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7/29/2019 Teddy Bears for Terrorists
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Teddy Bears for Terrorists:
President Theodore Roosevelt and
Americas First War on TerrorismMartin Scott Catino, Ph.D.
August 2009
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It was indeed a dark and gloomy hour as
President Theodore Roosevelt, the twenty-
sixth President of the United States, said
during his State of the Union Message on
December 3, 1901. Roosevelt had assumedthat prestigious office not as result of a
popular decision accompanied by ebullient
crowds rejoicing in electoral blissthe usual
outcomes of a grand political victory marked
by flag waving and cheering admirers. On the
contrary, throngs of Americans wept in open
grief that fall as the funeral train carrying the
corpse of one of Americas most beloved
Presidents, William McKinley, made its
somber journey through the small industrial
towns and rural landscapes that usually colorand not darken the expressions of American
life.
The President had died in Buffalo, New
York, shot by an anarchist named Leon
Czolgosz during the Pan-American Exposition
in September of that year. Czolgosz, who1
had waited in line to meet the chief executive,
greeted his warmly extended hand by slapping
it away and firing two cold rounds of death at
point blank range from a .32 caliber revolver.
The white handkerchief that concealed the
deadly ambitions of his weapon burst into
flames as McKinleys bodyguards and James
Big Ben Parker, a huge African-American
waiter standing behind the assassin, likewise
burst into inflamed action, subduing the
assailant in an act of humanity as well as
patriotism. The mortally wounded President,
typical of his sublime character, cried out tothe outraged onlookers to spare the
beleaguered radical from harm.
As the dying president later slipped into
eternity singing nearer, My God, to Thee,
Roosevelt left his mountain climb in the
Adirondacks knowing that he had left
one mountain behind only to face another as
he arrived in Buffalo. Shortly thereafter,2
Roosevelt realized that his Presidency gained
through default would not be defined just by
the ability to manage the throes of the rapidly
industrializing nation he loved. He
understood that the radical political violence
that inadvertently swept him into office
threatened the safety of that entire nation as
well as its progress.
Long before the tumultuous events of
September 11, 2001, the smoldering ruins of
the Twin Towers of New York City which
triggered the Global War on Terrorism,
America under the leadership of President
Roosevelt undertook its first war on terrorism
with remarkable resolve and clarity. Although
the chief enemy is no longer anarchism and
radical socialism, the principles of that
struggle against hateful ideologies embeddedin human hearts remains salient.
If we seek victory in our present war
against extremists we cannot afford to pass
over carelessly the lessons of that generation
and its remarkable leadership during those
troubled times. President Roosevelt, who
President McK inleys funeral train leaves
Buffalo, New York on its way to Washington, D.C.
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inspired the creation of the teddy bear in 1903,
was anything but soft on terrorism. His life
serves as an excellent example of how to
fight radicalism while upholding thefundamentals of American liberty, and also as
a major source for developing a basic
framework in that struggle of humanity
against barbarity.
President Roosevelt Refused to Give EvenA Breath of Legitimacy to the Motives,
Cause, or Political Philosophy of Radicals.
The Progressive President faced
problems not very different from our presentfight against terrorism. More than a few
Americans in his time (as in our time)
detracted, sympathized, and opined when
they should have instead acted with
resolve,against the enemies of freedom and
security. Roosevelt dismissed misguided
public opinions and immediately addressed
the issue at hand, proving his character of
leadership as well as the depth of his
convictions and principles.
The first cowboy president did not shy
away from calling anarchists murderers,
criminals, base, and depraved. No, his3
indictments were not careless reviling,
impassioned invectives of a thoughtless
national icon. He knew that the true origins
of such radical behavior stemmed from
perverse instincts of individuals who
could discard freedom and progress and
embrace hate and murder without
conscience or concern. And what theAmerican public needed then (as now) was a
frame of reference to understand this
behavior. Roosevelt provided forthrightly
that reference.
Today, few historians dare to reveal the
dark inner world of the anarchists and
radical socialists of Roosevelts era. Instead,
extremists and social malcontents like
Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman,Rudolph Rocker--as well as Karl Marx and
Friedrich Engelshave emerged as heroes in
American schools and colleges, artificial
constructs of academic imaginations.
