Teddy Bears for Terrorists

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    Teddy Bears for Terrorists:

    President Theodore Roosevelt and

    Americas First War on TerrorismMartin Scott Catino, Ph.D.

    August 2009

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    It was indeed a dark and gloomy hour as

    President Theodore Roosevelt, the twenty-

    sixth President of the United States, said

    during his State of the Union Message on

    December 3, 1901. Roosevelt had assumedthat prestigious office not as result of a

    popular decision accompanied by ebullient

    crowds rejoicing in electoral blissthe usual

    outcomes of a grand political victory marked

    by flag waving and cheering admirers. On the

    contrary, throngs of Americans wept in open

    grief that fall as the funeral train carrying the

    corpse of one of Americas most beloved

    Presidents, William McKinley, made its

    somber journey through the small industrial

    towns and rural landscapes that usually colorand not darken the expressions of American

    life.

    The President had died in Buffalo, New

    York, shot by an anarchist named Leon

    Czolgosz during the Pan-American Exposition

    in September of that year. Czolgosz, who1

    had waited in line to meet the chief executive,

    greeted his warmly extended hand by slapping

    it away and firing two cold rounds of death at

    point blank range from a .32 caliber revolver.

    The white handkerchief that concealed the

    deadly ambitions of his weapon burst into

    flames as McKinleys bodyguards and James

    Big Ben Parker, a huge African-American

    waiter standing behind the assassin, likewise

    burst into inflamed action, subduing the

    assailant in an act of humanity as well as

    patriotism. The mortally wounded President,

    typical of his sublime character, cried out tothe outraged onlookers to spare the

    beleaguered radical from harm.

    As the dying president later slipped into

    eternity singing nearer, My God, to Thee,

    Roosevelt left his mountain climb in the

    Adirondacks knowing that he had left

    one mountain behind only to face another as

    he arrived in Buffalo. Shortly thereafter,2

    Roosevelt realized that his Presidency gained

    through default would not be defined just by

    the ability to manage the throes of the rapidly

    industrializing nation he loved. He

    understood that the radical political violence

    that inadvertently swept him into office

    threatened the safety of that entire nation as

    well as its progress.

    Long before the tumultuous events of

    September 11, 2001, the smoldering ruins of

    the Twin Towers of New York City which

    triggered the Global War on Terrorism,

    America under the leadership of President

    Roosevelt undertook its first war on terrorism

    with remarkable resolve and clarity. Although

    the chief enemy is no longer anarchism and

    radical socialism, the principles of that

    struggle against hateful ideologies embeddedin human hearts remains salient.

    If we seek victory in our present war

    against extremists we cannot afford to pass

    over carelessly the lessons of that generation

    and its remarkable leadership during those

    troubled times. President Roosevelt, who

    President McK inleys funeral train leaves

    Buffalo, New York on its way to Washington, D.C.

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    inspired the creation of the teddy bear in 1903,

    was anything but soft on terrorism. His life

    serves as an excellent example of how to

    fight radicalism while upholding thefundamentals of American liberty, and also as

    a major source for developing a basic

    framework in that struggle of humanity

    against barbarity.

    President Roosevelt Refused to Give EvenA Breath of Legitimacy to the Motives,

    Cause, or Political Philosophy of Radicals.

    The Progressive President faced

    problems not very different from our presentfight against terrorism. More than a few

    Americans in his time (as in our time)

    detracted, sympathized, and opined when

    they should have instead acted with

    resolve,against the enemies of freedom and

    security. Roosevelt dismissed misguided

    public opinions and immediately addressed

    the issue at hand, proving his character of

    leadership as well as the depth of his

    convictions and principles.

    The first cowboy president did not shy

    away from calling anarchists murderers,

    criminals, base, and depraved. No, his3

    indictments were not careless reviling,

    impassioned invectives of a thoughtless

    national icon. He knew that the true origins

    of such radical behavior stemmed from

    perverse instincts of individuals who

    could discard freedom and progress and

    embrace hate and murder without

    conscience or concern. And what theAmerican public needed then (as now) was a

    frame of reference to understand this

    behavior. Roosevelt provided forthrightly

    that reference.

    Today, few historians dare to reveal the

    dark inner world of the anarchists and

    radical socialists of Roosevelts era. Instead,

    extremists and social malcontents like

    Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman,Rudolph Rocker--as well as Karl Marx and

    Friedrich Engelshave emerged as heroes in

    American schools and colleges, artificial

    constructs of academic imaginations.

