, upon the common prin-

! ciples of right and jvftice, and the laws o f { eternal reafon ; which are fuperior to the ' governors, as well as the governed, and5 are no lefs binding on the one than on the

other.And as it is ju jl that the fon, however

perfonally innocent, ftiould not inherit the

crown which his father forfeited by his mitcarriages, it rs manifeftly inconfiftentwith prudence, or found policy, in moft cafes, tc» forbear the application of this rule. For, if a free people could do nor more than deprive and expel the father* and then give the crown to the very nexE in the order of fucceflion, where would the true patriots be found, who would venture to oppofe the groflfeft mifcarriages of the reigning prince ? For fuppofmg the fon to be himfelf better difpofed, cr wife enough to take example by his father’s misfortune, and forbear going to the like extremities,theleaft ill confequence thatcould beappre- hended would be, that the oppofers o f his father, that is, the moil brave, wife, a&ive and confiderable fubje&s in the kingdom, muft be in difgrace, negle&ed, difcounte- nanced, the publick deprived of their abi­lities, and they and their families fufFer all the indignities and hardlhips that could be with fafety infiidled.

The reafon for excluding the fon is ye£ more general and conclufive, when he hap­pens, as was the cafe of your unfortunate father, to be educated in thofe very prin­ciples, or in that religious perfuafion, which was the Chief caute of all the mif­carriages of his father; for then, as the like caufes are apt to produce the like ef -

fe£lst the people would be greatly wanting to themfelves, and provide very imper- fedlly for their own fecurity, if, inftead of the father, they fhould take for their prince his fon, trained up and filled with the fame pernicious notions which produ­ced the mifcarriages of the father, and the calamities o f the kingdom, that rendered his expulfion both jult and neceffary.

Such being the principles entertained by every brave and free people, in all the ages and countries of the earth, be pleafed to refledt, Sir, with what moderation this nation proceeded at the late revolution, which happened during the reign of yourunfortunate grandfather. He had grofi- ly violated all the rights and liberties o f the people, which I have above recited in their own words; he moreover difcover-ed an obftinate refohticn to perjtft in his at-tempts, and to make the fame good by

force%‘ * See a protejl, and a long debate, loth on this fubjeSl, in our Magazines for May,O&ober, November JPe^mber 1744, an* February 1745.

\

^ 6 3 An Extratt of the Occafional Writer. Dec. 1745,force, as foon as he fhould be enabled; and this by his abandoning the kingdom once and again, and carrying with him the in­fant, whom he owned to be his fon, and whom I am fuppofing to be truly fuch, without laying any ltrefs in my argument cn the fufpicious circumftances attending his birth, or the preceeding pregnancy ofthe Queen. But this retreat affords an e-vidence, that the King's purpofe was not changed by the revolt of his people; and that he was determined either to impofe his religion, and what he conceived to be his prerogative, or not to hold his crown, unaccompanied with thefe.

And even the melfage faid to be fent to him at Whitehall, cannot hinder me from concluding fuch to have been his determi­nation. For he had no reafon to appre­hend the fate o f his father. The hero whom we call our deliverer, who was himfelf a prince, fon-in-law and nephew to this unfortunate King, was incapable of a&ing the part of a Cromwel: the pie­ty of the two daughters would have far­ther contributed to have prevented i t ; nor would the general temper of the nationin that age have bore fuch-a cataftrophe.Nothing therefore could determine that unfortunate King to depart once and a- gam, but the fixed resolution I have al­ready mentioned, to carry through his fcheme by force. For otherwife, and i f he had been refolved to give up that fcheme, after he faw fuch manifeft proofs of the a- verfion of the whole nation and of his own family to it, it is eafy and obvious to fee

<what mull have been his conduct. He would have remained in his palace, and granted all the demands of the Prince of Orange's declaration, and agreed to the very thing which you now promife by yout’s, when it comes a great deal too late, namely, to refuje nothing that a free parliament could have afked, for the fecurityo f the religion, laws, and liberties of his people.

Now, as he might, and ought to havedone this, and did not do it, which wasthe only method of retaining his crown,confident with that fecurity of the religion and liberties of his people, it is evident,that he did indeed abdicate his crown.And, in refpeft of the many eflential mif-

carriages by him committed, and perfifiedin the people had undeniable reefons to declare the throne vacant: and, having thusfar done themfelves juftice, and providedfor their own fecurity againft the evils of Popery and flavery, with which they had been threatened, it remained for them to provide for the future government of this kingdom, by making a new fettlemenl.

Here it was that the wifdom and mo­deration of the leading men of this nati­on, at that time, was difcovered. It wasa regal government, tho1 limited bylaws;'and they refolved that it fhould continue fuch; juftly dreading a relapfe into the] anarchy and confufions, and the defpotick government o f the ufurper, which had fucceeded the abolition of the Roy al a utho- rity about the middle of that century.

It was a hereditary kingdom, tho’ ml in-1 defeaftbly fuchi and therefore they depart­ed as little as poflible from the regularcourfe o f fucceffion in the Rayal family, and no farther than was neceffary for fecuring the liberties of the fubjedt. They afledasa- ny wife and good man would do, who is mailer o f his own eftate. I f his eldeftlfon proves unworthy, and merits being]difinherited, he will fettle his eftate on] his fecond fon, and his ifTue in their or­der. And thus we fettled the crown on] theeldeft daughter of the abdicated prince; and, in default o f her iffue, on the fecond daughter; and, in default of her iflue, onj that of the Prince of Orange himfelf, who was the next in fucceffion, if he fhould have any by another wife than the PrincelsiMa-| ry: and when the profpeft of fucceflbrs failedamongft the Protellant dependents of K.l Charles I. the nation looked out for the next Proteftant heir, who was a grandchild of K . fam es I. and fettled the crown up-l on her, and the heirs of her body, being! Proteftants.

Thus was the conflitution maintained]and the government re eftablifbed in itf natural and regular ftate of a limited and hereditary monarchy; which fell afterwards!by fucceffion, upon the death of to the late K. George; a prince who was] born of a dignity next to the regal; whofe family have been remarkable K r affording good princes over their fubjefts, whomthey are intitled to govern abfolutely *

who was himfelf as mild and amiable a monarch as ever reigned. He was fuc- ceeded by our prefent fovereign j whom all the world muft allow to be remarka­bly poffeffed of two virtues, the moft de­serving of efteem amongft mankind, pro­bity and magnanimity : and for the mildnefs of his government, let this Angular cir- cumftance bear witnefs, that we are now in the nineteenth year o f his reign, and hi­therto not ong drop of blood fhed for a flate-crimefive. n in the legal methods of trial, tho’ there have not been wanting occafi- ons, even before you was pleafed to make us a vifit, for juft feverities o f that kind.

O f this prince, now reigning, the nati­on is bleffed with a numerous and hope­ful ifTue; whereof the greater part have been born and educated amongft ourfelves.

And, the cafe fo ftanding, in refpeft tothe abdication of your grandfather, and thefucceeding new fettlement of the crown, in the Protejiant line o f the Royal family ; which has already taken ejfeft, during the fpace of fifty [even years; which you men­tion as the duration of the exile o f your family, and urge as being more than Suf­ficient atonement for the mifcarriages of your grandfather: you come, Sir, a greatdeal too late with your profeffions of repent­ance, and promifes of amendment: for, asI began with the queftion o f expediency, I am now confidering the queftion of right and firift jufiice; and by this you are cut ojf,\ independent of the former.

This is indeed the true ftate of the que- ilion, Where the right and title now lies ?

'And upon this I maintain, that fuppofing a great deal which is not true, that your family was not ftill Popilh, bred at Rome, and favoured by France, the natural ene­my of G. Britain, and the common ene­my of the liberties o f Europe; fuppofing you were fincere in your promifes, and that yoar religion did not authorife and require you to break them ; and fuppo­fing you perfonally, as I am willing to believe, poffeiTed o f many good qualities becoming a prince, ftill you come too late: we cannot liften to your declaration, tho* you ftiould lift up your voice like Efautand cry, Have you but one blejjing, O mypeople ? For it is true that we have but $ne i and that is already conferred and fit*

£ y o L . v n . — -

tied upon thy Protejiant brother ; and we cannot with jufiice deprive him of it, fup­pofing we could do it with prudence, orconfiftently with the fecurity of our reli­gion, laws and liberties.

And to make you fenfible of the force of this confideration, if you can fee the truth when it is repugnant to your own intereft and wilhes, fuffer me to refume a familiar comparifon, which I mentioned before, to jultify the abdication orexpul-fion of tyrant Kings, after the example o f the diffolubility of the moft intimate and facred ties amongft mankind, fuch as that of marriage itfelf, where the laws allow the unfaithful w ife to be put away, and the injured hufband to efpoufe another.Now, let me fuppofe that all this hap­pens j that fettlements are made, and a numerous ifTue begotten of that fecond marriage; in the mean while, the divor­ced wife becomes a true penitent, celebra­ted as a La Valiere for her piety: and I will farther fuppofe, that her perfon is yet agreeable, and her afFedion for her once injured hufband is become more flaming than e v e r ; and he himfelf fo good-natu­red, that he could find in his heart to for- give her, and to take her back into his houfe and bed, i f he were at liberty. But I afk you, Sir, Is he at liberty ? or wouldhe not now be as wicked, as fhe formerlywas, (fuppofing him an abfolute prince, and unreftrained by laws), i f he fhould turn his prefent w ife and her children out ofdoors, a wife who was his equal in rank, and had always behaved well, in order to the refuming the returning penitent Ì

Again, to purfue the comparifon a little farther, and put the queftion concerning one who was at firft not perfonally guilty, and proved afterwards deferving, let me fuppofe that the divorced wrife had found means to efcape into foreign parts, and to carry with her an only child, who was born during the fubfiftence of the mar­riage ; a child, concerning the legitimacy of whofe birth the hufband was doubtful\ but whofe education he was fare would be the very reverfe o f what he would chufe to give to his heir; for that the child muft:be brought up in principles inconfiftent with the honour, intereft and profpcrityof his family. In fuch cafe, would any' » • W m y — \

i € w

ì)ec. 1745. An Extfaft of the Occafional Writer. 569___ 1

5 7 °_ _man living, w ho had full power over his own eftate, hefitate to djtnherit the child, carried off in thefe circumftances, and edu­cated in this manner ? After which, to provide for his own fucceffion, he courts and efpoufes a fecond wife, of high quali­ty, and eafy fortune, tho’ inferior to his; and by the marriage-covenant fettles the eftate upon the iflue of that fecond mar­riage, of which there is a numerous off* fpring: then I will fuppofe, to ftate the prefent argument in the fafreft light, that the difinherited'fon of the divorced wife, or, if you pieafe, Sir, that his fon again, proves to be a perfon of very good and de- ferving qualities; and applies earneftly to the father of this family, to reftore him (who, but for thefe misfortunes, would have been the lineal heir) to the quality o f fucceflbr to this eftate : and I afk, if the father could liften to that requeft, confift- ently to the rules of honour and juftice ? It is impoffible; for the cafe is no longer entire: there is a right acquired by the prefent wife and her ifliie, of which it is not in the power of the hufband, were he fo minded, to deprive theni; and no man of common probity would ever once think of attempting fuch monftrous injuftice._ The refolution of thefe queftions, if

they may be called fuch, will imply the anfwer which we of this nation can only make with juftice to your manifefto of O ctober 1 0 . 1 7 4 5 .

L o n d o n E v e n i n g P o s t , D ec. 1 2 .

Defence of the conduB of Gen. Cope at thebattle of Pteflon. (See p. 439.)

HAving a call to come to town foon after the unfortunate affair o f Pre­

lion, I was amazed to find how much the publick was impofed upon by an infinite variety o f falfhoods, induftrioufly fpread about in every coffee-houfe; which I knew to be altogether without foundation, and a grofs mifreprefentation of fa d s ; by which the honour jof the General, and tke officers who ferved under him, was cruel­ly and moft unjuftly hurt. A regard to truth, folely, (for I proteft, upon my ho­nour, I had no manner of attachment to any one of the general officers who had the conducing of the.adtion, nor fo muchas the honour of perfonal acquaintance

D ec . 1 745;with them), made me tell the truth, which I had feen with my eyes, about it, in every publick company I came into.

But I have lately feen fome remarks on the condudt of Sir John Cope, by aa officer of the army, [^, 514 ] ; which is< the occafion of my giving you this trou-1 ble, to fet that Gentleman, whoever lie is, and thofe whom he has milled, to rights, by your publifhing this letter.

I have a better opinion of the Britilh nation, than to believe they will, know­ingly, entertain harfh thoughts of any Gentleman who has the honour to km his Majefty ; but the (hock which follow­ed upon the news of this unhappy affair’s | reaching London, affedted the intereft of | fo many people in fo ftrong a manner, that | it was no wonder they were exafperated, ! and greedily liftened to every fuggeftion, I true or falfe, which tended to ioad the I Gentleman who had the honour to com- I mand there, and in a country morebleffed I with liberty than any other nation in the I world befides, No man whatever is a- I bove the cenfure o f his fellow-fubjefb, I while they think him guilty. TheBriùlh I nation is brave, but at the fame time it is I honeft, generous, and humane. If they have I been impofed on, they will liften to truth, I and will think as in juftice they ought of I the perfons who have mifmfortned them. I

The author of the remarks introduces I himfelf with telling us the qualities which I a good General fhould be poffeflèd of. He j next lays down principles, which, in the I prefent queftion, there is no manner of I need to difpute about. He mentions in-1 ftances from the battles of Dettingen and I Fontenoy, which don’ t touch the affair in I queftion, becaufe the circumftances in I thofe, and in the affair of Prefton, widely I differ. He adds a third, “ That a Gene-1 ral is rather to attack, than to fuffer his I troops to be attacked ; by doing whereof, I the Duke o f Argyle’s right wing, in the Ilate rebellion, defeated the highlanders on Itheir le ft ; while, on the contrary, the I other was beat by the highlanders on thefame principle.”

Was it not reafonable to think, that a man, who, in the charadter of an officer o f the army, has the imprudence to find jfawlt w ith a general officer for material er-

Defence of the conduct of Gen. Cope.

t ____________ ' _

. Dec. 1745," Defence of the conduB of Gen. Cope. t;ytt

: rors in his conduft, would have taken care: to be at a certainty that the fa&s he pro-1 ceeded upon were indifputably true ? It

is not n^ceffary for a foldier to write or {t fpeak like an orator; but it is eflentiàl to : his character to have a itrift regard to : truth in all he fays, efpecially when he at- i tempts to write for the publick. This I

take upon me to fay the remarker has notdone, in any one circumftance, about the battle which he has mentioned.

The only true account which I have ' feen of the battle, is one that was publifh-

ed in the London Evening Poji of Odlo- ber 17. [/>. 477.] wrote by one of our of­ficers who was made prifoner by the re­bels. This account is wrote by fome man of honour and truth, but by whom, I do not know ; but this I dare affirm, that being pofted at the head o f my own platoon, I had an opportunity to fee, with my own eyes, the diligence and activity with which the General behaved himfelf. He firft ordered the right to form, and then galloped to the left, and brought the dragoons there up to their ground : from thence I faw him haften back along the front of our line, to the right, upon his obferving that the rebels were advancingto attack it. I faw what happened both on the right and le ft ; and what the of­ficer fays of it, is a plain and true account o f the matter. Had the author of the re­

-marks confidered it, he would not have impofed upon the world in the manner he

, has, by publifhing his miftakes.I have indeed feen a pamphlet, intitled,

An inquiry into the conduft of G ------1C---- e, which does not feem to be wroteby an officer. The author of the remarks feems to have followed this pamphlet; for his remarks are almoft wholly taken from thence, with very little variation.

His fifth paragraph is, from beginning to end, mifreprefentations. Our cannon were indeed placed upon the right; and the guard of foot upon them, was, I be­lieve, no more than 100. But what is the circumftance in this that ftrikes th,is Gen­tleman ? Our fuflfering the main body of the rebels to bend their force thither, and that guard no way fupported, he fays, istruly matter of afionifbment to hint. Couldwe hinder,' as he calls them, the main bm\

' *

;

of the enemy to bend their force thither ?Who told him that care had not been ta­ken to fupport the artillery-guard ? which, out of 1200 foot, will, I believe, be thought as many as could be fpared ; for our whole body o f foot did not amount to full that number. This guard was not without fupport: there were two fqua- drons of dragoons at hand for that fer- vice; and when it was obferved that the column which the remarker calls the main body of the rebels, and which he fays were 1000 men, tho’ they were really but 600, (and this is not the fingle inftance of his magnifying the rebels); I fay, when it was obferved that that column was advan­cing to attack the artiilery, and thereby presented a fair flank to our dragoons, the Earl of Loudon, our Adjutant General, carried orders to Col. Whitney, who com­manded the fecond fquadron of Col. Gar­diner’s, to wheel and charge that column j which he attempted to obey, and led them bravely within piftol-lhot, where his men deferted him. This was indeed matter o f aftonifhraent. But it is no reflexion upon the officer: he behaved gallantly. And fure it is none upon the General. Can any General upon earth prevail with foldiers to fight, who are feized with a panick, and will run away ?