Many historians fail to underscore a
central fact: these radicals all targeted
innocent people for murder, caring only for
the raw power gained by such actions.
Innocent bystanders were likewise treatedwith contempt, dismissed readily as
unwitting contributors to notions of a better
future. For instance, Berkman remarked in
cold discourse so commonly found on
radical lips:
The Peoplethe toilers of the world, the
producers comprise, to me, the universe.
They alone count. The rest are parasites,
who have no right to exist. But to the People
belongs the earthby right, if not in fact. Tomake it so in fact, all means are justifiable;
nay, advisable, even to the point of taking
life.4
Adding to this inhumanity was a variety
of evils putrefying in anarchist life: free
sex, thievery, personal violence (not just
Emma Goldman
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political), hatred of the traditional family
and its roles, betrayals, vicious political
infighting, and a host of other behaviors
associated with criminality rather thanlegitimate politics. Radicals throughout5
modern history thus share a common bond
with ordinary criminals, the only difference
is that one chooses crime to feed selfish
political ambitions, the other selfish
individual ambitions.
Roosevelt knew this fact and declared at
length:
Anarchy is no more an expression ofsocial discontent than picking pockets or
wife beating. . . . For the anarchist himself,
whether he preaches or practices his
doctrines, we need not have one particle
more concern than for any ordinary
murderer. He is not the victim of social or
political injustice. There are no wrongs to
remedy in his case. The cause of his
criminality is to be found in his own evil
passions and in the evil conduct of those
who urge him on, not in any failure byothers or by the state to do justice to him or
his. He is a malefactor and nothing else. 6
President Roosevelt Effectively Challengedthe Philosophy of Radical Socialists and
the Anarchists.
Roosevelts era was rightly named
progressive, for rapid gains in the quality
of life stemmed from energetic reforms at
the grassroots of American life and
principled leadership in government.
Prosperity in the United States spread not
just in the country but abroad as the
maturing nation began to assert its role as a
major participant in global trade, providing
resources and products while riding and
churning the wave of technological advances
in travel and communications: railways,
steamships, and overseas cable.
T.R. proudly championed the nations
progress. Among the most powerful of the
Presidents counter-terrorism tactics
involved his ability to underscore this
progress and prosperity in the United States
and to redirect public attention to it. Radical
propaganda, designed to distract public
attention by focusing on failures and
problems within the capitalist system, tried
to muddle public information. Roosevelts7
bold challenge to anarchist thought,
exposing its falsity, countered effectively theappeal of specious arguments of the Left,
leaving these extremists isolated on barren
grounds created by their vehement trampling
of truth over graves of their own making.
He remarked in his State of the Union
Address:
It is not true that as the rich have grown
richer the poor have grown poorer. On the
contrary, never before has the average man,
the wage-worker, the farmer, the small
trader, been so well off as in this country and
at the present time.8
More than a few leading social scientists
agreed. Werner Sombart, a European non-
violent socialist who undertook a study of
Roosevelts America, called attention to this
prosperity and the failure of socialism in
America. His study published in 1906 aptly
stated the question of the times in the title:
Why Is There No Socialism in the United
States? His answers revealed the obvious:
It is not only in his position vis--vis the
material world (that is, in his material
standard of living) that the American worker
is so much more favoured than his European
counterpart. In his relations to people and to
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social institutions, and in his position to
society -- in short, in what I call his social
position -- the American is also better-off
than he would be in the contrastingEuropean situation. For him "Liberty" and
"Equality" (not only in the formal political
sense but also in the economic and social
sense) are not empty ideas and vague
dreams, as they are for the European
working class; for the most part they are
realities.9
Roosevelt was truly a skilled politicaldebater who frequently refuted radical
ideology with solid logic and sound rhetoric.Yet his ideological strength was not
grounded in abstractions, but rather in the
existence of realities benefitting workers and
owners (industrial growth, available work,
higher wages, and increased purchasing
power). The combination of reform and
strong anti-terrorism policies proved
effective in Americas first war on terrorism.
