TAM/Negation by Cross-Categorial Case in Uralic ALT9, Hong
Kong, July 21-25, 2011 Anne Tamm [email protected] Central
European University
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Source:Larsson 2005, slide 45 The share in the number of
speakers
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Case (typically involves dependent Ns) Blake (2001: 1) defines
case as an inflectional system of marking dependent nouns for the
type of relationship they bear to their heads.
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Cross-Categorial Case (CCC) case as a TAM/negation marker
Narrower focus in this talk: case as part of non-finites the
partitive, the abessive, the spatial cases Estonian
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Blake (2001): Kalaw Lagaw Ya the comitativehabituality the
ablativeyesterday past the locativeimmediate past the
dative-allativeincompletivity the ergative and the
accusativecompletivity
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Nordlinger & Sadler (2004):Pitta Pitta objects of
non-future tense clauses have an accusative marker nha objects of
future-tense clauses have the morpheme ku as the accusative marker
(Nordlinger and Sadler 2004:611)
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Aikhenvald (2008): Manambu Aspect marked on the verb: OBJ/LOC
Wun [de-ke-m]wukemar-e-m I he- LK - OBJ / LOC forget- LK - OBJ /
LOC I completely forgot him. (Aikhenvald 2008:587)
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Adelaar and Muysken (2004): Quechua Accusative infinitive:
Rima-y-taxalayu-ru-n. speak- INF - ACC begin- PRF -3 S He began to
speak. (Adelaar and Muysken [2004: 226] in Spencer [2009:
189])
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Recapitulation: nominal marking on V (bare stems) on nominal
arguments and verbs, TAM marking function on nominal arguments, but
in the function of TAM marking on nonfinites that have reduced
nominal properties
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Number of cases at wals.info
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An MDS map based on the WALS by Michael Cysouw
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Rich case systems Uralic languages are typically characterized
by rich case systems with approximately 10 members, and many have
case systems of approximately 15 or 20 cases. According to the
selection of languages in WALS on the map on Case by Iggesen
(2008), there are 24 languages with more than 10 cases. The
following languages have more than 10 cases in WALS: Awa Pit,
Basque, Brahui, Chukchi, Epena Pedee, Estonian, Evenki, Finnish,
Gooniyandi, Hamtai, Hungarian, Hunzib, Ingush, Kayardild, Ket, Lak,
Lezgian, Martuthunira, Mordvin (Erzya), Nez Perce, Nunggubuyu,
Pitjantjatjara, Toda, Udmurt. Five of those listed are Uralic
(Erzya Mordvin, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, and Udmurt).
Finnic aspect--two object cases Mari si pitsa-t. M ate
pizza-PARTITIVE Mary was eating the pizza. Mari si pitsa. M ate
pizza.TOTAL It was a pizza that Mary ate up.
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FU Source cases ablative, elative, partitive, delative,
egressive, exessive Egressive (Veps, Udmurt) marking the beginning
of a movement or time (e.g., beginning from the house) Exessive
(Karelian, Ingrian, Livonian, Votic, Estonian, etc ) transition
away from a state (from a house) Delative (Hungarian) denotes
movement from the surface (e.g., from (the top of) the house)
Ablative (Erzya, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, Mansi, Vepsian,
Votic, etc) denotes movement away from something (e.g., away from
the house) Elative (Erzya, Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian, Lule Smi,
Pite Smi, Votic, etc) denotes "out of something" (e.g., out of the
house). Partitive (Finnic, Smi languages) denotes "of, from, out of
something" (the identity condition with the source matter).
Genitive-ablative (Komi) source of information, resource
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Some manure, too
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Affectedness of the incremental theme and the object case
Incremental theme argument totally affected Incremental theme
argument partially affected NO PARTITIVE PARTITIVE
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The whole pizza is in the oven! But Giorgios action is
incomplete. Giorgio pani pitsa-t ahju. G[nom] put-past3spizza-ptv
oven.ill Giorgio is putting the pizza in the oven.
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Aspect in general Telic - complete Atelic incomplete NO
PARTITIVE PARTITIVE
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Hungarian aspectual particles and goal cases INTO: Rka be-ment
az plet-be. RINTO-go-3s.pstdef building-INTO Rka entered the
building. (into-went) ONTO: gnes r-lpett a sajt-ra. A
ONTO-step-3s.pstdef cheese-ONTO Agnes stepped on cheese.
(on-stepped)
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productivepartitiveprtcpl-vat-vat-infinitive productive...-da
-t-infinitive Historicalinstructive-da... Gerundive Historical,
productive-s, inessive-da-desGerundive Historical, productive-ta,
abessive-ma-mataAbessive of the m-infinitive Artificial,
productive-ks, translative-ma-maksTranslative of the m-infinitive
Dialectal, Finnish-Livonian-lt, ablative-ma(-malt)Ablative of the
m-infinitive Dialectal-l(a), adessive-ma-mallaAdessive of the
m-infinitive Coast dialectal-le, allative-ma-malleAllative of the
m-infinitive Historical, productive-st, elative-ma-mastElative of
the m-infinitive Historical, productive-s, inessive-ma-masInessive
of the m-infinitive Historical, productive-, illative-ma Illative
of the m-infinitive (supine) Diachronic statusCaseNMLZ form
FormName
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Estonian cross-categorial case illative and elative are linked
to situation bounding (and not yet the possibility of the future or
the past) inessive the absentive and the progressive (Tommola 2000,
De Groot 2000, Metslang 1994) abessive negation (Hamari 2009)
partitive - aspect, epistemic modality and evidentiality (Tamm
2009, Campbell 1991, Aikhenvald 2004, Erelt, Metslang&Pajusalu
2007)
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Ma lhe-n Hong Kongi I[nom] go-1sg HK.illative I am going to
Hong Kong. Goal: noun
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Ma lhe-n uju-ma. I[nom] go-1sg swim-m_illative I am going
swimming, I am going to swim. (# Im gonna swim, I will swim.) Goal:
non-finite
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Ma olen Hong Kongi-s. I[nom] be-1sg HK-inessive I am in Hong
Kong. Location: noun
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Ma olen uju-mas. I[nom] be-1s swim-m_inessive I am off
swimming. (# I am swimming progressive) Location: non-finite
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Ma tule-n Hong Kongi-st. I[nom] come-1s HK-elative I am coming
from Hong Kong. Source: noun
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Ma tule-n uju-mast. I[nom] come-1s swim-m_elative I am coming
from swimming. (# Je viens de nager I have just swum.) Source:
non-finite
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Ma ole-n programmi-ta. I[nom] be-1s program-abessive I dont
have a/the program, I am without a/the program, I lack the program.