    Many historians fail to underscore a

    central fact: these radicals all targeted

    innocent people for murder, caring only for

    the raw power gained by such actions.

    Innocent bystanders were likewise treatedwith contempt, dismissed readily as

    unwitting contributors to notions of a better

    future. For instance, Berkman remarked in

    cold discourse so commonly found on

    radical lips:

    The Peoplethe toilers of the world, the

    producers comprise, to me, the universe.

    They alone count. The rest are parasites,

    who have no right to exist. But to the People

    belongs the earthby right, if not in fact. Tomake it so in fact, all means are justifiable;

    nay, advisable, even to the point of taking

    life.4

    Adding to this inhumanity was a variety

    of evils putrefying in anarchist life: free

    sex, thievery, personal violence (not just

    Emma Goldman

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    political), hatred of the traditional family

    and its roles, betrayals, vicious political

    infighting, and a host of other behaviors

    associated with criminality rather thanlegitimate politics. Radicals throughout5

    modern history thus share a common bond

    with ordinary criminals, the only difference

    is that one chooses crime to feed selfish

    political ambitions, the other selfish

    individual ambitions.

    Roosevelt knew this fact and declared at

    length:

    Anarchy is no more an expression ofsocial discontent than picking pockets or

    wife beating. . . . For the anarchist himself,

    whether he preaches or practices his

    doctrines, we need not have one particle

    more concern than for any ordinary

    murderer. He is not the victim of social or

    political injustice. There are no wrongs to

    remedy in his case. The cause of his

    criminality is to be found in his own evil

    passions and in the evil conduct of those

    who urge him on, not in any failure byothers or by the state to do justice to him or

    his. He is a malefactor and nothing else. 6

    President Roosevelt Effectively Challengedthe Philosophy of Radical Socialists and

    the Anarchists.

    Roosevelts era was rightly named

    progressive, for rapid gains in the quality

    of life stemmed from energetic reforms at

    the grassroots of American life and

    principled leadership in government.

    Prosperity in the United States spread not

    just in the country but abroad as the

    maturing nation began to assert its role as a

    major participant in global trade, providing

    resources and products while riding and

    churning the wave of technological advances

    in travel and communications: railways,

    steamships, and overseas cable.

    T.R. proudly championed the nations

    progress. Among the most powerful of the

    Presidents counter-terrorism tactics

    involved his ability to underscore this

    progress and prosperity in the United States

    and to redirect public attention to it. Radical

    propaganda, designed to distract public

    attention by focusing on failures and

    problems within the capitalist system, tried

    to muddle public information. Roosevelts7

    bold challenge to anarchist thought,

    exposing its falsity, countered effectively theappeal of specious arguments of the Left,

    leaving these extremists isolated on barren

    grounds created by their vehement trampling

    of truth over graves of their own making.

    He remarked in his State of the Union

    Address:

    It is not true that as the rich have grown

    richer the poor have grown poorer. On the

    contrary, never before has the average man,

    the wage-worker, the farmer, the small

    trader, been so well off as in this country and

    at the present time.8

    More than a few leading social scientists

    agreed. Werner Sombart, a European non-

    violent socialist who undertook a study of

    Roosevelts America, called attention to this

    prosperity and the failure of socialism in

    America. His study published in 1906 aptly

    stated the question of the times in the title:

    Why Is There No Socialism in the United

    States? His answers revealed the obvious:

    It is not only in his position vis--vis the

    material world (that is, in his material

    standard of living) that the American worker

    is so much more favoured than his European

    counterpart. In his relations to people and to

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    social institutions, and in his position to

    society -- in short, in what I call his social

    position -- the American is also better-off

    than he would be in the contrastingEuropean situation. For him "Liberty" and

    "Equality" (not only in the formal political

    sense but also in the economic and social

    sense) are not empty ideas and vague

    dreams, as they are for the European

    working class; for the most part they are

    realities.9

    Roosevelt was truly a skilled politicaldebater who frequently refuted radical

    ideology with solid logic and sound rhetoric.Yet his ideological strength was not

    grounded in abstractions, but rather in the

    existence of realities benefitting workers and

    owners (industrial growth, available work,

    higher wages, and increased purchasing

    power). The combination of reform and

    strong anti-terrorism policies proved

    effective in Americas first war on terrorism.

