l. lntroduction and Method of Investlgation

The purpose of this paper is ; a) to givc a classification of the various types of Ashanti statues, called

Akua'ba; b) to compare them with examples from the history of art and from other

African material ; e) to show the similarity of form between the A kua' ba and well known

archetypal sculpturcs ; d) to analyze the ideological concepts of their usage and to relate them to

similar concepts which prcvailed in ancient Egypt, considering at the same time the overall Egyptian inftuencc on the Guinea Coast ;

e) finally, to relate the plastic form ancl the concepts of the Akua'ba statue to the Egyptian amule! Ankh.

Theory and method. -The impetus to start our investigation arose Irom an intuitive feeliog about the meaning oí thc Akua' ba, which in turn was based on various assumptions. Our ideas are íounded on an approach which we propose to call the theory of morphological assumptions; this writer has applied it already to various topics in bis previous studies (6, 17, 53). It is to be

Contenta: 1. lntroduction a.nd Method of lnvestígMion 2. The Art of the Ashanti S. Ooscríption and Cl3óaification of the Akua'/ia Statues ~. Art Historie Comperísoa 5. Comparlson with African Material 6. The Concept of Procreation among tho Ashantí and its Relatíon to tho Akua'ba 7. Egyptian lnftuence on the Guinea Coast 8. The Egyptlan Concept o! Ka, Ba, and A kh 9. The Egyptian Hieroglyphíc Sign and Amulet, A •kh

10. Syncretism of Thought; Repetition of Formo

By LADISLAS $EGY

A theory of morphological assumptlons

The Ashanti Akua' ba Statues as Archetype, and the Egyptian Ankh

In the preserit study of the Ashanti Akua'ba statues, the actual ímpetus for investigation was an intuitivo assurnption about what the forms composing the statues originally may have meant, as differentiated from their actual use, on which we have sorne information. We noticed that on the morphological leve! there was a great similarity between the Akua'ba statues and the Egypt- ian amulct Ankh. Thus we postulated tbat there must be sorne connection between them, as such similarities do not occur in the history of art by acci- dent, but either through underlying conceptual analogies or because of outside influence. Given that chronologically the Egyptian form was created before the Ashanti figurine, and considering the great amount of evidence of Egyptian influence on the Guinea Coast, we tried to support our assúmption by known data about the similarity between concepts and their resulting forms, and so to find a deductive confirmation of our thesis.

noted, however, that we use the word morphology in its original sense: the study of forms and relations, restricted to externa) forros only. Thus our use is different from the one applied in biology, geology, or linguistic studies.

We start with the proper apprehension of forms, their combinatíons, and the overall configuration (Gestalt) which actually constitutes a work of art, and endeavour to find out thc motives for the work's creation and perhaps its original use. The method of our search for the meaning and interpretation of artistic forms has an interesting similarity to the modern procedure applied by HEISENBF.RC in the science of physics. We start out with "speculative means ... of theoretic postulation ... " (52) and by sheer interpretation of the forms advance a thesis as to their original significance. By coUecting enough data we may construe circumstantial evidence and use it to arrive at sorne deductive results, aiming at confirmation of tbe theory which we bave assumed. The similarity between the scientific application and our own Hes only in the appr oach, as in both we advance a theoretical construction aiming atan unknown factor. In science the degree of probability is extremely high, in our case the results are still subject to interpretation. (An interesting note from HEISENBERG : we have "to introduce subjectivity into the theory ... what happens [in an atomic event] depends on our way of observing ... " [51, p. 50}.)

As muchas in science the postulare rests on sorne known data, often not directly relatcd to each other, or their combination ; in the field of art one works also with sorne intuitive grasp of the meaning of the forms of the work of art, and the interpretation may use one's knowledge of the history of art. This becomes more important with art works of civitizations from which there are no written source docurnents (like the African) and in wbich artistic forms (or artistic conventions) are often repea ted, unaltered, although the ori- ginal, primordial motivation and meaning of the forros has been corn- pletely lost or forgotten.