Ma ole-n registreeri-mata. I[nom] be-1s register-m_abessive I have
not done my registration. Abessive: negation
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Abessive negation: modal constraints/presuppositions #Kivist
voodion tege-mata. stone- ELA bed[ NOM ] be.3 S make- M _ ABE The
stone bed has not been made. #Marmorkujuon s-mata. marble.statue[
NOM ] be.3 S eat- M _ ABE The marble statue has not eaten.
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The shared semantics of the partitives Partitive marking No
partitive marking NPIncomplete object Complete object
TelicityIncomplete event Complete event Epistemic modality
Incomplete evidence Complete evidence
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Is this just a snowman or Father Frosts agent of influence?
Allegedly, he has asked Father Frost to give 15 degrees below zero!
ole-va-t be-personal present participle - partitive
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Mari ole-vatKGB agent. M be-PART.EVID kgb agent
Allegedly/reportedly, Mary is a KGB agent. Mari on KGB agent. M
be.3.s KGB agent Mary is a KGB agent. Evidentiality
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Finnic Verb-Nominalizer-Case: Diachronic composition process V
[[Verb-NMLZ]-CASE] V [[Verb-[NMLZ]-CASE]] V [Verb-[NMLZ-CASE]]
Verb-[NMLZ-CASE] V (+ nominalizer + nominal marking non- finite or
TAM verbal marking)
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Nominal C vs CCC Systems with CCC paradigms are complemented by
rich nominal case paradigms, but the reverse does not hold. The
correspondences display cross-linguistic regularity although there
are variations in the CCC inventories (abessive, translative,
inessive). Cases in the paradigms are not identical: e.g., the
Finnish abessive appears as a CCC but is infrequent as nominal
case. Some cases (e.g., essive) are associated with various
constraints that prevent them from appearing freely with
nominalizations.
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Nominalization scale A language may contain CCCs that appear
with items that are located at different parts of the
nominalization scale. The degree of nominalization of the base
plays a role in the structure of CCC hierarchies and
grammaticalization: the abessive may combine with the verb stem,
while many other cases combine with various nominalizations in
Udmurt. Since CCCs tend to be related to specific functional
domains, they form hierarchies that diverge from the nominal ones
(abessive, locatives are higher up on the implicational scale). If
the degree of nominalization of the base verb is higher in a system
containing several possibilities on the nominalization scale, then
the cross-categorial and nominal case paradigms tend to be more
similar. nom acc/erg gen dat loc abl/inst other (Blake 2001:
156)
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CCC, nominalization, TAM+neg Several generalizations can be
established that cover CCCs and infinitival adpositions (e.g., the
Indo- European prepositional infinitives). In a case system with
several goal markers, the more frequent infinitives are based on
the illative (Finnic) or translative (Selkup) instead of the
earlier attested allative. The fact that abessive and translative
(purposive) combine more readily with stems connects with the
predictions of the frequency hierarchy established for Romance
infinitives ([purposive>abessive> ] Schulte (2007)).
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CCC, Uralic examples CCCs are rarely markers of prototypical
predicate categories but have retained much of their nominal core
semantics. In addition to their idiosyncratic morphosyntactic
constraints, CCCs impose semantic and pragmatic constraints on
their environment. Those constraints may be strikingly similar
cross-linguistically. Spatial cases tend to give rise to
tense-aspect marking, comitatives to Aktionsart (intensification,
habituality), and abessives to negation.
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Cross-categorial case Typical nominal or originally nominal
marking appearing on other categories or encoding grammatical
information typically associated with predicates.
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Completely=ACC, LOC, ERG He-ERG ate (one complete)
pizza-ACC/LOC He ERG/LOC/ACC-ate the pizza He completely-ate the
pizza
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Verb-NMLZ-CASE V [[Verb-NMLZ]-CASE] V [Verb-[NMLZ-CASE]]
Verb-[NMLZ-CASE]
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The bibliography can be found at: Tamm, Anne.
2011.Cross-categorial spatial case in the Finnic non-finite system:
focus on the absentive TAM semantics and pragmatics of the Estonian
inessive m-formative non-finites. Linguistics: An Interdisciplinary
Journal of the Language Sciences, 49 (4), 835-944. Proofs:
http://tammacademic.pbworks.com/w/file/41313194/ANNETAMMLing
uisticsSubmissiononDate1May2010.pdf> Click HERE for the link to
the article.HERE