    This hero of the Spanish-American War

    understood well the political, ideological,

    and economic weapons at his disposal, anddid not hesitate to use them against

    terrorists.10

    Lost in a metaphysical world of utopic

    dreams, the violent malcontents belching out

    hate could not compete with self-evident

    truths befriending the leader of the

    Progressive era. A simple fact revealed

    rarely in modern histories of that time is

    this: Radical reformers fought the progress

    of the American system and despised thegains made by average Americans. For real

    progress, measured in tangible increases in

    standard of living, posed a significant

    challenge to the claims, power, and very

    existence of extremist movements.

    President Roosevelt Attacked the EntireRadical System Rather Than J ustResponding to Events, Prosecuting

    Individuals, and Addressing Symptoms ofTerrorism.

    The tactics of violent anti-capitalists

    varied greatly yet characteristically used and

    manipulated the very American system that

    they despised. American freedom of

    expression, assembly, press, and movement

    became high volume avenues traversed by

    Bolsheviks and others seeking to destroy

    democracy and freedom while lifting the

    flag of oppression forcefully over the heads

    of the majority.11

    Roosevelt would have none of this. He

    fought the very entry of radicals into the

    country, individuals hiding amid the sea of

    decent immigrants coming to America in

    hope of a better life. Teddy prosecuted

    rigorously the rhetoric, organization, and

    very sanctuary of these extremists of the

    early 20 century. Regarding the latter, heth

    deported anarchists and others who

    threatened the safety and welfare of honest

    Americans. 12

    President Theodore Roosevelt knew that

    without firm and unwavering prosecution of

    radicalism there is little hope of securing the

    individual liberties and happiness of the bulk

    of Americans. The lesson is relevant for

    today.

    Long Before Multi-lateralism Became a

    Common Foreign Policy Practice of theUnited States, President Roosevelt Soughtto Develop International Support AgainstRadicalism.

    The Teddy Bear President again proved

    his savvy when he underscored the need to

    marshal international support against

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    radicalism. Comparing it to the vilest of

    international crimesslavery and piracyhe

    knew that the issue at hand was not local or

    even national, but rather international. Henoted:

    Anarchy is a crime against the whole

    human race; and all mankind should band

    against the anarchist. His crime should be

    made an offense against the law of nations,

    like piracy and that form of man-stealing

    known as the slave trade; for it is of far

    blacker infamy than either. It should be so

    declared by treaties among all civilizedpowers. Such treaties would give to the

    federal government the power of dealing

    with the crime.13

    Anarchists, like modern-day terrorists,

    used overseas sanctuaries, global financial

    networks, and propaganda and information

    resources abroad. Roosevelts vigilance

    uncovered these driving factors of terrorism

    and sought to undercut them. He thustargeted root causes rather than just

    symptoms and thereby made the critical link

    between foreign and domestic terrorism. Not

    ironically, nearly a century later Americans

    can find this policy employed by Presidents

    George W. Bush and Barack Obama. Thenecessity of such an approach is

    unquestionable in the post-9/11 world.

    President Roosevelt Would Not

    Disassociate Social Issues From Security

    Problems, Knowing that the Strength of

    American Security Rested on the Vibrancy

    of National Character.

    Moreover, Roosevelt differed markedlyfrom modern American leaders in that he

    saw the great evil of poor national character

    and how it harmed domestic security. The

    President was concerned particularly about

    the failure of many people in the United

    States to assimilate into the lofty ideals of

    American life. Confident in the integrity of

    American values, and keenly observant of

    the problems created by selfish or misguided

    ideology, he knew that without vibrant

    patriotic beliefs--selfless attitudes that

    promoted national unity--national security

    and character would decline in direct

    relationship.

    Preaching and extolling the virtues of

    pure patriotism from the bully pulpit,

    Roosevelt both chided those who betrayed

    American values and called attention to thequalities that constituted the finest aspects of

    the American spirit. He exhorted:

    Americanism is a question of spirit,

    conviction, and purpose, not of creed or

    birthplace. The politician who bids for the

    Irish or German vote, or the Irishman or

    A Chair, A Deep V oice, and Deep Convictions

    Animated the Presidents Message to America

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    German who votes as an Irishman or

    German, is despicable, for all citizens of this

    commonwealth should vote solely as

    Americans; but he is not a whit lessdespicable than the voter who votes against

    a good American, merely because that

    American happens to have been born in

    Ireland or Germany. 14

    Roosevelts warnings were an integral

    part of building the national character

    necessary for creating security in twentieth

    century America. He repudiated narrow

    ethnic politics that precluded the needs of

    the whole country, selfish local perspectives

    that sacrificed broader public interests,

    effeminate and pleasure-seeking attitudes

    attendant to a capitalist life of prosperity,

    and cynical perspectives of American

    progress--the social decay that erodes

    national security. Thus the President who

    took pride in his prowess as a big-game

    hunter likewise hunted skillfully the bestialsocial attitudes that roamed wildly on

    American ground.