Let me here obferve, what I have heard from perfons of undoubted veracity, who were in the adiion at Sheriff muir, with refpeft to the circumftance which was at­tended with viftory to the Duke of Ar- gyle, over the left wing of the rebels in that battle. It was the late Lord Cath-cart’s wheeling the dragoons, which he was at the head of, and attacking the flank of the enemy. He obeyed the Duke of Argyle’s orders in this, and the execution of thefe orders was attended with the wilhed for fuccefs. And had Col.Whit­ney’s fquadron followed their leader, and done their duty, it is very probable that the fuccefs would have been the fame. The Generals fhewed the fame judgmentin giving their orders ; but the dragoon?,in the one cafe, followed their leaders bravely in executing them, and, in the other, they difgracefully deferted their o f­ficers.

t

What the remarker means, by fpeak-• 4 V 3 mg

ing o f our cannon as idly loft, and turned upon ourfelves, I cannot conceive. W e loft them,*tis true; but it is certain the enemy made no ufe o f them againft us. And I can as little conceive what he meansby all that follows in this very extraordi­nary paragraph of his. He forms a fcheme which never exifted any where elfe but ia his own imagination, “ that the next attack of thefe thoufand men fell natu­rally upon the dragoons on the right; who, feeing the cannon fo idly loft, and turned upon themfelves, naturally enough quitted the field o f battle.” Indeed they did it very naturally ; they fhamefully ran away. He is fo much of an officer, that he thinks, that “ what was done on the ocher wing, feems not very material; ” and concludes, “ that he thinks this infa­mous affair is very eafily accounted for, without any prejudice either to the cou­rage of the inferior officers or commonfoldiers.”

Np body blames the officers of the dra­goons, that I know o f ; but the remarker is the only perfon who pretends to fay a- uy thing in favour of the private men. I f their behaviour was agreeable to his way of thinking, he aits like himfelf, inendeavouring to fcreen them.

I am willing to agree with him where I can. The affair was, without difpute, an infamous one; and yet I cannot, with juftice, attack the conduit of any one of­ficer who was prefent. The fail is, the dragoons, both on the right and left, and in the corps de refer'oe too, left their offi­cers, and fhamefully ran away, fo muchftbout a time, that I cannot tell which went off firft. But I cannot agree with Jiim, that what was done on the left wing is not very material. I f the dragoons there had done their duty, it is very pro­bable the fate o f the day had been to the wifh of every good fubjeit; but the dra­goons upon the Jeft ran away, without be­ing fo much as attacked, nor was there an enemy near them when they ran. The foot ftood fail, and continued fo, fora mi- tiute or two after the dragoons left them : and tho’ the dragoons running away moft certainly communicated the panickto the

communicated to our foldiers by the dra­goons deferting us, and leaving our flanks expofed, our men would have fought; and i f we had not beat the enemy, we would at leaft have made them purchafe their vi- ilory dear. But I have followed this Gen­tleman too far. He throws out reflexi­ons which I am unwilling to underftand, they are fo grofs, fo notorioufly without foundation, and fo unbecoming a Gentle­man; while at the fame time he would have us to believe, his aim is not at the man but at the General. The General ferves a prince who is the father of his people, who will not fuffer the faults of his fervants to pafs uncenfured, if they are guilty, nor their honour to be injured, i f they are innocent. From his goodnefs and juftice we may hope that this whole tranfailion will be fully inquired into. The remarker may pretend what he plea-fes, but we who were eye-witnelTes of his conduit, cannot help being of opinion, that no General could have done more to infure a viitory to the troops under his command than he did ; and we believe, that the more his conduit is inquired into, it will be the more fatisfying to all who love his Majefty, and will do our General the more honour. But till this inquiry is made, it is eafy to imagine what are the fprings o f thefe repeated attempts to impofe upon the publick, firft by the pam­phlet, and next by the remarks in the I papers, by a Gentleman altogether mif- informed in every fait he mentions. Is it fair, or can it be from a true publick fpirit, that a man who muft know that itis poffible he is mifinformed, perfeveres thus in writing for the publick ? When this inquiry is finifhed, the publick will be able to judge, “ how far his remarks deferve to be approved or condemned.”Till then, what I have faid, will, I hope,prevail with him to have patience, and wait to fee whether his remarks deferve to be approved or condemned ; but, if hi§ itch for writing, or fome fuch laudable motive, fliould prevail with him to enter­tain the publick with any more of his per­formances, I will not trouble them withany more of mine, becaufe what I have

foot, I am far from faying that it vindi- faid is fa£t, and is the fame language I cates them; but I will take upon me to fpokj? froitt my jfirlj coming to town.affirm, that, i f the paaick had oot beta P 0:

® 4 ^

572 Defence of the condutt of Gen. Cope. Dec./7 4 £

D O M E S r i C K H 1S T 0 R T .**1 be Foreign w ill be in the Appendix.

L o n d o n .

T H E motions of the feveral ar­mies, according to the London Gazette, were as follows. -

On the 29th of November, the mainbody of the rebels arrived at Manchefter, as in our laft. Next day, about 200 of them came to a pafs three miles from that town, leading to Knotsford, and, having made a fort o f bridge over the river, by filling it with trees, advanced to Altring- ham. The fame day, 5 5 eroded the river atGatley ford, to Cheadle, two miles fromStockport, and returned direftly after to Manchefter by Cheadle ford. In the af­ternoon, 10 of them crofted the ford at Stockport, ftaid there about half an hour, gave out that they would bring a large bo­dy of forces to Stockport that night, and that they had inlifted great numbers ofmen at Manchefter; to which place they returned. The fame day, 200 of them were at Warrington ; two of whom, who had crofted the river, were feized by theLiverpool foldiers, hand cuffed, andfent to Chefter.

Several parties of the rebels crofted the Merfey at different places upon the 30th at night, and early in the morning of the I ft of December, and marched by different

^ routes towards Macclesfield. The horfe ijand artillery paffed at Cheadle ford. The bridges were made of trees (chiefly poplars) felled for that purpofe, and planks laid a- crofs; and all the country-people that could be found, were compelled to afiift them in it. They preffed, or rather took away all the horfes they could meet with about Manchefter, before they crofted the Merfey, and obliged feveral Gentlemen who had fent their horfes out of the way, Ho fend for them back. By break of day,

, upon the ift, a party of horfe came to Altringham, befpoke quarters for a body of foot, (which arrived there about ten), and then fet out for Macclesfield with a guide. The party which lay at Altring­ham were very folicitous to know what number of the King’s forces there was at Knotsford. At eleven o’clock about 100 hoifc came into Macclesfield, and ordered♦

the bellman to prepare quarters for 5000 m en; who came in there about twoo’clock, with the artillery, and the pre­tender’ s fon ; who lay there that night. The van-guard, which confifted of about 200 men, and which had orders to be in readinefs to march at eleven at night, was quartered at Broken Crofs on the Congle- ton fide of Macclesfield. All that even­ing they were very bufy fcaling their pie­ces, firing them, and putting them into order. They had given out that they fhould call at Knocsford ; and that they did not, feems to be owing to their ha­ving heard, that there were 2000 of the King’s troops in that place. In the mid­dle o f the night 40 of them were at Buck­ley hill in purfuit o f two deferters.

The party which lay at Altringham, marched early on the 2d towards Macclef- field ; from which place about 2000 foot paffed by Gawfworth at ten. 2000 horfe and foot came into Congleton between three and four in the afternoon. About 30 were detached to Afhbury, two or three miles on the Newcaftle fide of Congleton.' Their horfes were very fmall, lean, and o f different colours.

On the 3d, a party of the rebels were at Afhburn, fifteen miles from Derby, and the remainder at Leek. The former de­manded billets for 3000 men.

Early in the morning of the 4th, the rebels marched from Afhburn for Derby. They appeared to be a good deal fatigued, their march the day before having been a very great one. About noon the pre­tender’s fon entered Derby, with 4 5 a horfe and 2300 foot. The army conti­nued going into that town till late at night* They marched in fuch a manner as to make their numbers appear as great as poffible, and to render it extremely diffi­cult to take an exaft account of them. They gave out that they would march oft the 5th to Leicefter ; but they continued at Derby all that day, with their artillery in the market-place. Some of them talk­ed as if thev would make a fudden march in order to flip the Duke of Cumberland’s army ; whilft others faid, that they would ftay to fee whether the Duke would comeand give them battle. They levied theexciie here.

Dec.1745.' Motions of the feveral Amies. 57 3

574 Motions of the feveral Armies. Dec. 1745,’by our Iaft, the Duke s army were can­

toned, on the 28th of November, from Tamworth to Stafford, with the cavalryin front at Newcaltle under Line. On the 2d of December, the Duke, then at Staf­ford, received advice from Newcaftle, that a large body of the rebels were at Congle- ton, within nine miles of that place; and that their whole army, with all their ar­tillery and baggage, was to be there thatnight. His Royal Highnefs had beforeordered the cavalry at Newcaftle to be a- lert, and two battaiioos of infantry, which •were likewife ported there, to retire to Stone, fix miles nearer Stafford, in cafe of the enemy’s approach. About eleven o* clock at night of the 2d, the Duke, with the threebattalionsof guards, march­ed from Stafford forStone; at which place the army, confifting of eleven old batta­lions of foot, and fix regiments of horfe and dragoons, were affembled at four next morning. Upon pofitive advices o f the rebels marching by Congleton towards North-Wales, the Duke’s vanguard made a motion towards Newcaftle. But, upon receiving other adviees, that the rebels were gone for Leek and Afhburn, it was refolved to march the army as foon as poffible to Northampton, in order to in­tercept them in theif march towards the South. Accordingly the Duke’s army yeturred to Stafford on the 4th, and to Litchfield on the 5th. Here receiving advice, that the rebels had taken pofTef- lion of Swarkfton bridge [but they did not come ^within a m ile of it] before the orders for breaking it down could be put in exe­cution, it was refolved to incamp the 6th on Meriden common, between- Colefhill and Coventry, and next day near Nor­thampton ; by which means the army would be again before the rebels. The men, who had been a good deal harraffed, Lore the fatigue with great chearfulnefs, and feemed to have no other wiih than to come to an engagement with the rebels.- Purfuant to this refolution, the whole ca­valry, with two battalions of foot, march­ed into Coventry on the 6th, and the reft o f the infantry incamped on Meriden com­mon. The flannel waiftcoats for thetroops [p. 535 ] were by this time arrived at Coventry.

The army under the command of M, Wade were, as jn our laft, incamped at Per/bridge on the 28th of November. Our next accounts of them were of the 5th of December. They were then incamped at Wetherby. Here receiving advice of the march of the rebels into Derbyfhire,the Marlhal direfled the cavalry to begin their march towards Doncafter on the 5th in the morning, and the foot to follow next day. They halted the 5 th, how­ever, at Wetherby, to receive their bread from Leeds, and their fhoes, ftockings, and flannel waiftcoats from London, which met them at that place. The whole ar­my were to be at Doncafter on the 7th.

Early on the 6th, feveral parties of the highland horfe were in motion in the roads about Derby. Some of them feemed tobe moving towards Loughborough; 0- thers kept on the Afhburn fide. At ten the whole returned to Derby, and then the army fet out for Afhburn. The horfe moved firft ; foon after paffed their artil­lery, connfting o f thirteen pieces of can­non ; and then their main body of foot.When about a mile from Derby, theyhalted, and fent eleven or twelve officers ] back thither. Thefe ordered a very large I fum of money to be raifed inftantly for the I ufe of their army ; which they carried off I with them, and threatened deftru&ion to I the whole town if they did not raife more. | They feemed to be extremely out of hu- I mour, and ftripped fome perfons of their 1 cloaths, & c. I

Letters from Derby, dated Dec. 8. fay, Ithat the rebels behaved tolerably well in I their march Southwards, butplundered the 1 country in their retreat; that many of the ft bell houfes there had fuffered j that two I o f the rebels were taken with their arms ft between Afliburn and Derby, by a farmer ft and two boys, and fent to the camp at ji; Meriden common ; that tho’ they àe- J| manded billets at Derby for 10,000 men, It* thofe who computed their numbers as ex* L adtly as poffible affured that they did not li. exceed 6300, horfe and foot, including U' many old men, and boys of fifteen or fix- L teen years of age, without fhoes and ftock- ft ings; and that their horfes were extreme* kj 1 y jaded, and in a bad condition.

From Afhburn they marched to Leefc Ion I

on the 7th. It was then thought theirroute was for Wales. Before they left Aihburn, they (hot two men, one of whom died on the fpot. They took all the hor- les they could lay their hands on, and plundered anddidgreatdamage. They had here fifteen pieces o f cannon and one mor­tar. On the 8 th they marched to Mac­clesfield. Their vanguard reached Man­chefter that day. Some fmall parties of them raifed alarms at Newcaftle.

The Duke's army, as above obferved, incamped on Meriden common; and were to have marched thence for Northampton. But feveral concurrent accounts arriving at the camp on the 6th, with advice that the rebels left Derby that morning, and marched towards Afhburn, his R. High­nefs, on the 8th, put himfelf at the head o f all the horfe and dragoons, and 1000 voluntiers, to endeavour to flop them, and give the foot time to come up. Next morning, Sir John Ligonier, with the brigade of guards and SempilPs regiment, marched from Meriden for Litchfield ; where his R. Highnefs was that day, with all the cavalry, and a body of foot moun­ted, preparing to continue his march in purfuit of the rebels.

We find the horfe and dragoons of M. Wade’s army inDoncafter on the 8th, and the foot at Ferrybridge.

Mean time the rebels continued their march Northwards. They were at Man­chefter on the 9th. Next morning their foot and baggage pafled by Pendleton Pole, a mile from Manchefter, and took theroad to Leigh, Wigan, and Preflon. Theirhorfe followed the fame day. On the n th they came to Prefton, and halted there the 12th. '

Late on the 10th, the Duke, with two regiments of dragoons, arrived at Maccles­field, having marched thither from Litch­field in two days, thro’ terrible roads, [by TJttoxeter and Cheadle~\ ' The 1000 foot were but an hour’s march behind, [having been provided in horfes by the Gentlemen ofStaffordfkire\> and the Duke of Richmond was expected next evening with the re­mainder of the cavalry. On hearing of the arrival of the Duke’s advanced guard with the Quartermafters at Macclesfield,the rebels had quitted Manchefter with

the utmoft hurry and confufion, and gone towards Wigan. His R . Highnefs lent an order by exprqfs to the magiftrates of Manchefter, to enjoin them to feize ali ttragglers o f the rebel-army, or fuch as had abetted them, and to keep them in cuftody till further orders ; and early on the n th he fenton Major Wheatly with a body of dragoons. Orders were iènt onthe tenth at night to Bligh’s battalion [then at Chejler\ to march to Macclesfield* and to the Liverpool battalion to take po£t at Warrington. The greateft zeal and aft’e&ion were exprefìèd upon the arrival of the King’s troops in thefe parts. Ex­cepting at Manchefter, where the rebels were joined by about 60 perfons, they met with no fuccefs in their expedition, Fifteen or fixteen ftragglers were picked up about this time, and fent to different jails.

In a council of war, held by M. Wadsat Ferrybridge on the 8th, it was refol- ved, that the army fhould march by the way of Wakefield and Halifax into Lan- cafliire, in order to intercept the return of the rebels Northwards. But, upon their arrival at the firft mentioned place upon the 10th at night, advice having been re­ceived, that the main body of the rebels was then at Manchefter, and their advan­ced guard gone towards Wigan, on their way to Prefton, by which they had got three or four days march of the Marfhal's army, it was refolved to fend M aj..Gen. Oglethorpe with a detachment of cavalry to purfue them with all pofiible expediti­on, and to march the reft: of the army to­wards Newcaftle, both to begin their march on the 1 1 th.

The Duke received intelligence st Mac­clesfield on the 1 2th, that Geu.Oglethorpe with his cavalry would be that day at W i­gan; and being at the fame time informed* by feveral advices from Lancaftiire, thatthe rebels were continuing their flight in the utmoft; diforder and confufion, and with fuch a panick, that many e f them threw away their arms upon the rosJ, his R. Highnefs thereupon refolved to purfue them with all pofiible expedition. Ha propofed to be at Wigan with his whole cavalry on the 13th ; and hoped, as therebels had been forced to halt the 1 stn at

T:efton#

Dec. 1 745. Motions of the feveral Armies, 5 7 5

Prefton, to be able to come up with them in two or three days march. There are letters which mention, that for three days about this time the country-people had fome fmart fkirmifhes with the rebels, and deftroyed feveral of them.