This hero of the Spanish-American War
understood well the political, ideological,
and economic weapons at his disposal, anddid not hesitate to use them against
terrorists.10
Lost in a metaphysical world of utopic
dreams, the violent malcontents belching out
hate could not compete with self-evident
truths befriending the leader of the
Progressive era. A simple fact revealed
rarely in modern histories of that time is
this: Radical reformers fought the progress
of the American system and despised thegains made by average Americans. For real
progress, measured in tangible increases in
standard of living, posed a significant
challenge to the claims, power, and very
existence of extremist movements.
President Roosevelt Attacked the EntireRadical System Rather Than J ustResponding to Events, Prosecuting
Individuals, and Addressing Symptoms ofTerrorism.
The tactics of violent anti-capitalists
varied greatly yet characteristically used and
manipulated the very American system that
they despised. American freedom of
expression, assembly, press, and movement
became high volume avenues traversed by
Bolsheviks and others seeking to destroy
democracy and freedom while lifting the
flag of oppression forcefully over the heads
of the majority.11
Roosevelt would have none of this. He
fought the very entry of radicals into the
country, individuals hiding amid the sea of
decent immigrants coming to America in
hope of a better life. Teddy prosecuted
rigorously the rhetoric, organization, and
very sanctuary of these extremists of the
early 20 century. Regarding the latter, heth
deported anarchists and others who
threatened the safety and welfare of honest
Americans. 12
President Theodore Roosevelt knew that
without firm and unwavering prosecution of
radicalism there is little hope of securing the
individual liberties and happiness of the bulk
of Americans. The lesson is relevant for
today.
Long Before Multi-lateralism Became a
Common Foreign Policy Practice of theUnited States, President Roosevelt Soughtto Develop International Support AgainstRadicalism.
The Teddy Bear President again proved
his savvy when he underscored the need to
marshal international support against
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radicalism. Comparing it to the vilest of
international crimesslavery and piracyhe
knew that the issue at hand was not local or
even national, but rather international. Henoted:
Anarchy is a crime against the whole
human race; and all mankind should band
against the anarchist. His crime should be
made an offense against the law of nations,
like piracy and that form of man-stealing
known as the slave trade; for it is of far
blacker infamy than either. It should be so
declared by treaties among all civilizedpowers. Such treaties would give to the
federal government the power of dealing
with the crime.13
Anarchists, like modern-day terrorists,
used overseas sanctuaries, global financial
networks, and propaganda and information
resources abroad. Roosevelts vigilance
uncovered these driving factors of terrorism
and sought to undercut them. He thustargeted root causes rather than just
symptoms and thereby made the critical link
between foreign and domestic terrorism. Not
ironically, nearly a century later Americans
can find this policy employed by Presidents
George W. Bush and Barack Obama. Thenecessity of such an approach is
unquestionable in the post-9/11 world.
President Roosevelt Would Not
Disassociate Social Issues From Security
Problems, Knowing that the Strength of
American Security Rested on the Vibrancy
of National Character.
Moreover, Roosevelt differed markedlyfrom modern American leaders in that he
saw the great evil of poor national character
and how it harmed domestic security. The
President was concerned particularly about
the failure of many people in the United
States to assimilate into the lofty ideals of
American life. Confident in the integrity of
American values, and keenly observant of
the problems created by selfish or misguided
ideology, he knew that without vibrant
patriotic beliefs--selfless attitudes that
promoted national unity--national security
and character would decline in direct
relationship.
Preaching and extolling the virtues of
pure patriotism from the bully pulpit,
Roosevelt both chided those who betrayed
American values and called attention to thequalities that constituted the finest aspects of
the American spirit. He exhorted:
Americanism is a question of spirit,
conviction, and purpose, not of creed or
birthplace. The politician who bids for the
Irish or German vote, or the Irishman or
A Chair, A Deep V oice, and Deep Convictions
Animated the Presidents Message to America
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German who votes as an Irishman or
German, is despicable, for all citizens of this
commonwealth should vote solely as
Americans; but he is not a whit lessdespicable than the voter who votes against
a good American, merely because that
American happens to have been born in
Ireland or Germany. 14
Roosevelts warnings were an integral
part of building the national character
necessary for creating security in twentieth
century America. He repudiated narrow
ethnic politics that precluded the needs of
the whole country, selfish local perspectives
that sacrificed broader public interests,
effeminate and pleasure-seeking attitudes
attendant to a capitalist life of prosperity,
and cynical perspectives of American
progress--the social decay that erodes
national security. Thus the President who
took pride in his prowess as a big-game
hunter likewise hunted skillfully the bestialsocial attitudes that roamed wildly on
American ground.