    We Need More Than Teddy Bears for

    Terrorists

    It would be overly simplistic to assert that

    what America needs today is another

    Theodore Roosevelt. What is needed is the

    popular support for men and leaders likehimsupport rooted in the very best of

    American patriotic values. When we as

    Americans confidently assert our highest

    national values, promote reform and justice

    for all Americans, and uphold freedom and

    security in mutual support of each other, no

    domestic threat can overtake us.

    As long as our country entangles itself in

    the sentiments, fears, guilt, distractions, and

    equivocations that allow terrorists to

    promote their agendas, recruit others to their

    vile cause, prolong their missions in the

    United States, find sanctuary here, and evade

    prosecution, security and justice will remain

    elusiveas well as national honor andrespect abroad. If President Roosevelt were

    alive today, perhaps he would remind us that

    talking softly, is not enough, for there is

    also a need to carry a big stick.

    President Roosevelt: A Tireless Friend of the

    American People

    Ma rtin Scott Catino, Ph .D. is a specia list in

    United States foreign and security policy. The

    views expressed in this article do not necessarily

    represent the opinions of the Department of

    De fense or oth er organizations associa ted with the

    author.

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    H.H. Kholsaat,From McKinley to Harding: Personal Recollections of Our Presidents (New1

    York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1923), 93-94. Charles G. Dawes,A Journal of the McKinley

    Years (Chicago: The Lakeside Press, 1950), 279-281.

    Theodore Roosevelt,An Autobiography (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913), 378-2

    379.

    Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodore-3

    roosevelt.com/sotnl.html(accessed December 13, 2008).

    Alexander Berkman,Propaganda by the Deed, in Marshall S. Shatz, ed., The Essential Works4

    of Anarchism (New York: Qadrangle Books, 1972), 361-363.

    The reader should examine not just the poor ethics underpinning radical ideology but also the5

    inhumane treatment that these reformers meted out on each other. See Marshall S. Shatz, ed.,The Essential Works of Anarchism (New York: Qadrangle Books, 1972). See also Ersel Aydinli,

    Before There Were Jihadists There Were Anarchists: A Failed Case of Transnational Violence,

    Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, 31:10, 903.-923; Wallace Dunn, The Reds in America

    From the Standpoint of the Department of Justice, http://www.marxists.org/

    history/usa/government/dept-justice/1920/0200-dunn-redsinamerica.pdf (accessed July 26,

    2007). Originally published in The Review of Reviews, Feb. 1920, pp. 161-166.

    Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodore-6

    roosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008).

    A common tactic of extremists, then and now, is to dominate public information by controlling7

    topics, debates, and issues.

    Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodore-8

    roosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008).

    Werner Sombart, Why is There No Socialism in the United ? (New York: Sharpe, 1906).9

    See Theodore Roosevelt, An Autobiography (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1913).10

    For instance, The Pittsburgh Proclamation. Adopted by the Founding Congress of the11

    American Federation of the International Working Peoples Association,October 14, 1883,"http://www.marxists.org/history/usa/parties/anarchist/1883/1014-iwpa-pittsburgh.pdf(accessedJuly 26, 2007. This document noted: Fellow-workingmen, all we need for the achievement

    of this great end is ORGANIZATION and UNITY! There exists now no great obstacle to that

    unity. The work of peaceful education and revolutionary conspiracy well can and ought to run in

    parallel lines.

    Notes

    http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.marxists.org/http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.marxists.org/http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.html
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    Eric Rauchway, Lessons From the Last War on Terror,Financial Times, January 21, 2003,12

    p.19.

    Theodore Roosevelt, State of the Union Message, December 3, 1901, http://www.theodore-

    13

    roosevelt.com/sotnl.html (accessed December 13, 2008).

    Theodore Roosevelt, True Americanism, April 1894, http://www.theodore-roosevelt. com14

    /trta.html (accessed December 13, 2008).

    http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt./http://www.theodore-roosevelt./http://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.htmlhttp://www.theodore-roosevelt.com/sotnl.html