At nine o’clock of the 13th, the rebels marched outofPrefton for Lancafter. The fame day the Duke of Perth, with about 15 0 horfe left the army at the place laft mentioned, and cook the road towards Carlifle, giving out that he was going to fetch a reinforcement. Notice thereof was fent to all the towns thro’ which he was to pafs, and it was hoped the country*peo* pie would intercept him. About 20 re* bel-ftragglers were picked up in different places.

The Duke arrived at Wigan from Mac­clesfield on the 13th at night.

At one o’ clock of the 13 th the Geor­gia rangers entered Prefton, (the rebels ha­ving been gone but four hours before), and foon after a party of the Duke of King- flon’s horfe, commanded byLt.-Col.Mor- daunt, and the Captain^ Ld Robert Man­ners and Ld Byron. The fame day Gen. Oglethorpe entered that town likewife, with a detachment from the Duke of Mon­tagu’ s and M. Wade’s regiments of horfe, commanded by Maj. Otway, and St George’s regiment of dragoons,command­ed by Lt.-Col. Arabin. %Thefe troops marched from Doncafter without a halt, and in three days made above 100 mea- fured miles over fnow and ice. They took a Captain of the rebel-army, named Mackenzie, and two men prifoners. As foon as Gen. Oglethorpe arrived, he de­tached the rangers after the rebels ; and rext morning, the 14th, was himfelf at Garftang, with his cavalry ; intending to advance that night with his whole corps, fo as to poft his regulars on Elhib muir, which begins about three miles South of Lancafter, and extends beyond that town Northward, and to detach his irregulars in fmall patroles, fupported by parties of the regulars, with orders to attack any patroles of the rebels which they might fall in with. I f the rebels marched off, Gen. Oglethorpe was to purfue them, and fall upon their rear; giving notice imme­diately to Major Wheatly, who was port­

ed at Garftang with a confiderable body jo f dragoons to fupport him, and the Ma­jor was to be fupported by the troops from JPrefton. The Liverpool companies were Iordered to march from Warrington, and 1 were to arrive at Prefton on the 1 6th. I

On the 14th, at eight at night* the re­bels began to march out of Lancafter in a I very great hurry. The baggage preceed- li ed. They were marching out in different I bodies all night. The laft of them left | the town at eight in the morning of the I15 th. They took the road to Kendal. J

Gen. Oglethorpe hereupon got orders f to pulh beyond Lancafter. The Duke, j with the whole corps, propofed to be I there, and Brig. Bligh at Prefton, on the I 1 6th. Ld Sempill, with the two regi- I ments of Scots fufileers,was to follow with ! the utmoft expedition. I

Some prifoners made the number of the I rebels amount to 8000, including women I and boysj and faid, that amongft them I there were about 2000 clans, well armed I with guns and broad fwords; that the reft I confifted chiefly o f Athol-men and low-1 landers, and were but indifferently armed; J that they had fifteen pieces of cannon of I three or four pounders; that one Sullivan, 1 formerly in the French fervice, had the I charge of their artillery ; that from their K firft entering England, till they came to I Derby, they feemed refolved upon march- ft ing dire&ly to London ; but that atDer-l by, having heard how the Duke of Cum* I berland’s army was pofted, it was refol- & ved in a council of war, to return by Car-1 lifle into Scotland ; that there was a per-I fon with them, who ftiled himfelf thel French Ambaffador ; and that great mim-1 bers of the men had often declared, that,K i f they could get back into Scotland, they! would leave the army, and return to theifl refpe&ive abodes. * I

In obedience to a letter fent by thel Duke to the Deputy-Lieutenants of Weft'11moreland andCumberland, requiringthem, by all means, to retard and obftrufl thej march of the rebels through thofe twOI counties, a refolution was taken at Apple*! by on the 14th, to raife part of thecoun* try, in order to demolifh Waftal bridge»l to make the road from Kendal to Shawimpaflablc for the arfillsry oran/l

i • # . L a a L I

£76 Motions of the feveral Armies. Dec. 1745.

Dec. 174.5. Motions of the federal Armies. ' S l lwheel-carriages, and to break up the road down Graridge-hawfe ; whereby it was hoped their march might be fo retarded, as to give time to the Duke’s army to come up with them before they could get clear of thofe counties.

About ten o’ clock on the 14th, the vanguard of the rebels, confifting of n o horfemen, equipped and accoutred like huffars, among whom was the Duke of Perth, entered Kendal, with a chaife, in which was a perfon in woman’s drefs. They rode up the town quietly, and turn­ed through the fifhmarket, down to the bridge leading to Penrith. When they were almoft got out of the town, a gun was fired out of a houfe, and one of the rebels killed : whereupon the townfpeo- ple clofed in, and took two more prison­ers. The reft galloped on towards the bridge; where a halt was made on a fud- den, and a few mufkets difcharged at the people; by which an oftler and a fhoe- maker were killed on the fpot, They then made a general volley, but without doing any more mifchief, and after that purfued their way as faft as they could to­wards Shap. Their horfes feemed bo be very much harraffed and jaded.

After dinner on the 15th, a party of the rebel-horfe came into Kendal, amongft whom was their commifTary. An hour after they were followed by the reft, horfe and foot, who continued coming in till

I ifter it was dark. Their artillery, con* '“lifting of twelve or thirteen fmall pieces, was about the middle of the corps, with feveral covered carts.

The Duke of Perth, after the fcufHe at Kendal, proceeded on to Shap, and in­tended for Penrith. But feeing the bea­cons on fire, and hearing this was done to call in the country, he fent a fmall party to the Round Table, which is a mileSouth of Penrith, and five from Shap, to makeinquiry ; and finding it true, he returned for fafety to Kendal about two in the morning of the 16th. Between four and five the drums began to beat, and the men marched out from day-break till near ten, in the fame order as they entered, I/jrd George Murray being with the laft com-

jpany; but not being able to reach Pen- tith, as they intended, jhev were fgrcsd

V o l . V I I . - ---------- -

to lie at Shap. On the night o f the 15 th,mifchief was apprehended at Kendal; buc the magiftrates pacified the heads of the rebels in fome meafure. Next morning, however, after the alarm, they behaved very rudely, and exa&ed a fum of money. The laft of them plundered fome houfes for liquors, ftripped thofe they met of their fhoes, and attempted to fire a houfe.

On the 17th, the Duke was at Lanca- fter. Gen. Oglethorpe, with the avant- guard, was to be that day at Shap, and the reft of his R . Highnefs’s forces were to reft that night at Kendal.

Gen. Anftruther was ordered to fet out from Coventry for London on the 15th, with the firft divifion of the foot, confut­ing of Sowle’s and Skelton’s regiments ;and the other regiments were to followfucceffively.

M. Wade was on the 15th at Rippon.It was refolved to march his army, then incamped at Boroughbridge, in feveral divifions, by reafon of the inclemency of the feafon, fo as to put them under cover every night, till they (hould arrive at or near Newcaftle. In purfuance o f which,1000 detached Englifh foot were to march upon the 15 th by Northallerton, Darling­ton, and Durham, to Newcaftle; and were to be followed fucceffively by the reft of the army.

Mean time the Duke continued to pur- fue the rebels with all expedition. He came up with them on the 1 8th at nighc with his cavalry, after a ten hours march, to the North of Lowtherhall; which the rebels abgjidoned on the approach of the King’ s troops, and threw themfelves into a village called Clifton, within three miles of Penrith ; which village his R. High­nefs immediately attacked with the dra­goons difmouoted; who behaved extreme­ly well, and drove the rebels out of it in an hour’s time, tho' a very ftrong and de- fenfible poft. By the firft account of this a&ion, dated in the morning of the 19th, it was faid, that the lofs of the rebels could not be kr^own, as it was quite dark before the fkirmifh was over ; that that of the King’s forces amounted to about 40 men killed and wounded, and 4 officers wound­ed, but not mortally, av'ss; Col. Hon^y-WQod, Cftpt.Eaft, and the Cornets Owen

578 Motions of the feveral Armies. Dec. 1745]and Hamilton; and that a Captain o fche rebels, Hamilton, was taken prifoner,much wounded. Next account, dated at Penrith on the 20th, faid, that the rebels having carried off their killed and wound­ed, it was not poffible to afcertain their tofs; that, after the affair, 70 o f their peo­ple were taken prifoners; that o f the ICing’ s forces, his Majefty*s own regiment of dragoons fuffered moft, fome officers of which being wounded, the rebels cried,No quarter ; murder them ; and that theyreceived feveral wounds after they were down. A third account* dated at Penrith on the 23d, fays, that the main body o f the rebels was in that town on the 1 8th, when their rear-guard, which confifted of about 1000 o f their beft men, were d riven out of Clifton by about 300 difmounteddragoons, 12 o f whom were killed and 24 wounded. After the adfcion, the rebels re­tired to four miles diftance.

As foon as this news readied Penrith, orders were given by the rebels to prepare for a march forthwith; and about eight that evening they fet out thence, and con­tinued marching all night towards Car- lifle i where they arrived at nine next day, the 19th. It was fodark, and the coun­try fo covered, that it was not poflible to purfue them that night; and the troops being fatigued with the forced marches they had made throT very bad roads, they halted at Penrith on the 19th ; where they were joined by the greateft part o f the foot that night, and by the remainder next morning. The highlanders were guilty o f great exceflès at Penrith. They broke open feveral houfes and {hops, took away great quantities o f goods, and threw into the ftreets, and fpoilt or deftroyed what they could not carry off.

St George’s dragoons came to Penrith■ on the 19th in the morning, and marched

on, without halting, toHefket, eight milesfrom Carlifle j where they continued all that night and next day. The Duke, with the reft of the army, halted the 20th at Penrith.

M . Wade arrived at Newcaftle on the 20th, and gave orders for the immediate march o f 1000 foot and 50 horfe to join

- *:he Duke in the neighbourhood of Carlifle.Thofe troops marched accordingly from

1* j

Newcaftle on the 21 ft, and were to be next night at Haltwefel.

On the 20th the rebels purfued their march Northward from Carlifle, having ftaid there but one night, to change the garrifon. They left all their cannon there excepting three pieces. Sixteen carts la­den with their tents, were taken by Maj,Gen. Bland.

A t four in the morning of the 21ft, the army marched from Penrith in three co­lumns towards Carlifle; the Duke withthe infantry, making the centre, along the poft-road, and the horfe and dragoons ia two columns, one on his right by Armath- wate, and the other on his left by Hutton- hall. Upon the march, his R. Highnefs received the news of the rebels having quitted Carlifle, and left in it only 3 or400 men ; who, according to the beft intelli­gence, confifted chiefly of their Englilh re­cruits, and Gordon of Glenbucket’s men, commanded by one Hamilton. The Duke’s army joined on Carlton muir. A- bout noon they came in fight of Carlifle; and Maj.-Gen. Bland invefted it on the Scots fide with St George’s dragoons and 300 men o f Bligh’s regiment, with orders 1 to prevent any paflage over the bridge up-1 on the Eden, which leads direftly to the Scots gate. Major Adams was polled with 200 foot in the fuburbs of the Englifh gate, to prevent any of the garriion’s efcaping that way ; Major Meirac at the Irifh gate I with the fame orders, and Sir Andrew Ag-| new at the fally-port with 300. Ali liaMhorfe, and the foot-guards, were cantoned round the to\Vn, at a mile or twodiliance. The garrifon made a fliew of intending to defend the place, firing their cannon upon every body who appeared in fight of it.

The Duke fent for a train of battering cannon from Whitehaven, and it had or­ders to move with the whole pojfe comity tus, which was toaflemble at Wigtonon the 21 ft. This train was expe&ed at the army in a day or two ; and it was propo- fed to have a battery ere&ed by the morn* ing of the 24th ; after which it was not doubted but the Duke would be mailer ot the town in twenty four hours. Only four! pieces o f cannon, however, having arrive ! by the 24th, the ere&ing of the batterywas deferred, N ext day fix more piece |

, of 1• ;

Dec. 1745. The furrender of Carlijle. 5 7 9o f cannon arrived. Mean time thegarrifon Jired almolt inceffantly. But, on the 28th at noon, the befiegers began to batter the four-gun battery of the town with fix eighteen pounders. On the 29th it was found neceffary to abate the firing for want o f (hot, till towards evening; when a frefh fupply arriving, it was renewed very brifk- Jy for two hours, which Ihook the wails very much.

That evening a fellow attempting to get out .of the town, was taken by one of the advanced parties, and brought to the Duke. He delivered two letters; one for his R . Highnefs; the other for the com­mander o f the Dutch troops, fuppofed to be with his army. They were from aperfon (tiling himfelf Commander of theFrench artillery, and o f the French garrifon that nvas at, or might come to Carlijle, for the defence of the town and citadel, andwho fubfcribed his name De Geoghegan. The contents o f them were, to fummon the commander o f the Dutch to retire with his troops from theEnglifh army, un­der pretence of the capitulation of Tour- nay, { > 4 3 1 , 85.].

The night o f the 29th was fpent in raifing a new battery of three 1 8 pound­ers ; which was completed by the morn­ing. But, on the firil platoon of the old battery firing, the rebels hung out the white flag; whereupon the battery ceafed; and they called over the walls, that they had two hoftages ready to be delivered at the Englifli gate, which is on the oppofite fide of the town. His R . Highnefs then ordered Col. Conway and Lord Bury to go and deliver the two following mefTages in writing, to be ligned by Col. Conway ; the fecond melfage being deligned as an anfwer to the perfon’ s letter who called i im fe lf a Frenchman.I . jL l IS R . Highnefs will make no ex­

change of hoftages with rebels; and defires they will let him know by me, what they mean by hanging out the white flag.

2. T o let the French officer know, i f there is one in the town, that there are 1x0 Dutch troops here, but enough of the King’s to chaftife the rebels, and thofe ♦vho dare to give them any afiiftance.

Signed, C o l . C o n w a y ,

•- id de Camp to hii Highnefs the Hvkf*,

In about two hours they returned, and brought a paper written as follows.I N anfwer to the fhort note fent by his

R . Highnefs Prince Wiiliam Duke o f Cumberland, the Governor, in name of himfelf, and all the officers and foldiers, gunners and others belonging to the gar­rifon, defire to know what terms his R . Highnefs will be pleafed to give them, upon furrender o f the city and caftle o f Carlifle ; and which known, his R. High­nefs fhall be duly acquainted with the G o ­vernor and garrifon’ s lafl or ultimate refo- lution 5 the white flag being hung out on purpofe to obtain a ceffation of arms for concluding fuch a capitulation. This is to be given to his R . Highnefs’s Aid de

^ a m P* Signed, J o h n H a m i l t o n *

Whereupon they were fent back with the terms, figned by the Duke o f Rich­mond, by order of his R . Highnefs, as contained in the following declaration.A L L the terms his R . Highnefs will or

can grant to the rebel-garrifon of Car­lifle, are, That they fhall not be put to the fword, but be referred for the King’s plea- fure.

I f they confent to thefe conditions, the Governor and principal officers are to de­liver themfelves up immediately; and the caftle, citadel, and all the gates of the town, are to be taken poffeffion of forth­with by the King’s troops. All the fmall arms are to be lodged in the town guard­room ; and the reft of the garrifon are to retire to the cathedral; where a guard is to be placed over them. No damage is to be done to the artillery, arms, or am­munition. Head-quarters at Blackball Dec* 30. h a lf an hour pafi iavo in the a f­ternoon.

By his R . Highnefs’s command,Signed, R i c h m o n d , L e n o x , and A v -

e i g n y , Lieutenant-General o f hisMajejiy s forces.

About four they brought the followingpaper, figned alfo by 'John Hamilton.H P H E Governor of Carlille, and haill

officers compofing the garrifon, agreeto the terms of capitulation given in, andfubfcribed, by order of his R . Highnefs,by his Grace the Duke of Ricbmnd, Le~

4 G Zt

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and Hamilton j and that a Captain o fthe rebels, Hamilton, was taken prifoner,much wounded. Next account, dated at Penrith on the 20th, faid, that the rebels having carried off their killed and wound­ed, it was not poflible to afcertain their k ifs ; that, after the affair, 70 of their peo­ple were taken prifoners; that of the King’s forces, his Majefty*s own regimert of dragoons fuffered moft, fome officers of which being wounded, the rebels cried, No quarter ; murder them; and that theyreceived feveral wounds after they were down. A third account* dated at Penrithon the 23d, fays, that the main body o f the rebels was in that town on the 18th, when their rear-guard, which confifted of about 1000 o f their beft men, were driven out of Clifton by about 300 difmounted dragoons, 12 o f whom were killed and 24wounded. After the a&ion, the rebels re­tired to four miles diftance.