We Need More Than Teddy Bears for
Terrorists
It would be overly simplistic to assert that
what America needs today is another
Theodore Roosevelt. What is needed is the
popular support for men and leaders likehimsupport rooted in the very best of
American patriotic values. When we as
Americans confidently assert our highest
national values, promote reform and justice
for all Americans, and uphold freedom and
security in mutual support of each other, no
domestic threat can overtake us.
As long as our country entangles itself in
the sentiments, fears, guilt, distractions, and
equivocations that allow terrorists to
promote their agendas, recruit others to their
vile cause, prolong their missions in the
United States, find sanctuary here, and evade
prosecution, security and justice will remain
elusiveas well as national honor andrespect abroad. If President Roosevelt were
alive today, perhaps he would remind us that
talking softly, is not enough, for there is
also a need to carry a big stick.
President Roosevelt: A Tireless Friend of the
American People
Ma rtin Scott Catino, Ph .D. is a specia list in
United States foreign and security policy. The
views expressed in this article do not necessarily
represent the opinions of the Department of
De fense or oth er organizations associa ted with the
author.
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H.H. Kholsaat,From McKinley to Harding: Personal Recollections of Our Presidents (New1
York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1923), 93-94. Charles G. Dawes,A Journal of the McKinley
Years (Chicago: The Lakeside Press, 1950), 279-281.
Theodore Roosevelt,An Autobiography (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913), 378-2
379.
Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodore-3
roosevelt.com/sotnl.html(accessed December 13, 2008).
Alexander Berkman,Propaganda by the Deed, in Marshall S. Shatz, ed., The Essential Works4
of Anarchism (New York: Qadrangle Books, 1972), 361-363.
The reader should examine not just the poor ethics underpinning radical ideology but also the5
inhumane treatment that these reformers meted out on each other. See Marshall S. Shatz, ed.,The Essential Works of Anarchism (New York: Qadrangle Books, 1972). See also Ersel Aydinli,
Before There Were Jihadists There Were Anarchists: A Failed Case of Transnational Violence,
Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 31:10, 903.-923; Wallace Dunn, The Reds in America
From the Standpoint of the Department of Justice, http://www.marxists.org/
history/usa/government/dept-justice/1920/0200-dunn-redsinamerica.pdf (accessed July 26,
2007). Originally published in The Review of Reviews, Feb. 1920, pp. 161-166.
Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodore-6
roosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008).
A common tactic of extremists, then and now, is to dominate public information by controlling7
topics, debates, and issues.
Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodore-8
roosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008).
Werner Sombart, Why is There No Socialism in the United ? (New York: Sharpe, 1906).9
See Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913).10
For instance, The Pittsburgh Proclamation. Adopted by the Founding Congress of the11
American Federation of the International Working Peoples Association,October 14, 1883,"http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/parties/anarchist/1883/1014-iwpa-pittsburgh.pdf(accessedJuly 26, 2007. This document noted: Fellow-workingmen, all we need for the achievement
of this great end is ORGANIZATION and UNITY! There exists now no great obstacle to that
unity. The work of peaceful education and revolutionary conspiracy well can and ought to run in
parallel lines.
Notes
http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.marxists.org/http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.marxists.org/http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.html7/29/2019 Teddy Bears for Terrorists
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Eric Rauchway, Lessons From the Last War on Terror,Financial Times, January 21, 2003,12
p.19.
Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodore-
13
roosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008).
Theodore Roosevelt, True Americanism, April 1894, http://www.theodore-roosevelt. com14
/trta.html (accessed December 13, 2008).
http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt./http://www.theodore-roosevelt./http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.html