As foon as this news reached Penrith, orders were given by the rebels to prepare for a march forthwith; and about eight that evening they fet out thence, and con­tinued marching all night towards Car­lifle; where they arrived at nine next day, the 19th. It was fodark, and the coun­try fo covered, that it was not poffible to purfue them that night; and the troops being fatigued with the forced marches they had made throT very bad roads, they •halted at Penrith on the 19th ; where they were joined by the greateft part o f the foot that night, and by the remainder next morning. The highlanders were guilty o f great excefles at Penrith. They broke open feveral houfes and (hops, took away great quantities of goods, and threw into the ftreets, and fpoilt or deftroyed what they could not carry off.

St George’s dragoons came to Penrith1 on the 59th in the irtorning, and marched

on, without halting, toHefket, eight miles from C a r li fk ; where they continued all that night and next day. The Duke, with the reft of the army, halted the 20th at Penrith.

M . Wade arrived at Newcaflle on the20th, and gave orders for the immediate inarch of 1000 foot and 50 horfe to join

. *he Duke in the neighbourhood of Carlifle.Thofe troops marched accordingly fxorn

Newcaftle on the 21 ft, and were to be next night at Haltwefel.

On the 20th the rebels purfued their march Northward from Carlifle, having ftaid there but one night, to change the garrifon. They left all their cannon there excepting three pieces. Sixteen carts la­den with their tents, were taken by Maj,. Gen. Bland.

A t four in the morning of the 21 ft, the army marched from Penrith in three co­lumns towards Carlifle ; the Duke with the infantry, making the centre, along the poft-road, and the horfe and dragoons ia two columns, pne on his right by Armath- wate, and the other on his left by Hutton- hall. Upon the march, his R. Highnefs received the news of the rebels having quitted Cariifle, and left in it only 3 or400 men ; who, according to the beft intelli­gence, confifted chiefly of their Englilh re­cruits, and Gordon of Glenbucket’s men, commanded by one Hamilton. The Duke’s army joined on Carlton muir. A- bout noon they came in fight of Carlifle; and Maj.-Gen. Bland l'nvefted it on the Scots fide with St George’s dragoons and 300 men o f Bligh’s regiment, with orders to prevent any paffage over the bridge up­on the Eden, which leads dire&ly to the Scots gate. Major Adams was polled with 20afoot in the fuburbs of the Englifh gate, to prevent any of the garrilon’s efcaping that way ; Major Meirac at the Irifh gate with the fame orders, and Sir Andrew Ag* I new at the fally-port with 300. All the j horfe, and the foot-guards, were cantoned round the to\Vn, at a mile or two dillance. j The garrifon made a fliew of intending to defend the place, firing their cannon upon I every body who appeared in fight of it.

The Duke fent for a train of battering I cannon from Whitehaven, and it had or-j ders to move with the whole pojfe comity I tus, which was to aflemble at Wigton on I the 21 ft. This train was expe&ed at the I army in a day or two ; and itwaspropo- fed to have a battery eredled by the morn* ing of the 24th ; after which it was not I doubted but the Duke would be mailer ot the town in twenty four hours. Only four pieces o f cannon, however, having arrived by the 24th, the erefting of the batterywas deferred. N ext day fix more piece ]

I

578 Motions of the feveral Armies. Dec.17451I y f t f , I 1 • / • u t 1 * % *

Dec. 1745. The furrender of Carlifle. 579o f cannon arrived. Mean time thegarrifon fired almoft inceflintly. But, on the 28th at noon, the befiegers began to batter the four-gun battery of the town with fix eighteen pounders. On the 29th it was found neceflary to abate the firing for want of (hot, till towards evening; when a frefh fupply arriving* it was renewed verybrifk- 1 y for two hours, which fhook the walls very much.

That evening a fellow attempting to get out .of the town, was taken by one of the advanced parties, and brought to the

>Duke. He delivered two letters; one for his R . Highnefs; the other for the com­mander o f the Dutch troops, fuppofed to be with his army. They were from a perfon ftiling himfelf Commander of theFrench artillery, and of the French garrifon that was at, or might come to Carlifle, for the defence of the town and citadel, andwho fubfcribed his name De Geoghegan. The contents o f them were, to fummon the commander o f the Dutch to retire with his troops from the Englifli army, un­der pretence of the capitulation of Tour-nay, (/> .4 3 1 ,8 5 .] .

The night o f the 29th was fpent in raifing a new battery of three 1 8 pound­ers ; which was completed by the morn­ing. But, on the firlt platoon of the old battery firing, the rebels hung out the white flag; whereupon the battery ceafed; and they called over the walls, that they had two hoftages ready to be delivered atthe Englifh gate, which is on the oppofite fide of the town. His R . Highnefs then ordered Col. Conway and Lord Bury to go and deliver the two following mdTages in writing, to be figned by Col. Conway ; the fecond mefTage being defigned as an anfwer to the perfon’ s letter who called liimfelf a Frenchman.1 . L I IS R . Highnefs will make no ex­

change of hoftages with rebels; and defires they will let him know by me, what they mean by hanging out the white

2. T o let the French officer know, i f there is one in the town, that there are po Dutch troops here, but enough of the King’s to chaftife the rebels, and thofe fy/ho dare to give them any aftiftance.

a- Signed, C o l . C o n w a y ,

' ^ id de Camp tQ hn R, Higbnefs (be Z frlf •

In about two hours they returned, andbrought a paper written as follows.I N anfwer to the fhort note fent by his

R . Highnefs Prince William Duke o fCumberland, the Governor, in name of himfelf, and all the officers and foldiers, gunners and others belonging to the gar­rifon, defire to know what terms his R . Highnefs will be pleafed to give them, upon furrender of the city and caftle o f Carlifle ; and which known, his R. High­nefs fhall be duly acquainted with the G o ­vernor and garrifon’ s laft or ultimate refo- lution ; the white flag being hung out on purpofe to obtain a ceffation of arms for concluding fuch a capitulation. This is to be given to his R . Highnefs’s Aid de

Camp. Signed, J o h n H a m i l t o n .

Whereupon they were fent back with the terms, figned by the Duke of Rich­mond, by order of his R . Highnefs, as contained in the following declaration.A L L the terms his R . Highnefs will or

can grant to the rebel-garrifon of Car­lifle, are, That they fhall not be put to the fword, but be referred for the King’s plea- fure.

I f they confent to thefe conditions, the Governor and principal officers are to de­liver themfelves up immediately; and the caftle, citadel, and all the gates of the town, are to be taken pofleffion of forth­with by the King’s troopsi All the fmaU arms are to be lodged in the town guard­room ; and the reft of the garrifon are to retire to the cathedral; where a guard is to be placed over them. No damage is to be done to the artillery, arms, or am­munition. Head-quarters at Blackball, Dec, 30. h alf an hour paji two in the a f­ternoon.

By his R . Highnefs’ s command,Signed, R i c h m o n d , L e n o x , and A u -

e i g n y , Lieutenant-General o f his Majejiy s forces.

About four they brought the followingpaper, figned alfo by John Hamilton.' T H E Governor of Carliile, and haill

officers compofing the garrifon, agree to the terms of capitulation given in, and fubfcribed, by order of his R . Highnefs,by his Grace the Duke of Ricbmnd, Le~ ~

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580 Prifoners, & c. taken at Carlifle. Dec. 1745;nox, and Auhlgnyy Lieutenant-General of hisMajefty’ s forces; recommending them- felves to his R. Highnefs’ s clemency, and that his R . Highnefs will be pleafed to in- terpofe for them with his Majelty ; and that the officers cloaths and baggage may be fafe, with a competent time to be al­lowed to the citizens of Carlifle to remove their beds, b?d-cloaths,and other houfhold- furniture imprefled from them for the ufe o f the garrifon in the caftle. The ^oth of December 1745 , at three o'clock in the a f­ternoon.

On which Brig. Bligh was ordered im­mediately to take pofleffion o f the town', and to have there that night 400 foot- guards, and 700 marching foot, with 1 20 horfe to patrole in the ftreets. The Duke was to enter the town next day.

T he following is an account of the re­bel officers and foldiers, together with their artillery, taken in this place, viz .

E N G L I S H . 1 Colonel, Francis Townly, o f Lancafhire. — 5 Captains: John Saunderfon, o f Northumberland ; Peter Mofs, James Dawfon, and George Fletcher, all of Lancafhire; and Andrew Blood, o f Yorkfhire. — 6 Lieutenants : Thomas Deacon, John Beiwick, Robert Deacon, and John Holker, all o f Lanca- fliire; Thomas Chadwick of Staffordfhire; and Thomas Furnival, o f Chefhire.— 7 Enfigns: Charles Deacon, and Charles Gaylor, both of Lancafhire; John Hur- ter, of Northumberland ; James Wilding, John Betts, and William Bradfhavv, all of Lancafhire; and Samuel Maddock, of Chefhire,— 1 Adjutant, Thomas Syddell, o f Lancafhire.— All of the Manchelter re­giment. -----93 non-commiflion officers,drummers, and private men.-----JamesCappock, of Lancafhire, made by the pre­tender Bifhop of Carlifle.

S C O T S . The Governor, John H a­milton, Aberdeenfhire.----- 6 Captains:^Robert Forbes, Aberdeenfhire, of Ld Lewis Gordon’s regiment; John Burnet, Aber­deenfhire, o f Col. Grant’s; George Aber- nethy, Banffshire, o f LdO gilvy ’s ; A le­xander Abernethy, Banffshire, of the Duke o f Perth’s ; Donald Macdonald, Inver- nefsfhire, o f Keppoch’s ; and John Come- rie, Braes o f Athol, o f the Duke of A-thol’s .- - 7 Lieutenants; Charles Gordon,

*

Aberdeenfhire, of Ld Ogilvy’s regiment; jJames Gordon, Aberdeenfhire, of Col. Grant’ s ; Walter Ogilvy, Banffshire, of Ld Lewis Gordon’ s ; William Siuait, Banffshire, o f Col. Roy Stuart’s ; two Alexander Macgrouthers, Perthfhire, and JamesNicolfon, all of the Duke of Perth’s,

■ The laft broke the capitulation by endea*• vouring to make his efcape.— 3 Enfigns:J Walter Mitchel, and George Rafiifay, r both of Aberdeenfhire, and of the Duke

of Perth’s regiment; and James Menzies, St German’s, France, of Col. Roy Stu*

, art’s.— 1 Surgeon, James Stratton, Ber-wickfhire.— 256 non-commifTion officers,drummers, and private men.

F R E N C H . Sir Francis Geoghegan, |a Captain o f Lally’s regiment; Col. Strickland, o f no regiment; and Sir John | Arbuthnot, a Captain of Ld John Drum­mond’s ; all o f Tholoufe.— 1 Serjeant, Pierre La Locke, o f Dieppe, of Lally’s re-

1 gimerit.— 4 private men, all of Lally’s regiment; Fra. Carpenter, of Dieppe 5 Pierre Bourgogne, o f Tourrat; Jean Pouf* fin, and Pierre Vickman, both of Dieppe,

A r t i l l e r y : 6 one and half pounderbrafs guns, 1 brafs o&agon, 3 brafs four

; pounder guns, all with carriages, 4 brafs cohorns, and 2 royals.

Mean while the rebel-army continued | their retreat Northward. They palled 1

ì the Efk on the 20th, and then divided.■ One body, computed at about4000, guar- | , tered that night at Annan ; and another

body, of about 2000, atEcclefechan. Lord r Elcho, with about 4 or 500, proceeded , from Annan to Dumfries; and the reft■ followed next day. Thofe at Ecclefechaa, took the route o f Moffat. The young ì pretender, the French AmbafTador, the• Duke of Perth, Lord Elcho, Lord Pitfligo,

Lochiel, Clanronald, Glengary, and Kep- poch, went by Dumfries; Lord Tullibafr

; dine, Lord George Murray, Lords Ogilvy I ì and Nairn, by Moffat. On the morning*• o f the 23d, the body at Dumfries naarched I

thence ; and the pretender’ s fon propofed to lodge that night at Drumlaorig. The

; rebels fhot a tenant of the Duke of Qucenf* berry’s, for running out of their way, and not returning quickly enough at their call. They levied the excife at Dumfries, andintimated, that i f either excife or land-

' tax was paid for the future to any other than them, the people might be fure of

* paying them over again double. They ' impoled a contribution on that town, o f 1 20001. in money, and i o o o pairs of flioes;I: feized about nine cafks of gun*povvder,* all the arms publick and private, horfe-

furniture, boots, & c. every horfe thatIs could be found in town or country, and took k freequarters. Near i ioo 1. o f the money* was paid ; and Provolt Crofbie and Mr Walter Riddel were carried off as hoitages, till the remainder fhould be remitted.J They ordered the townfpeople to fend i; their baggage after them ; and at the

fame time aflured, that if they heard that ? a finger was moved againft. any one of : their ltragglers, the hoitages would in- s ftantly be put to death. They were guilty i o f great outrages, having robbed andplun- i dered feveral houles; and they told the a people, they had reafon to think them- f felves gently ufed, that their town was not 1 laid in allies [p. 5 33 .] . The damage5 done in the town cannot be repaired fori! 4000 1. but that done in the country is :: much greater.a The van o f the rebel-army entered v Glafgow on the 25th ; and the main bo­

dy, with the pretender’s fon, next evening. „ T h ey made great demands on that city,* as a punifhment for having arm ed and ; jrarfed a regim ent ^ a i n f t their leader.

■■ i Thus far we have kept clofe by thej, London Gazette. We prefume that the,, connected account we give of the feveralfJ armies, is more ufeful, than if we fhouldj infert verbatim all the disjoined paragraphs; o f the Gazette ; as by our method a clear-* er view is given of their different motions , and fituatiofis, and repetitions are avoided. $ Stridt care is all along taken, not to omit ; any fad tha t is to be found relating to them

in the Gazette j as that paper is publiftied3 by authority. The few interjected notes V are taken from the Gentleman s Magazine.

now proceed to our other hiltorical J’ articles; and fhall occafionally quote our

authorities, as p. 535 .A fubfcription was opened at Guildhall

\ on the 27th tof November, by the Lord ' Mayor and others, for relief o f the foldi- ' ers employed during the winter-feafon to*s wards fupprefiing the rebellion. The nja;

naging committee, by order of a generalmeeting of the fubfcribers, defired the opi­nion of the Duke of Cumberland and M „ Wade, how the money might be belt ap­plied ; and, by their approbation, contract­ed, on the 23d of December, for 12 ,0 00 pair o f breeches, 12 ,000 fhirts, 10 ,000 woollen caps, 1 c,ooo pair of woollen ltock- ings, 1000 blankets, 12 ,000 pair of knit wòollen gloves, and 9000 pair of woollen fpatterdafhes, to be forthwith provided for the ufe o f the army. It was alfo refolved, that 5000 1. ftiould be fet apart for the re­warding of maimed or wounded foldiers, and 3 0 0 1. applied as M.Wade Ihould diredt, for the more ipeedy recovery of the fick fol- diers under his command, in augmentati­on of the allowance granted by the crown. T o this fund 1000 1. has been fubfcribed out of the chamber o f London, *1200 I. bythe Lord Chief Juftice Lee, the Mailer o fthe Rolls, and the Judges, 500 1. by the civilians at Doctors Commons, 523 1. 19 s. by the Gentlemen voluntiers, 500 1. by the goldfmiths company, 300 1. each b y the drapers and filhmongers, 2 12 I. 14 s. by the clothworkers, 105 1. by the Ikin- ners, 100 1. each by the coopers and ltati- oners, and 8 0 0 1. by M r Rich, being the amount of three nights acting the Beggars opera.

On the 1 ft of December arrived in the Thames from Williamftadt, the two re­maining troops of Lt-Gen. Sir John Ligo- nier’s regiment of horfe, Lt-Gen. Haw­ley’s, and the remains of Lt-Gen. Sir Ro­bert Rich’ s regiment of dragoons. G.

Several Gentlemen of the law have formed themfelves into a regiment, underthe command of the Lord Chief Juftice Willes, for the defence of the Royai fami­ly, in fuch manner as his Majefiy fhall think proper, within the cities of London and Weftminfter, to be denominated, Theofficiated regiment of the law , for the defence of the Royal family, and the prefer<vaticn ofthe conjiitution in church and flate.

On the 8th at night, federal treafonableprinted papers, called the pretender’s de­claration, were dropt on the parade in St James’s park, and put under the doors o f people’ s houfes.

It being apprehended that the rebelswere comirM’ for ward from Derby for Lcr*-

UCQj

Dec.1745. D O M E S T I C K H I S T O R T . / 5 8 1■ 1 I / * % « i > 1 0 —

<ion, and that the Duke would not be able to come up with them, it was refolved to form a camp on Finchley common ; for which purpofe, the guards Ld John M ur­ray’s (the old highland) regiment, & c. marched on the 7th to Highgate, Enfield, and Barnet; and a large train of artillery was lent from the tower. The fame day, the lieutenancy of London dire&ed, that two regiments of the trained band3 fhould be out every night, and one in the day­time. But, upon the news o f the rebels retreat, the orders given the troops were eountermanded, the artillery returned, the day-duty of the trained bands was difcon- tinued, and one regiment only ordered out at night.• The following proclamation was ifTued,

o f date Dec. fa.for putting the laws in ex­ecution c.gainfi Jeju its and Popifb Prielis,and promifing a reward fo r apprehendingthem within London, IVeJiminfter, the bo­rough o f Southwark, or within ten miles o f the /aid cities of London and IVejiminjler.

G E O R G E R .\ T 7 Hereas, by an a& o f parliament

made in the 27th year of E li­sabeth, it is enadted, That it fhall not be lawful for any Jefuit or Popifh Prieft, borntvithin this realm, or anv other our domi-

* ✓

nions, to come into, or be or remain in a- ny part thereof, under the penalty o f be: ing guilty o f high treafon, in cafe he fhall not, within tbree days after he fhall come into this realm, fubmit himfelf to fome Bifhop of this realm, or to fome Juftice of the Peace, and take the oaths; and every pe/fon, who fhall wittingly and willingly yeceive or maintain fuch Jefuit or Popifh Prieft, fhall be guilty of felony without benefit of clergy ; and, by the fame a&, it is further enabled, That, if any fubjetft fhall know that any fuch Pried is within the realm, and not difcover him unto fome Juftice of the Peace, or other higher offi­cer, within twelve days next after his laid knowledge, but willingly conceal his knowledge therein, then every fuch offen­der fhall be fined and imprifoned at the Queen’ s pleafure: and whereas it is, by an ad of the 3d year o f IC. James I. en­acted, That, if any perfon fhall put in pra­ctice, to abfolve, perfuade or withdraw a-ny of the- fubjetts of his Majefty# his heirs

or fucceflors, from his natural obedienceto his Majefty, his heirs and fucceflors, orto reconcile them to the Pope or fee of Rome, or to move them to promife obedi­ence to any pretended authority of the fee o f Rome, or to any other prince, ftate or potentate ; then every fuch perfon, their procurers, counfellors, aiders and main* winers, knowing the fame, fhall be adjud­ged traitors, and fuffer as fuch ; or if any perfon fhall, by any means, be willingly withdrawn, or promife obedience as afore* faid, fuch perfon is thereby made guilty I of high treafon: and whereas it is notori­ous, that great numbers of fuch Jefuits and Popifh Priefts, taking advantage of the lenity of our government, in not putting the faid laws, and other laws againit Pa- pifts, into flrift execution, have of late come into or continued in this our kingdom, ex* ercifing their functions, and have pervert* ed, or attempted to pervert many of our fubjetts from the Proteflant religion and their allegiance: and whereas, at this time of open rebellion in favour of a Popifh pre­tender to our crown, all fuch Jefuits and Popifli Priefts are more particularly dan­gerous to the peace and fecurity of this re- j aim, and it is necefTary that the faid lawj fhould be put into effectual execution a* gainft them, and moreefpecially that they fhould not be fuffered to come into, or re* main in or near to our cities of London or Weftminfter: and whereas, by our Royal I proclamation given at our court at Ken- j fington the 5 th day of September laft, we j did ftri&ly charge and command all Papiils j and reputed Papiils {except as therein is j excepted) on or before Thurfday the 19th I day of September laft, to depart out of I the cities o f London and Weftminfter, and I borough of Southwark, and from all pla- I ces within ten miles diftance from the I fame : and whereas we have receired in* Iformation, that, notwithftanding the faid 1 laws and proclamation, many Jefuits and I Popifh Priefts are fo daring as itill to con- I tinue and refide within the cities of Lonr I don and Weftminfter, and borough ofSouthwark, and within ten .miles of thefam e; we, for the better difcovering and apprehending of fuch Jefuits and Popifh Priefts, do by this our Royal proclamation,by and wtih the advice o f 0u; privy couiv

5ft2 Proclamation againft Jefuits and Popifh Priefts. Dec. 174.J.

cil, urictly charge and command all our Judges, Jullices of the Peace, magiftrates, officers, and other our loyal fubje&s, that they do ufe their utmofl care and endea­vour to difcover, apprehend, and bring to trial, all Jefuits and Popifh Prieils, except fuch Popifh Priefls, not being our natural- born fubje&s, as, by the law o f this our re­alm, are permitted to attend foreign mi- nifiers. And, for the greater encourage­ment to our loyal fubje&s in the difcover- ing, apprehending, and bringing to jultice fuch Jefuits and Popifh Priefls, we are gra- cioufly pleafed to promife to him, her or them, who fhall difcover or apprehend, or caufe to be apprehended, any fuch Jefpit or Popifh Prieit, who fhall be found after Monday theQthdayof this inilantDecem- ber, in the cities of London or Weftmin- fter, or the borough of Southwark, or within ten miles of the faid cities, the fum o f one hundred pounds for every fuch Prie it ; which (hall be immediately paid upon convi&ion, by our High Treafurer, or Commiffioners of our Treafury for the time being. And in cafe there fhall be any doubt, who or what perfon or perfona fhall be intitled to fuch reward, and in what proportion, the fame fhall be fettled by the certificate of the jud^e or judges who fhall try the faid offence.

On the 12th, Francis Archangel Mont-* ofort, an Irifh Popifli Prieit, was committed to Newgate, for remaining in London af­ter the time prefcribed by the above pro­clamation ; as was alfo Prerce Fitzgergld, for entertaining him and other Prieils.

.By a vefTel arrived at Dover on the 12th, advice was received, that an imbarkation of troops was carrying on with great ex ­pedition at Dunkirk ; that moll of the vefTels to be employed were already there; and that furniture was put on board them for 1000 horfes. G. — The following pro­clamation, dated the 12th, was puhlifhedin a day or two thereafter.

G E O R G E R .\ 1 7 Hereas we have received intelligence,

that preparations are making by our enemies to invade this our kingdom, the fafety and defence of which require our wtmoft care, and wherein, by the afiiitance

I and blefling o f God, we are refolved not j to be wanting; and to the intent that> they may not, in cafe of (heir landing,

Strengthen themfelves by feizing the hor­fes, oxen and cattle of our fubjeè'ts, which may be ufeful to them for draught or bur­then, or be eafily fupplied with provifions: we have therefore thought fir, and do by this our R.oyal proclamation, by the ad­vice of our privy council, flriftiy charge and command the Warden of the cinque ports, his Lieutenants, Deputy or Depu­ties, and all and every the Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants of our counties, and all Sheriffs, Juitices of the Peace, Mayors, Bailiffs, and all artd every other officers and minillers, civil and military, within their refpe&ive counties, cities, towns and divifions, that they caufe the coafts to be carefully watched, and, upon the firft ap­proach of the enemy, immediateiy to caufe all horfes, oxen and cattle which may be fit for draught or burden, and not actually employed in our fervice, or in the defence o f the country, and alfo (as far as may he pra&icable) all other cattle and provifions,to be driven and removed twenty miles as Ieafl from tbe place where the enemy fhall attempt or appear to intend to Jand, ar, *. to fecure the fame, fo as they may no: fail into the hands or power of any o f our ere - mies; wherein, nevertnelefs, it is our wiji and pleafure, that the refpeèlive owners thereof may fuffer as little damage, Joi's, or inconvenience as may be confident with

#

the publick fafety. And we do hereby further itriftly charge and command all our fubjc&s to be aiding and affifting in the execution of this our Royal command.

A t the fame time alarm-pofts were ap­pointed, and the feveral guards were or­dered to be in leadinefs to march upon the firft notice of any tumult or inlurre&ion- within the cities o f London or Weft mi n- Iter j which was to be fignified by the fi­ring of feven half minutegunsatthe tower, anfwered by the fameli^nal from Stjamas’ a park, and <vice <v?rfa. On hearing which fignals, every officer and ioldier o f the fix regimentsof the city-militia were likewiie ordered to repair, with their arms, and the ufual quantity cf powder and ball, to their refpedive places of rendezvous, zn pain of being puni£hed as delerters. G. T h e like orders were given to the two re­giments of the tower hamlets. Signalswere alfo fettled on the Suiftx, Kentiih

and

Dec.174 5. D 0 M E S T J C K H I S T O R T . 583^ ^ — _ ____ _ A

5*4 D O M E S T I C K I I I S T O R T , Dec. 174^and EfTex coafts, by putting out flags mthe day,andin thenightlights,on the tops o f fteeples and caftles, fo as notice o f an Snvafion would be at the tower and St James’s park in a few hours. About the fame time 3000 foot and 1000 horfe were ordered for the coafts o f Eflex and Suffolk,and 4000 foot and 15 0 0 horfe for the coafts o f Kent and Suftex.

Some time before, the Lords of the Ad­miralty fent orders to Portfmouth, for all the men of war to put to fea, and took up 5 0 merchantmen, to be armed for crui­sers in the channel. Adm. Vernon, and the Commodores Bofcawen and Smith, were now at fea, each with a fquadron. T h e Dover privateers had gone volunta­rily to Adm. Vernon in the Downs, in or­der to receive and follow his inftrudlions; on which he wrote them the following let­ter, addreffed, To the Captains of the three Dover privateers, and dated, Norwich, inthe Downs j Dec. io .

Brother Sailors,{ " 'A p t . Gregory having reported the

hearty honeft zeal you have expreffed for the fervice of his Majefty, and prefer- vation o f your country, from the threat­ened attempts of the inveterate enemy to our laws, religion and liberty ; which, like honeft, true-hearted brother failors, you had roundly fet about, manifefting by your attions the fincerity o f your de­clarations, as your own judgment informs you o f the prefent neceflity for it, and that we cannot be too nimble for being before hand with them, as, according to the old proverb, Delays are dangerous; I take the earlieft opportunity to fend yon, by Capt. Gregory, my hearty thanks for the honeft and laudable zeal you have ex­prefled for the fervice of his Majefty and your country, under my orders; and to aflure you, that I will take care to do ju* ftice to the merits o f every one’s fervices, and that no endeavour o f mice fhall be wanting for procuring you a juft, equita­ble and prompt consideration for the merit o f your willing fervice, that you confide in the honour and juftice of the crown for your being amply confidered : for I am,

Brother Officers,Both your'i, and a ll our boneji brother

jailors friend find humble fervant,E . V e r n q n .

On the 1 2th, two of the Dover priva«fteers [the York, Grofvenor, and the Car life11Owens] fell in with eight tranfports, I* bound from Boulogne for Dunkirk, under H convoy of a French man of war of 21 I guns, to take troops on board. They fei* I* zed three of them ; one of which, with h about fourteen prifoners, was fent the fame ( night to Adm. Vernon in the Downs, and I the other two to Dover next morning. I The fame privateers fell in, on the 19th, 1with about 60 fail, moftly fifhing- ['boats and fmall veflels, from Dunkirk, 1 bound, as they fuppofed, for Calais or I Boulogne, to take in troops. They drove [ about feventeen of them onfhore nearCa*1lais, blowed up one, funk two, and brought | three away ; two of which were brought | to Dover, and the third loft in that bay, » A ll the vefleis taken had fome warlike I ftores on board; fuch as fmall cannon, 1 powder, ball, horfe-collars, deaths and I bedding for foldiers, and poles about feven I feet long, fpiked with iron at both ends. I Other two French veffels, from Roan for I Boulogne, in balaft, werelikewife fent in- I to Dover, by one of the privateers be* J longing to that port. G . I

About this time the country was juftly 1 alarmed by the following letter from the I vigilant Admiral, aadrefl'ed, To John Nor*risy Efq\ at Deal caftle, or to the Mayor of Deal in his ab fence, and dated, Norwich, Iin the Downs, Dec. 20. j

S I R ,

A S from the intelligence I have procured laft night, of the enemy’s having

brought away from Dunkirk great num­bers of their fmall imbarkations, and ma* r,y of them laden with cannon, field-carri* ages, powder, fhot, and other militaryftore« ; the Irifh troops being marched cat of Dunkirk towards Calais; Gen. Lowen- dahl, and many other officers, being at 1 Dunkirk, with a young perfon among them they call the prince, and was faid to be the fecond fon o f the pretender; as I can’ t but apprehend they are preparing fora defcent from the ports of Calais and, Boulogne, and which I fufpeft may be at­tempted at Dungenels, where many of my cruizers are in motion for, and I have! fome thoughts o f my moving to morrowwith paic of roy fhips, the weather

ftiould - . * 9

*

D ec.1745? D O M E S T I C K H I S T O R Y . , 5 8 5\ -

Ihould be moderate for a defcenc: I thought it my duty, for his Majefty’s fer- vice, to advife you of it, and to defire you will communicate this my letter to the M ayor of Deal, and that the neighbour­ing towns fhould have advice for aflem- bling for their common defence; that my cruizers fignals, for difcovering the ap­proach o f an enemy, will be their jack- fiag flying at their topmaft-head, and firing a gun every half-hour; and to defire theywill lorward the alarm, lam , & c.

E . V e r n o n .

Upon receiving the above letter, the Deputy Lieutenants of Kent publifhed it,with the following invitation annexed.

p V e r y body who reads the above letter, willing and ready to ftand up for the

defence of their King and country, their liberties and lives, are defired to àfiemble

: on Sunday morning next, 2 2d inft. as foon as poflible, on horfeback, with fuch arms and ammunition as they have, and to

1 bring two days provifion of vi&uals with ì them. The place of rendezvous, or af- : fembling, is Swinfield Minis. It is hoped

all the parifhes and towns within twenty miles of the fea coaft any way will not fail to be there, with all the able-bodied men they have.

The parifhes near to the Minis are defi­red to bring fome pick-axes, (hovels and axes, along with them, befides their arms.,

The D e p u t y - L i e u t e n a n t s .

Accordingly near 2000, or as others fay 4000, affembled on the day appointed.T h e place is about three miles from Do­ver.

I

On the 25 th, Adm. Vernon failed fromthe Downs, with the following fhips, <viz. the Monmouth, of 70 guns; theNorwich, Ruby, and Falkland, of 50 each ; the Saphire and Folkftone, o f 40 each ; the T ry ton, of 2 0 ; the Badger, Hornet, Weazle, and Hinchinbrook, of 16 each ; and fifteen fmall tenders, privateers, andcuftorahoufe-floops.----- Remained withAdm. Martin, in the Downs, the Y a r­mouth, of 70 guns; and theNottingham, Tilbury, Princefs Louifa, and York, of 60 each.— Under Com. Smith, in theSwin, two fhips Qf 40, and two of to guns, yot.VII. .

V

each ; four yachts, and fix cutters.---- •Under Com. Bofcawen, at the Nore, the Royal Sovereign, o f 100 guns, and fome other fliips. — Under Adm. Stewart, at Spithead, the Royal George, o f 100 guns; the Prince George, St George, Duke, and Sandwich, o f 90 each ; and the Shrews­bury, of 80.— Under Com. Moftyn, at Plymouth, theHampton-court,PrinceFre- derick, and Edinburgh, o f 70 guns each ; the Augufta, Defiance, Princefs Mary, Su- perbe, and Canterbury, of 60 each ; and the Maidftone, of 40.— And under Adm . Byng, on the coaft o f Scotland, the Glou- cefter, o f 50 guns ; the Pearl, Milford, and Ludlow, of 40 each ; the Winchel- fea, Bridgewater, and Glafgow, o f 20 each ; and the Raven, Shirk, and fomeother fmall veflels.

A fh<?rt while after this, Com.Knowles, who had been fent to inquire into the true ftate of the preparations making in Franceto invade England, informed the Adm i­ralty by a letter, That he had ftood with­in half a mile o f the pier-heads at Bou­logne ; that he was o f opinion there were not fixty veffels of all kinds in the harbour, the largeft of them a galliot hoy, whofe very gaff was much higher than any o f the other veflels maft-heads;' and that there was not one fingle one which had 2 top iail»yard rigged aloft. That he had been within two or three miles of Calais, and faw three or four fmall topfail-veflels in the pier ; that the reft were all galliots and filhing-boats, and did not exceed thir­ty in number. And that by Capt. Gre­gory’s account, who was fent to take 2 view of the preparations at Dunkirk, there were but five or fix veffels in the road, and very few in the harbour. G.

An order of council was publifhed, o£ the 1 6th, extending, from the 25 th of D e­cember to the 25th of March next, the time of inlifting loldiers, fo as to be irfti- * tied to their difcharge, if required, either at the end of fix months from the refpe&ive times of their inlifting, or when the pre­fent rebellion fhall be extinguillied, which­ever of them fhallfirft happen. [^.489.] G .

1

The parliament met on the 10th of D e­cember, purfuant to its adjournment.

M r Chancellor of the Exchequer ac­quainted the Common?, by the King*s

4 H command*

command, that his Majefty had caufed apprehend Archibald Stewart, Efq; mem­ber/or, and late Provoft o f Edinburgh, on fufpicion of high treafon ; and defired their confent to his being committed and detained. Agreeably to which an add refs was prefented ; and Mr Stewart was fent to the tower on the 13th.

A motion was made, That an humble addrefs fhould be prefented to the King, that his Mijefty would be gracioufly plea- fed to give directions, that there might be laid before the houfe, copies of all orders which had been given with refpeCt to the bringing home the Britifh cavalry from the Netherlands, fpecifying the perfons to fvhom fuch orders were directed, and the dates thereof. Bat it pafTed in the nega­tive, Yeas 38, Noes 1 0 1 .

In purfuance of his Majefty’ s pleafure, fignijied the fame day, the ioth, both houfes adjourned themfelves till the 18th. Which day, being the national fall, they met, and heard fermon ; the Lords, in the collegiate church of St Peter’s, Weftmin­fter, where DrLifle, Bifhop of St Afaph, preached ; and the Commons, in St Mar­garet’ s, Weftminfter, where Dr Newcomb, Re&or o f St Mary leBow, preached. Both chofethefame text, viz. Remember whencethou art falien , and repent, &C.

Next day the following meflage was prefented to the Commons by Mr Chan­cellor of the Exchequer.

' G E O R G E R .I I I S Majefty having received undoubted

intelligence, that preparations are ma­king at Dunkirk, and other ports of Franee, which are now in great forwardnefs, for invading this kingdom with a confiderable number of forces, in fupport o f the rebel­lion carrying on here, in favour o f the pretender to his crown; and fome French troops being already actually landed in Scotland, under the command of a perfon, who has fent a meffage to the Generals of fome of }?is Majefty’s forces, declaring, that he is come into this kingdom to make war againft his Majefty, by the orders o f the French King: his Majefty has thought it proper to acquaint the houfe o f Com­mons ivith an event o f fuch high impor-Sance to his crown, and to the peace and

fecurity o f thefe kingdoms. And his Ma­jefty having the laft fummer taken into his fervice 6000 Helfian troops, by vir­tue of a treaty concluded between his Ma­jefty and the King of Sweden, Landgrave of HefTe-CafTel, dated the 7% day of June1 7 4 5 , has j u d g e d it necefiary to direft thefaid Ileflian troops to be brought into this kingdom, in order, in conjunction, with his Majefty’s Britifh forces, the more ef­fectually to repel the faid invafion, and to fupprefs the prefent rebellion : hisMaje. fty therefore doubts not, from the expe­rienced zeal, duty, and afFeftion of his faithful Commons, that they will enable him to make good the faid treaty, willftrengthen his hands, and concur in all fuch meafures as fliall be neceffary fordif- appointing and defeating fo dangerous an I attempt, and for the fecurity of his per­fon and government, and the religion, laws, and liberties o f this kingdom. His Majefty has alfo ordered a copy of the faid treaty to be laid before this houfe.

G. R.1

A copy o f the faid treaty was accordingly laid before them; and thereupon the houfe .j refolved, That an humble addrefs fhould be prefented to the King, to return hisMajefty their thanks for communicating to* the houfe the advices he had received ■ o f the preparations making at Dunkirk, and other ports o f France, for invading this kingdom in fupport of a Popifh pre- i tender, and of the adual landing of fomeFrench troops in Scotland ; to exprels ’ their deteftation and abhorrence of that

$

daring attempt, and of the infolent decla­ration of the perfon who takes upon him the command o f thofe troops; to return his Majefty their thanks for his paternal care for the fecurity and fafety of his peo­ple, in directing the Heflian troops taken into his Majefty’s fervice laft fummer, to be brought into this kingdom, in order the more effectually to repel the faid invafion, and to fupprefs the prefent moft unnaturalrebellion ; to afTure his Majeiiy, thatthd houfe would make good any expence in­curred on that account; that they would, with their lives and fortunes, fupport his Majefty’ s molt facred perfon and govern­ment, and heartily concur in fuch furthermeafures as fhould be found neceflary to

put

586 . D O M E S T I C K H I S r O R T . D ec.r74j,1 . 1 I • 1 # • i l % t i * Ì # » a « A t * a * » a .

Dec. 1 745. DO M E S T I C K H I S T O R T . 587put a ftrength in his Majefty’s hands, fuf- ficient, by the bleffing of God, to deter our avowed enemies from profecuting their ambitious defigns, totally to extinguifh the prefent wicked rebellion, and to refcue thefe kingdoms from all apprehenfions o f Popery and arbitrary power.

And, an addrefs having been prefented in thefe terms, the King gave the follow­ing anfwer, which was reported to the houfe on the 20th, visa. “ I thank you for this dutiful and afFe&ionate addrefs. As I have always made the laws of the land the rule of my government, you may be affured I fhall make no other ufe o f the truft you repofe in me, but to defeat any attempts of our enemies, and to fupprefs the prelent rebellion ; which, by your vi­gour and fupport, I doubt not, with the blefijng of God, foon to accomplifh.'*

A meflage to the fame purpofe was fent to the other houfe; on which their Lord- lhips likewife prefented a loyal and hum-bJe addrefs, and received a mod gracious anfwer.

On the 23d, both houfes adjourned till the 7th o f January. The Commons or­dered the call o f the houfe the 1 6th of that month.

1

We fhall conclude this part of our Do­me flick tìijìory with a few more particulars relating to the highland army while in England.

On the 29th o f November, a party o f the rebekhorfe from Carlifle went to Pen­rith, demanded quarters for 3000 men, whom they reported to be upon the road, and gave orders that the excife-money, contributions, & c. fhould be held in rea- dinefs for them. Thereupon the people

. o f the town fent out fcouts to Penrith-fell, to difcover the rebels; but no more ap­pearing, the fire-bell was rung, which a- làrmed and brought together great num-

, bers from all parts. T he horfe thereup­on marched off for the bridge, and from

. thence to Lowther-hall; of which they took pofleflion. T he country-people im-

. mediately purfued them, furrounded the houfe, fired into it upon them, killed one, wounded feveral, and made ten prifoners,

. with all their horfes. Eight of the rebels made their efcape over the water. Of(h^ country people only one man was

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wounded, who was (hot thro* the thigh. G • — M r Boyd, fecond fon to the Earl o f K il­marnock, having fallen ill, was left at Carlifle when the rebels marched South. A few days after, finding himfelf better, he fet out to join the army, with an ef- cort o f about twenty men. At Lowther- hall,. when at dinner, they were attacked by a great number of militia, headed by Ld Lonfdale’s lie ward. They defended themfelves defperately ; and fix of them, o f whom M r Boyd was one, cut their waythrough. The reft were either killed or taken. M.

A letter dated at Butley-Afhe, twomiles North of Macclesfield, Dec. 1. de- fcribes the young Chevalier thus. “ A- bout three this afternoon marched by the pretender’s fon, at the head o f two regi-. ments o f foot. H e marched all the way from Manchefter, and forded the river a- bove Stockport, which took him up to the middle. He was dreffed in a light plaid, belted about with a bluefafh. H e wore a grey wig, and a blue bonnet, with a white rofe in it.”

In a long march which the pretender’s fon made in Lancafhire, thro* very bad roads, he wore a hole in one of his fhoes. Upon his arrival at a fmall village, he or­dered a blackfmith to make a thin plafe of iron, and fallen it to the bottom of the foie. Which done, he paid him, and faid, “ M y lad, thou art the firft blackfmith that ever fhod the fon of a King ” True Patriot.

From the fame paper, The True Pat riot% vve have the following account of Mr Sul­livan, faid, p. 576. to have the charge of the rebels artillery. “ The principal per­fon upon whom the pretender’s fon hath depended in this expedition, is one Sulli­van. He is by birth an Irifhman, and was educated in a Romifh college abroad; where he entered into Priefts orders. H e had afterwards the fortune to be recom­mended to Marfhal Maillebois, by whom he was retained as a domeftick tutor to his fon. The Marfhal perceiving in him fome fymptoms o f a genius better adapted to the (word than to the gown, encouraged him rather to apply himfelf to the former than the latter profeflion ; which he did with fuch fuccefs, that, having attended his roafter to Corfica, when the French

4 H a unctei*

• 5 8 8 ' D O M E S T I C K H I S T O R Y . Dec.174,undertook to deprive tbofe poor people of their liberties, he afted as his Secretary. T he Marfhal, who was a bon viva m , and ufed conftantly to get drunk every day af­ter dinner, was almpft incapable of bufi- nefs the greater part o f the twenty four liours; during all which time the whole power devolved on Sullivan ; who execu­ted it in fuch a manner as to do great ho­nour both to himfelf and his mailer; ha­ving here gained a very high military re­putation, as well as much knowledge in what is called the art of making irregular war. He afterwards ferved two cam­paigns, one in Italy, and the other on the .Rhine; in which latter campaign a French General giving a charadler of him, faid, that he underftood the irregular art of war better than any man in Europe ; nor was his knowledge in the regular much infe­rior to that of the bell General. T o the abilities of this man we may juftly attri­bute the fuccefs with which a handful of banditti have fo long been able to over­run and plunder a large part o f this opu­lent and powerful nation.”

E d i n b u r g h .

A Fter the arrival of the French troops[/>.540 ], adeclaration was publifh­

ed by the perfon ftiling himfelf Lord Jo h n Drummond G , in the following terms.V I/E . Lord John Drummond, Comman­

der in Chief of his Moft Chriftian M ajefty ’ s forces in Scotland, do hereby declare, That we are come to this king­dom with written orders* to make war a- gainft the King o f England, Ele&or of Hanover, [M ag. 1744,/>. 12 0 .] , and his adherents; and that the pofitive orders we have from his Moft Chriftian Majefty are, to attack all his enemies in this king­dom ; whom he has declared to be, thofe who will not immediately join or aflift, as far as will lie in their power, the Prince o f Wales, Regent o f Scotland, & c . his al­ly ; and whom he is refolved, with the concurrence o f the King of Spain, to fup* port in the taking pofTeffion of Scotland, England, and Ireland, i f neceffary at the expence o f all the men and money he is mailer o f ; to which three kingdoms the family of Stuart have fo juft and indifpu-tablc 3 title. And his Moil Chriftian Ma-

\ J* t • . . m ■ m • '

jefty’ s pofitive orders arc, That his ene* nmies fhould be ufed in this kingdom in V proportion to the harm they do or intend |to his Royal Highr.efs’ s caufe.— Given at ft Montrofe the zd o f December 1745. |

J . D r u m m o n d , k

Thofe troops brought along with them f a train of artillery of 18 pounders, and, f foon after their landing, ordered it South. ‘ One of their cannon took twenty of the Is North-country horfes to draw it. About rthe beginning of December, theygaveout I1 that they would crofs the Forth, and talk- f ed of befieging both Edinburgh and Srir- f ling caftles. G .— On notice of this, Price’s f foot marched from Edinburgh on the 6th, |! and Ligonier's on the 9th, for Stirling. A I1 body of the Glafgow and Paifly militia I marched thither about the fame time. I1 The Earl of Home commands the former, I and the Earl o f Glencairn the latter. 1 They were joined by the Stirling militia. 1 The whole were polled fo as beil to fecure I the bridge o f Stirling, and the fords at the f heads of the Forth. C . I

About this time a drum was fent by I Lord John Drummond, with letters to the I King’ s Generals [£>586 ], andtoC.Naf- I fau, commander in chief of the Dutch I troops now in England, [p . 431,85 ] He I touched firft at Stirling. There he got I an efcort of fix or eight dragoons. He j arrived at Edinburgh on the qth, deliver- I ed letters at the cattle, and to Gen.Gueft, proceeded Southward on th en tb , and arrived at Newcaftle on the 19th. M,— ’ Tis probable thefe letters related to the declaration above mentioned, or to the French cartel for exchange of prifoners.— M . Wade caufed the following return to be given to the drum : “ That the Mar­fhal hath no anfwer to give to the letter brought by him ; and that he can receive no meflage from a perfon who is a fubjeft o f the King’ s and in rebellion againft his Majefty.” C.

Upon the news of the march of the re­bels into England, and fome pretended fucceffes gained by them, the Frafers,head- j ed by Lord Lovat’s fon, formed a fort of blockade of Fort Auguftus j whilft Lord \ Lewis Gordon, in Banff and Aberdeen- fhire, was raifing men and levying mo-ney, by force, and threats o f the moft fe*

vcrc

vere military execution. The money im- pofed on the town and (hire o f Aberdeen [5 1. Sterl. 01 an able bodied man, with iufficient highland cloaths,plaid and arms, for every 100 1. Scots o f valued rent, C .J is computed at near 13 ,0 0 0 1 . Sterling. On the 3d of December, the Earl of Lou­don, with 600 of the well affedted clans, marched, in a very fevere froft, from In- vernefs, thro\ Stratherrick, part of Lord Lovat’s eftate, on the South-fide of Loch- nefs, to the relief o f Fort Auguftus. He met with no oppofition, fupplied the placewith what was wanting, and returned to Invernefs on the 8th ; after letting the inhabitants ofStratherrick know what they were to expett if they joined the rebels. G.

This detachment, after one day’s reft, was ordered to march to relieve Banff and Aberdeenfhire. For this end, two companies o f Mackenzies, who had been pofted near Brahan, were called into In­vernefs on Monday the 9th. On the ioth, the Lord Loudon, with 800 men, march­ed out to Lord Lovat’s houle of Caftle* Dounie, to obtain the beft fecurity he

, could for the peaceable behaviour of the Frafers. A t the fame time the Laird of Macleod was detached with 500 men (400whereof were o f his own kindred) towards

• Elgin, in their way to Banff and Aberdeen- Ihire, to prevent the rebels recruiting there; and they were to be followed by Lord Loudon, and as many men as could be fpared from Invernefs. Lord Loudonprevailed with Lord Lovat, upon Wed- nefday the n t h , to come into Invernefs along with him, and to live there under his eye until he fhould bring in all the arms which the clan was poflefTed o f ; which he promifed to do againft Saturday

' night following, and highly condemned the behaviour of his fon. Whilft Lord Loudon waited for the delivery of thefe arms, 200 men, under Capt. Monro of Culcairn, were detached by his Lordfhip to follow Macleod toElgin and Aberdeen. Lord Lovat, after delaying to fulfil his promife from time to time, at laft found

• means to get out of the houfe where he was lodged, at a back pafTage, and made

" his efcape. In the mean time Macleod marched forwards to Elgin ; and from(hence, hearing that zoo rebels hud u k f n

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pofleftion o f the boats of Spey at Focha- bris, and pretended to difpute the pafTage with him, he advanced on Sunday the 15 th to the banks of that r iver ; which the rebels on his approach quitted, leaving him a quiet pafTage. From thence he ad­vanced on the 1 6th and 17th to Cullen and Banff, whilft Capt. Monro with his 200 men, on the 17th and 18th, advanced by Keith to Strathbogie; and the rebels, who were in poffeflion of thofe places, retired towards Aberdeen. M r Grant of Grant joined Capt.Monro with 500 of his clan, and marched with him to Strathbogie. Upon the 19th it was refolved by Macleod and Capt. Monro to march the next morn­ing, the firft from Banff to Old-Meldrum, twelve miles off Aberdeen, and the laft: from Strathbogie to Inverury, which is at the like diftance. G,

On the 23d, a body of the rebels fromAberdeen attacked the party under the command of Macleod and Culcairn, at In­verury. A few were killed on each fide. Macleod and Culcairn, with their men, retreated.— T h e rebels took 4 1 prifoners;among whom are MefT. Gordon of Ar- doch junior, Forbes of Echt, and John Chalmers one of the Regents in the uni- verfity of Aberdeen. C.

By thedire&ion of fome French engineers, the rebels at Perth have in fome fort repair­ed Oliver’s mount, and have had from 10 0 to 200 country-people employed in forti­fying the whole town. The officers who were prifoners there, are fent to Glammis. Letters from Invernefs, dated Dec. 22 . fay, that the rebels at Perth had got no acceflion o f ftrength from that country, fave between 2 and 300 Frafers headed by Ld Lovat’ s fon, and fome Macdonalds o f Clanronald’s people fromMoidart, who had marched through Athol fix days be­fore the date, efcorting a confiderable quantity of Spanifh money that was lately landed in the ifland o f Barray. There were advices about the end of December, that the rebels had got fome of their m i­litary ftores, particularly iron cannon and ball, from Montrofe by fea to Perth ; that they had fitted out the Hazard floop and a privateer at Montrofe, which were rea­dy to put to fea ; and that they were alfofitting out an armed Jloop at Perth. G.

A

Dec. 174 *. D O M E S T I C K H I S T O R Y . 589'

A party of highlanders and French came to Dunfermline on the 27th, to collect the cefs and excife, and committed feveral outrages there and at Alloa. Befides rai- fing the publick monies, they affeffedfeveral Gentlemen in confiderable fums, *viz. Sir George Prefton of Valleyfield, in 3 0 0 1. ; Mr Welwood of Garvock, in 250 ; Meff. Cuningham o f Balbougie, and Charles Cochran, in 200 each ; Sir Ro­bert Henderfon of Fordel, Meff. Black­wood of Pitreavie, and Erfkine of Car- nock, in iqo each ; Meff. Colvii of To- rieburn,and Dundasof Blair, in 1 0 0 each; and Meff. Robert Welwood, and Black, Clerk of Dunfermline, in 50 each.

The Frefcch prifoners taken by the M il­ford, and lodged in the caftle of Edin­burgh, [ p. 5 4 1 . J , were Ihipped at Leith on the 20di, and fent to Berwick. Some o f the officers are left in the caille; and fixteen of the private men were brought back to Edinburgh from Berwick, who are faid to have deferted from the Britifh

4

forces when in Flanders.f h

a

Four Gentlemen were deputed by fe­veral o f the principal inhabitants o f Edin­burgh, to congratulate the Duke of Cum­berland on his fuccefs againit the rebels, and to invite him to that capital in cafe he fhould enter Scotland. M. — The de-

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puties were introduced to the Duke, by the Earl of Panmuir, at the camp before Carlifle ; were gracioufly received, andhad the honour to dine with his R . H igh­nefs. They were eyewitneffes to the furrender o f that place. The Duke en­tered on the morning o f the 3 lit, amidft the loud acclamations of the people. I'our dragoons found there, who had in- lifted with the young Chevalier after the battle at Prejion \_p. 5 2 2 ] were hanged up. The Duke’s prefence being abso­lutely neceffary at London, he could nothonour Edinburgh with a v i f i t ; but ex-preffed the higheft regard for the loyalty and affection of the inhabitants. C.

When the rebels forded the Efk on the 20th, that river was breaft-deep; and iome o f them were drowned. C. — On their approach, the Glafgow militia who had not before marched to Stirling, fecu- red their arms in Dumbarton caftle. M.

A t Giafecw, the rebels publiihed a jour­

nal of their marches from the time ofitheir entering England on the 8th ot No-l vember till their return into Scotland on! the 20th of December. It is there faid,l That in a council of war held in the pretext der’s fon's prefence, at Derby, Dec. '(difpatches o f importance being received), [ it was refolved to return to Scotland; and t next day they began their march accor* [ dingly.— That, at Clifton [/> 577 ], thil King’s troops formed on a muir within I half cannon-fhot o f that village ; that,a* I bout an hour after funfet, feveral dragoons 1 difmounted, came to the bottom of the I muir, and lined fome hedges and ditches I next to i t ; that there was a pretty fmart I fire on both fides for above half an hour; I that, at Iait, the dragoons firing very fall, ILd George Murray, who always com* jmanded the rear guard, fent Cluny Mac* I pherfon’s battalion down upon them fword- in-hand, with orders to drive them from their pofts, but not to advance upon the I m'uir; that the Macpherfons, after paffing 1 two hedges, drove the dragoons from the I third, which was the laft:, and then return* I ed, as they were ordered, to their former j pofts, with the lofs of twelve men only, 1who had run up the muir, and wereamif* I fing ; that the number of dragoons killed I and wounded was uncertain, but judged not I to be under a hundred ; that, night being! come on, both fides retired ; and that thereafter the King’ s troops did not come in fight of the rebels.— That the pretend­er’s fon marched always on foot at the head of the men ; and that by all accidents, fuch as death by ficknefs, and people who had gone a-plundering (which they confefs could not be entirely prevented by the officers) and were never more heard of, they did not lofe forty men in the expe* dition, including the twelve at Clifton, j ------ But in the different places of thz Lon­don Gazette, mention is made of abouta, hundred of the rebels taken prifoners.

Towards the end of December, thehighland army at Glafgow were preparing to march Northward, their friends in the North to march South to join t h e m , and| the troops in England were in motion fori Scotland ; fo that we have the mortificati­on to fee our native country likely to bemade again the feat o f the war. The lub*

' iequoH

.590 D O M E S T I C K H I S T O R Y , Dec. 174^a ^ m m - — * a

t)ec. 1745. Capturesy &'c. by B rìtìfi men c f war, &c. 591,.fequept military operations will very pro­perly begin the Scots affairs of next volume. \

When Lt Gen. Sir John Cope retired to : England, the chief command in Scotland devolved upon Lt Gen. Gueil. Lt-Gen. Handafydgotiton his coming to ScotlandS.P'5 3 9 -] » anc » on ^ 's return to Berwick, i which was about the beginning of Decem­ber, Lt Gen. Gueft got the command a-

fain. It is now conferred on Lt Gen. lenry Hawley.— The Earl of Home has the command of the Edinburgh regi­

ment, as well as o f the Glafgow militia.

Captures, &c. by Britifb men o f w ar. ‘laken from the London Gazette.

T H E Lys, a French privateer of StMalo’s, of 32 guns and 230 men,

brought into Plymouth, Dec. 1 1 . by the Hampton-court.

The St Pedro brigantine, belonging to the Groine.DonGafpar Guiral, bound, as is fuppofed, for Scotland, brought into Cork, Dec. 12. by the Ambufcade of London,

i Capt.Ephraim Cooke. She had on board ■ 2500 mufkets and bayonets, 1 1 0 barrels ; of powder, 70 cafes of ball, each weigh­

ing 400 lb. weight, and a great number ' offlines. There were alfo on board 60,000 i piftoles in bags; which, with the vefiel’s I papers, were thrown into the fea, except

about t 2 17 of the piftoles.i AFrenchWeft-Indiafhip,worth 15,000!.;; carried into Cork, Dec. 16 .% Letters from Vice Adm.Townfhend to i; the Admiralty, dated, Prince Rupert’s e bay, Dominica, Nov. 8. give an account,«{ “ That, being off the ifland of Martinico,: 0 &. 3. with his fleet, the Woolwich and : Pembroke, with two Martinico fhips ta- g: ken by them, joined him. One of the [> prizes, a letter of marque fhip o f 16 guns,(j; taking the Pembroke for a fmaller veffel j, than fhe was, fired feveral broadfides at ,j her; and the Pembroke, in return, fired I into her, killed the Captain, with 10 o f j. his men, and fhot away his mizen mad kj by the board ; upon which fhe ftruck. j; There were 95 prifoners taken on board0 the two prizes./ On the 22d o f O&ober, the Admiral,f; being clofe under the North-end of the i- fland, funk a French privateer floop, and

1 retook a lhip laden with provifions from^ u b iin .

On the 3 1ft , about feven in the morn-^£ ing, he difcovered forty fail of French * fhips coming round the South end of M ar­tinico, dole under the fhore ; which he ftemmed with, and foon drew rear e- nough to njake them. Five or fix appear­ed to be pretty large 'fhips; whereupon the Admiral formed the line of battle. Butfindingtheir Commodore endeavour to avoid him, he hauled down the fignal for the line, ordered a general chace, and pur- fued the enemy with all the expedition pof- lible ; which iucceeded fo weH, that feve­ral of the French fhips were driven to lee<* ward, and taken up by thofe of his M a- jefly ’s fquadron. Vice-Adm. Townfhend continued to purfue the men o f war; and one of them, c.lled the Ruby, carrying a- way her topmaft, the Lenox got near e- nough to exchange fome broadfides, and forced her on fhore, into a fandy bay, un­der a fortification on the Sooth-fide. The Commodore, which was cal'ed the Magnanimous, of 80 guns, with great dif­ficulty got under the prote&ion of Fort Royal, and a battery of forty guns on the oppofite fhore; but, being in great hurry and confufion, ran aground ; where he lay about forty eight hours, and, in the opi­nion of every body, mull have received confiderable damage. The reft of the day was fpent in cutting their trade out, and burning and deltroying them. Fifteen were taken that afternoon, and three burnt, and fome bulged on the reeks. The next morning the Vice-Admiral or­dered the Dreadnought and Ipfwich in, to attempt the fixty gun fhip which b y a- fhore. They fired Tome broadfides at her; but, finding the fhot did no execution, quit­ted the enterprize as impracticable. The next day fome of the trade having fheher- ed themfelves under the flicre, the Vice- Admiral ordered the Ipfwich, Argyll, and Severn, to deftroy them ; and they accor­dingly burnt a fhip and a fnow, and brought cff a brigantine. The day after, being the 2d of November, was employed inburning and deflroying what other velfels lay along fhore ; and the Vice-Admiral writes, that, upon the whole, he believes above thirty fail have been taken, funk, burnt, and deftroyed ; and that, as thee-nemy had great need of this convoy, their

diitrefs,

5 9 2 Captures, See. by Britifh privateers, See. Dec. 174^diftrefs, upon the difappointment o f recei­ving it, muft be inconceivable. Thefe letters add, that the French had lately loft a thirty fix gun (hip going into St John’s, Porto-Rico, and had then but three men

%

o f war left in thofe feas.”By privateers. Taken from other papers.

The Endeavour, Macarthy, retaken by the Durfley.- A large Dutch fhip, from Amfterdamfor St Malo’s, with naval ftores, brought into Deal, by the Sandwich, Palgrave.. The Rofario and the Humming Bird, two privateers of Martinico, carried into Jerfey.

A French fchooner, from Oroonoko for Martinico, with 1 1 8 0 pieces o f eight, 17 4 double bits, 664 piftereens, and fe­veral Indian Haves, carried intoBarbadoes, by the Cruizer of Philadelphia, Clymer.

A French fhip, o f 36 carriage-guns, and 250 men, from Martinico, carried into Lifbon, by the Hardwick of London, Sampfon.

T w o French fhips, from St Domingo, carried into Lifbon, by the Garland, T a ­verner.

♦ 4

. The Entreprenant, De Feu, a Frenchprivateer, o f 18 guns, and 200 men, ta­ken by the Durfley galley of Briftol, Fur-neil.

Four French prizes, with wine, carried into Gaernfey, by the Mary galley.

Three French veffels, with ftores, am­munition, & c. for Canada, carried into Newfoundland, by two privateers o f Rhode* ifland., A fmall bark, from Bourdeaux for Nantz, with wine, fent into Briftol, and a French veffel, of 70 tuns, with wine, brandy, & c. from Bourdeaux for Port L ’Orient, fent into Falmouth ; both by the Fox of London, and the Fox of Briftol.

Three fhips, from Martinico, carried into Lifbon, by the Surprife, Redmond.

A French galliot, of 12 0 tuns, with coals, butter, wax, tallow, and cyder, from EfTegny for Roan, carried into Guernfey, by the Guernfey, Pitton.

The City of Honfleur, Trontin, withoil and fifh, from Newfoundland, taken by the Refolution o f Barnftaple, Lee, but ranfomtd for 10,000 liviea.

A Spanifh (hip, worth about 5 0 ,0 0 0 1.currency, carried into Jamaica, by the Rippon’s piize*

T he Guernfey privateer, retaken, bvftithe Old Noll. 71

A French fhip, o f 300 tuns, for Dun ! kirk, brought into the Downs, by the Charming M olly, Craven.

T he Diligent, Veyers, from Bayonnefor Martinico, carried into the Tagus, by the Leviathan of Briftol, Breading.

A French fhip, from Martinico, with10 0 hogfheads rum, molofTes, cafh, co- L coa, indigo, and dry goods, taken by the (Brigantine of Bofton, Fletcher.

The Catiline o f Bourdeaux, De Libertic, Icarried into Milford, by the Fox. I

The Revenge privateer of St Maio'j, I o f 10. carriage guns, and 90 men, fent in-1 to Plymouth, by the Cruizer, Sutherland* I the St George, Medcroft, and the Fox, LCaftle. I

A French fhip, for Smyrna, with bale* I goods, fent into Zant. I

A Swedifh fhip, with pitch and deals, | and the Fortune, Elmer, from Bourdeaux, |with wine and brandy, both for Havre-1 de-grace ; La Ville de Havre, with bale- I goods, & c. from Hamburg for Roan; I and a French privateer, of 4 carriage- I guns and 39 men; all fent into Dover, by I the Carlifle, Owens. I

A French floop, with hides, fagar,rum, I& c. carried into New*England, by the I Warren and Old George of Philadelphia. I

A French fnow, with 200 hogfheads I fugar, carried into New-Providence, by I Capt8 Morris and Ingolfall. |

The L ’ Amazer, Denouttes, from Mar* I tinico for Havre, carried into New-York, I by two privateers of that place. I

Three large French fhips, one of them Ifrom Guinea, with 370 negroes, gold-dud I and elephants teeth, carried i n t o St Kitts. I

A Spanifh advice-boat, with fmall arms, Iwarlike ftores, and iofloopsand fchooners, Iconvoyed by a French floop of about 20 j tuns, taken by Capt. Gardner, in a priva-lteer o f New Providence. I

A large Spanifh floop, with about 60s men, run afhore near Curacoa, and plun*l dered of about 40,000 pieces o f eight, by! a Barbadoes privateer, Leary*. I

The Catharine, Derrech, from BayJ onne for Martinico, taken by the Garlland and Boicawen. I

The Poftiliun, a rich Spanifh, regjM / -------- ~ * (hip!

’Dec. 1745. Captures, See. £y Brltijh privateers, &:c. 59 3{hip, from Old Spain for La Vera Cruz,carried into Antigua, by Capt8 Jeffreys and Richards o f New-York.

A privateer of St Malo’s, of 14carriage- guns, and 6 fwivels, carried into Jerfey.

The Fortune, o f and from Copenha­gen, for Spain, brought into the Downs, by the Swift and Casfar.

A large Danifh fhip, in the Spanifti fervice, from Cadiz for La Vera C ruz; a Spanifti (loop, with rum, moloffes, co­coa, & c. and a fchooner, from the Car- raccas, with cocoa and indigo, taken by the floop Henry.

A rich (hip, from the Canaries, carried into Dover, by the Cruifer, Sutherland.. A French fhallop, with fugars, carriedinto South-Carolina, by the Endeavour of that place.

The Neptune and Jafon, two fhips fromSt Domingo for France, carried into Ca­rolina.

A Danifh fhip, from Bourdeaux forBoulogne, and a French privateer, o f 12 juns, and 50 men ; both carried into Do- rer, by the Eagle, Bazely.

A Dutch fhip, with lead, wool, & c.valued at 4000 1. from Hamburg forioan, carried into Newcaftle, by theNan-y letter o f marque of that place, Hunter.

A Spanifti fnow, from La Vera Cruz,iken.by Capt/Denton of New-England.

A French fhip, for Nantz, carried into 'òrth-Carolina.The La Jafon, Jacgues de Boeuf, of 200

ÌnsvVif guns, and 3 I ipen, fromJPetituavas, with indigo, fugar,'cotton, wool, oney, & c. and the La Neptune, of 400 ns, 14 guns, and 20 men, Jean Harftage,

itronfliCogane for D un kirk ; both carried Vintofchatleftown, by the Cruifer fnow

Philadelphia, Clymer, the Affiftance of Carolina, I Ou, and the lame

j$enge floop of Jamaica, Lampresi jfa. fmall brigantine, with earthen vare,

1 ftter, carried into Dartmouth by le Greyhound. J

1 I A French Guinea fhip, with 362 fives, I; lephants teeth, and dry goods, frori the m tfeft o f Angola, taken by the Elizajeth j i jpvateer floop of St Chriltophers, Lpyd.J § The Caftor and Pollux, Frefh, ojand a f o m Bourdeaux for Martinico, of i 84uns,f j i d 60 men, carried into Antigua byf f V o t , V U , I

w

Capt*AlIen and Cranfton o f Rhode-ifland. T he Eagle, Pierre Carre, o f 30 carriage'*

guns, and 15 0 men, with all forts of richgoods, from St Malo’s for Cadiz, and ths South Seas, carried into Lifbon, by theTy* grefs, Bonner.

The Count de Maurepas, and the St Jo*feph and Almas, two large regifter fhips, and the Charles and Henry, all three from Cadiz for La Vera Cruz, and two Spanifty floops, with arms and ammunition, for the Havanna; all carried into Jamaica.

The La Poomena, Houvene, from Hi* fpaniola for Rochelle, carried into New- York, by the Clinton, Bevan.

A French fhip, with hides, fugar, rum, & c. carried into Philadelphia, by the Young George.

The Tw o Friends, Corr, from South- Carolina for London, retaken from the French, and carried into Cape Breton, by a privateer of New*England.

A Lubeck hoy, from Rochelle for Dun­kirk, with brandy, coffee, & c. fent intoDover, by the York and the Eagle.

Tw o Spanifh privateers, drove afhore near St Jago de Cuba, and a fchooner, from Campeachy for the Havanna, with fait, dry goods, and about 2000 dollars, taken, by two privateers o f Rhode ifland.

The Sanpareil, from Martinico, carried into Lifbon, by the Blandford.

A French privateer, of 16 carriage- guns, 32 fwivels. and 80 men, carried in­to Kinfale, by the LeoftafF, Fielding.

A maft fhip, of 500 tuns, frpm Dant* zick for Cadiz, carried into Lifban, by the Infpe£tor, Veal.

A Spanilli privateer, carried into Opor­to, by the Salt^fh, Powell.

Captures, Sec. by the French and Spaniards.

T H E Conclufibn, Flunk, from New-England for London j the Jafon,

Aitkinfon, from Carolina for BriUol; the St George, Quay, from Barbadoes for Lon­don } the Catharine, Harrifon, from Bar­badoes for Briilo l; the Vernon, Barrifter, from Jamaica for Liverpool ; the Eliza­beth, Sword, from Ireland for St Kitts 5 the Anne and Fanny, Wilfon, from V ir­ginia for Whitehaven; and the Notting­ham, Chappel, from Virginia for Hull i■all-earned into Bayonne.

4 1 3 3 »

I

I

t -

'594 Captures, Deaths, Preferments, &c." Dec. 174T h e George and Mary, Vernon, from

Plymouth for Madeira; the John and Bat- fey of Pool, Jones, from South-Carolina for Falmouth; the Pembroke, Finch, from Jamaica for London j and the Dove, from Marblehead, New-England ; all car­ried into Breft.

T he Dalton, Poftlethwaite, from L i ­verpool for Philadelphia, carried intoDun-kirk.

T h e Rhoda, Marlhal, from Jamaica ; the Elizabeth, Clack, from Virginia, both for London ; the Elizabeth, from Cork for Barbadoes; the Nancy, Litherhead, from Barbadoes for London; the Dragon, Foot, from Virginia \ the Banftead, White, from Virginia for London ; the Profperi- ty floop, Young, from Plymouth for Bo- fton; all carried into St Malo’s.

T he Mayflower, from Bolton for Lon­don, carried into Dieppe.

The John o f Newcaftle, Hunter, for London, carried into Boulogne.

The Refolute Drake privateer, carriedinto Caen.

T he Welcome, Culvis, from Cork forLeghorn, carried into Tariffa.

T he Thomas and Henry, Dalton, from Carolina for Oporto ; the Charming Mol-

* ly , Burk, from Falmouth for M adeira;both carried into Galicia.

The William, Halfey, from Tituan forLondon, carried into Bilboa.

T h e Henly floop, Warton, from North Carolina for the Leeward iflands, carried into Port Louis.

T he Amity, Weir, from Glafgow an* C ork for Jam aica ; the Crab, Anderfor from Jamaica for Briftol; and the fhip of Capt. Wilfon, for Bofton j all carried in­to the Havanna.%

The Captures have been fo numerous for fome months paji, that nve have not been able to keep pace w ith themf efpecially fince our Domefiick affairs came to be o f fo great im­portance as they have been of late. This 'w ill probablyfill be the cafe forfome time. For the future, therefore, infiead of endeavouring to give a lifi of all captures, <wbicb is fcarceto be done avith any tolerable degree o f cer­tainty or exailnefsy nve Jb a ll only take noticec f thofe that are fome way remarkable, or

. in nvhich <we judge Scotfmen to be con-'CeNiea,

M a r r i a g e s and B i r t h s .Dec* / ^ O l . Lit tie ton, of the foot guards

was married to theDuchcf dowager of Bridgewater.

19 . A tK irk b y , the Lady o f Lord Wentworth was delivered of a fon.

D e a t h s .Dec. 2. A t Dublin, Dr Efte, Bifhopcj

Waterford.4. At London, Lewis Watfon, Earl o|

Rockingham. His Lordfhip is fucceeded by his brother, Thomas Watfon, mem.ber for Canterbury.

5. George Stone, Efq; Receiver-Gene­ral o f the general poft-office.

9. Col. William Cecil. Hefervediithe reigns o f K . William and Q Annej See Mag. 174 4 , p. 95. 243.

A t Edinburgh, -----Lawfon of CairnJmuir, Efq; an officer in Price’s foot.

A t Stirling, Lt*Col. Jeffreys, of Prictj foot. j

A t Inverary, Capt. Alexander Living fton, of the Earl of Loudoun’s highland* giment. I

P .S . Ja n . 1 . 17 4 6 . M r GeorgeGibfolMinifter at Colington. I

5. A t Leith, James Elphinfton, Lojerino, one of the Senators of thecal >f Juftice. His Lordfhip is fucceedJ is brother Arthur. I

P r e f e r m e n t s . | Taken from the London Gazette. I

'he King has been pleafed to appoil h e. 3. Edward Braddock, Efq; tol upnant-C olont\ M aìì rfCè *|;jFirfi Major; and Charles Ruflc]f jjH•o\d Major, of the fecond regiment offiA

guaks. j3 James Earl of Lauderdale, to b

Liemnant-Colonel of Lt-Gen. tianiQfoot.

21. Charles Duke of Bolton, to be Cieitenant - General of his Majefty s forces. .

2&. Lt-Gen.Henry Hawley, to be C#*, tnarier in C hief of his Majejiys forces AScoljand. 1

J Taken from other papers. 1Ihn Roberts, Efq; Receiver-GenertA

thtvfi officerevenue, in the room of GeorlStcje, Efq; deceas’d. |

flaudius Amyand, Efq; Keeper of hMhfly's libraries.

(mmandm o f men o f w a r: Capt. But

i

Ìifoec;if4-Ì>* Prices of flocks. Mortality-hiII, New Booh, & c . 59$*L,Jy, (of the Sheernefs), o f the Ludfanv Ca~ fie , o f 50 guns; and Hon. Capt. Bofca-wen, of the Royal Sovereign, of 10 0 guns, and mander in Chief o f the veffels taken

':vp byjkht government for cruizers.

Trices of Stocks, &c. at London, Dec, 3 1 .\ S *T O C K S.

South-fea nothing London Aff. 10 -A nnuit.io iaioo|Bank 12 6 a 12 5 ^

.D.New nothing Million bank n o ^3 perc.ann.8i a8o £E q u iv . 10 2'India 16 3 I Royal Afl. 79

bonds 3 I . 10s.a8s.Emp.L0an nothingBankCirc.i4l.a 1 5I.

? The courfe o f Exchange.I 'Amft. 37 4 a 1 Leghorn 46^ a 47* Ditto fight 3 6 1 0 a 8Bilboa nothing{ Roterd. 37 5 Genoa 50-f tom b. 3 6 3 3 2 Venice 48^

0j'Paris 30 £ Lilbon 5s. zd.% a |Bourdeaux 30 Porto 5 s. 2 d .

rjCadiz nothing Dublin 8 | a 8 ^.Antwerp 37 10 a 8 Madrid nothing

Died within the city o f Edinburgh, and injeG; the Weft-kirk parifh, December 17 4 5 .

iVithin the city, Men 46, Women 30, to Children 6 0 ; in all 136 . In the Weft-

kirk parifh, Men 13 , Women 1 3 , Chi’ - ifo&dren 2 1 ; in all 47. In both 18 3 . I

tcreafed this month 4 1 .N ° . I D i s e a s e s . N ® .

nder 2 72 Aged ' ■ ■ 16toa(ftjr 2 Sc 5 17 Apoplexy —— -

s & ICV ^5 Afthrra ------ 3$ rL .iQ .8i y 20 9 Child-bed — - 1

1 20 & 30 10 Chincough -----fil 1 3 ° & 4 ° 19 Confumption—-4? 0 . 1 4 0 & 50 1 4 Cough & cold 5t£- ] 50 Sc 60 20 Dropfy ------ . 3[|n;j ’ 60 & 70 12 Fever — 39J i 70 Sc So 4 Flux ---------- 2

4.80 & 90 1 Gravel !------- 1j J I Uiac-paflion — 1

I I Meafles ------ 5A , Palfy ---------- 1

‘ Sm all-pox----- 27i | j Still-born *— 3

I i ■ ' I Suddenly ------ 6ini f Teething ----- 1 1

I Tym pany ----- I

mrfe of Exchange at Edinburgh, Ja n , ] 4. la p d o n , at fight, £

mentom, 30 days fight, 2 1 J

Edin. J a u .i\ . Oat-meal l o d . Peafe*-~ ; meal 6 d . & 6 d . i . Bear*meal 6d.

Haddington Prices, Dec. 6.Wheat, 9 1. 6 s. 81. 1 2 s. & 8 1.Bear, 61. 10 s. 6 1 . 4 s. Sc 5 1. 10 s*Oats, 6 1. 16 s. 61.6 s. 8c 61.Peafe, 61. 12 s. 6 1. 6 s. & 61.Some oats 4 1 . 1 o s.

Haddington Prices, Ja n . 3 . ' - ’ ’Wheat, 9I. 1 4 s . 9 I . Sc 81.Bear, 61. 1 z s. 61. Sc 5 1. 6 s.Oats, 7 1. 4 s. 61.6 s. & 6 1.Peafe, 61. 1 2 s. 61. Sc 5 1. 6 s.

* • * * _ — ,

N E W B O O K S .,

E n t e r t a i n m e n t and P o e t r y ./

J O vi eleutherio ; or, An offering to liber* ty. is . *'

Vbe politick j — e } or, He would be f —— A ballad. 6 d. j

The poetical works of the young Cheva~ Her. 1 s.

Bp Ridley's ghofì. A poem on the prefentrebellion. 1 s.

A Protejla nt King and the Bible. Apoem\By J . Price, B . D. 6 d.

The Spanifh armada. An ode. 3 d.The heroes. A new ballad. 6 d.The lawyers difbanded; or, 7he TempUan uproar, a whimjical ballad. , 3 d.The flory o f the injured Lady. By D r

Sw ift. 1 s.O f publick virtue. A,poem in three books!

Zook 1 . 1 s.The female fpeftator. Book 20.Britannia's alarm. A poem. By Tho\

Gibbons. 6 d.H i s t o r i c a l and M i s c e l l a n e o u s .

Behaviour of K. James 11. to the Pro- teflants in Ireland, during his refidenct there. \ s.

The rebellion in 1 7 1 5 . By the Rev. Mr Rae. Edit. 2 . 5 s. 6 d. in boards.

The troubles and miferies of England, fo r 180 0 years. 1 s. 6 d.

The remarkable Jiege o f Toulon in 1 7 0 7 «By Capt. Murray. 2 s.

A plan of Mr Pope's garden and grotto ; with a char after of his writings. 1 /, 6 d.

Dir eft ions to mankind in general. By Dr Fitzpatrick. I S.

fyidm ical difttmper among cattle, 6 d,Vfo » *

* 9 6 N E W B O O K S , f i f c . D e r . i 745|

The trials at large o f Capt. Burrifh, and bis four Lieutenants. 2 s. 6 d.

An appeal to the laity, as to tytbes. By D* Webjler. Edit. 2. enlarged. I s. fad.

The characters, cufioms, £ff c. o f the high- /angers. 6

Speech of the Duke o f Perth. 6,-v Jo u m n h fth e pretender's expedition. IS .

he Hon. J — j D-— d'’ s letter as frothDerby t 6 d.

An aadrefs to the people, on occafion o f the declaration from Jdc lyrcodhoufe. I s.

Rife of'the prefent rebellion.. 6 d.Schemes fo r fufpreffing it examined. I s.Litter from Tho. Nevsrnans to the D o f

-A foretelling the dangers threatening thisI 4 ».-4tiat ron. .,

The wonderful Scotch prophecy. 4 d.Tufa's ejfay on publick' fpeaking j Englifh*

ed by J . Brooke. *J A journal o f the fiege o f Cap\ Briton,->r &imes Gibfon, Efq\ I j . 6 d? »

Addrefs to the lawyers. - 3 d.The young Chevalier's defiiny. 6 d.He. is the t>eir. 6 d.

A n t i p a p i s t i c a l . r• Gt4at Britain's memorial againfi• thepre•

tender and Popery. 2d . or 2$ for 3 s. 6 d.. The artifices o f the Rotnifh Priefis in ma­

king converts to Popery. 1 y. 6 d.*- An apology in beh alf of* the Papifis, re- ■grelented and anjvuered by Bp> Lloyd. I s;

f v /tiethods ufed to propagate Popery. 6 d.The names o f the Roman Catholicks, non-

•.y&ic* }-a*d others *wbo tefufed to take the oaihi to K George I 2 j 6 d.

Tbe n&mes of Popifb recufants>&c. l s.«'■ - -P^tfry.jn it/ proper colours.' I S.

Popery inconffient w ith reafon, liberty, àrìà *Cbtìfìi<rnity. 6 d.

* ' Abp'Ci hlotfon sfen time tits o f Popery 1 s-6 d.T hf nxifdotti o f our forefather* recommend”

ed to the prefent times. 6 d.■ > * w > 9 f

. 4 Liberty and property, no pretender. I s*Slavery in miniature. A fable. 3 d\

Popijb, cruelty dijplayed. 3 </.miffton from Rome into G . Britain 'in

the caiije of the pretender. 6 d.Popijh cruelty exemplified in the cafe -o)

■ M rs. Fr. Shaftoe. Edit. 2. * 1 s.j S e r m o n s and D i v i n i t y .

Sermon at St P a u l's , Nov. By N,Mead, M. A.

— — at thf anniverfary meting f i r thi'■ infirmary at Northampton* By Tbo, Holme

— — at York, A w . 5. By S. Baker, Z>D,—-— occafioned by the heroick death of Co/f

Gardiner. D r Dodderfdge. ,— - before tty univerfity < v

T«u’0 fermons. v By jf . Dalton, M ?A ,\ i j . ,■-----in the cathedral, o f IVireefier. 8f

the late D r Stapleton, i s . /----- Bojion in Nè'w-A'ngland, on thi

reduction o f Cape Breton. By Dr Chalncyi Opus facra in B ib lia elaboratum. Being,

crìtità l notes upon a nenv tranfiation of th\ Old Tefiament, publi/hing in numbers, at 1 j,each. *

The nevoeft manual o f devotion. By uH oward, D . D . 3 J, 6 d. 1

The fèrv ice o f the church o f England corfftdered. By IV. Befì, Z). D. 1 s. j

S e r m o n s o n the preffent r e b e l l io n

—— at St P au l's. By J . J . Majenl-r-z al Layton in Effex'. By J . JDu!

dieu, M . A . i---- -a t St Ann's Limehoufe, & c. t j

fermons. By G l. Ridley, L . L . B . I j —— at W arvoick. By W . Huddes

M A . I. . •— at K eevih Wilts. By R. Wah), j

«—— at Allhallovos on the viall% LotBy S . Smithy L . L . B .

—— at Thornton and Pickering m ;fa re . By J ■ H ill, M . A . ,

—~ at Ayfgarth, ditto. By J * àu \B f A .

’— at Court yard, Southwark. .T^o.Mole, ' • ! ì -. at'U xbrtdp., By B . Mills.

— - ai Poole. Bt $. H oward. .. in Carter Lane. By Milner, .

—— by Richard Winterrat Chefier. By Jtht Bi/kop.

E D I N B U R G H .1

_ The Edinburgh packet opened.. I J An antidote a g a in fi. thei iiifeStious.

'gìott o f Popety and tyranny, 2 <L An finfivcer to a Utter dddrejfed

. Archbtfhop o f York. 4 d. See p. 49Times o f publick diflrefs times of

i ]$y George JVifbart, A , M. one of tlnifiers-of Edinburgh. 6 d,

f ( A comparifon o f the fp ir it o f the >and Ja co b ites. 4 d. i

Epijiola ad Carolutn jnonticolarutn 4 ► 4 j * I• 2 a. t

y % t * - j J

A pwpofal fo r a regular and ujtj«e t ia . 3 d., Jh$ Edinburgh A lm n tu k f ir 1 7 4 ^