Such a work of art is like a document written in an unknown code or ideograpb - to decipher it we follow an intuitive hypothesis and try to read tbe document with this key. Only if it works, will the assumed key to the code be proved the correct, working one.

l..AOISLAS SJ<OY 840

Because we shall later trace Egyptian inftuence on the Guinea Coast, the fact that bronze and brass casting reached a high degree of perfection becomes significant in our attempt to make a summary review of the artístic works of the Ashanti. The lost-wax process originated in Mesopotamia, Egypt, and Nubia. As we have abundant information (46) on the westward movement of Egyptian inftuence, the very fact that such a high degree of casting industry developed on the upper bend of the Níger (Tada, Jeda), in lfe, Benin, the northern part of the Cameroons and in Ghana - in contrast with the compar- ative poverty of brass casting in the other parts of Africa-is a significant event which will become importan! as a frame of reference in our study of the single figure, Akua'ba.

Another factor to bear in mind is that where this intense brass-casting industry developed (that is, on the Guinea Coast) there was no copper or zinc (or tin, for bronze) available, and this raw material had to be brought in with great difficulty. Where, however, copper was in abundance (the Katanga reglón), there was no casting industry. Perhaps we can explain this fact by stating that a need for brass casting was created by Egyptian influence. Art history has shown that the need for ritualistic objects is usually satisfied by material which is in abundance in the place where it is made (in Africa, wood and ivory) and only under foreign inftuence does a new need arise for a type of material, the existence of which was not previously known because it was unavailable.

. The best known lost-wax casts are gold weights (in human and animal forms, as well as inanimate objects and geometric small casts with symbolic designs). The bronze and brass ceremonial vessels, called kuduo, beaten brass containers of grease, brass pots, and bronze ceremonial lamps, are also well known. Gold was widely used not only because it was found in abundance, but also because it had sorne relationship to the importance of the sun in Ashanti religious beliefs, as we will study further. The most importan! gold objects are the so-called "soul bearers di sk s " (in which we shall find a similarity to the Egyptian), decorative objects for the chief"s staff, and umbrella tops, rings, ankle rings, bracelets, etc. 1 n pottery they made black ceremonial earthenware vessels; in cloth, appliqué.

In wood themost widespreadobjects are ceremonial stools andchairs, often with metal (silver) appliqués, Studies have shown that these may derive from the well known Egyptian head-rests.

Comparatively speaking, the Ashanti made very few wooden statues and no masks at ali. This becomes more significant if we consider that their neigh- bours excelled in a great abundance of wood carvings.

In statuary, we can distinguish two types: the "íaíry tale figures" (Mmoatia) and the "fertility dolls", the Akua' ba.

The Mmoatia figures (Fig. 1) are carved in both sexes and they are considered (26, pp. 25-26) as "the little folk, the Iairies", or the "speedy mes·

2. The Art of the Albanti

Tbe Aabanti Akua'ba Statues as Arcbetype, and the Egyptian AnkA 841

Before attempting to place these cxtrcmely unusual sculptures, the Akue'» ba, in the frame oí art history and to compare them to other African scuíp- tures, a short survey of what has been written about them might be in order.

Literary references. - RATTRAY (26, Figs. 28, 194, 195) ütustraees two typee ol "fertility dolls". One has a lull body (Fig. 4) and thc othcr has ehe usual oolumoar body form (Fig. 3). The first is called AAua'{la and the second AAua M"'ª· Tbere Is no

sengers oí Abosqm, the gods" (26, Fig. i9). The same type of carvings were also used to illustrate scenes such as the Queen-Mothcr and attendants (26, Fig. 189) ora group of musicians using various types of drums (26, Fig. 196-202). In the very same naturalistic style are the so-called Esi Mansa legendary figures which werc used in the Et1tan ceremonial dances. Esi Mansa meaos the "third female child born on a Sunday" and this is probably of Fanti origin. Usually there is a group of ligures, Esi Mansa bcing the main figure, a female sitting on a stool and with a baby on her lap. Fig. 2 is a fragment of such a mother- and-child statue, holding the breast with one hand and the other (broken on the photo) was attachcd to thc child's head.

Our interest in these figures lies mostly in the fact that the style in which they are carved is the opposite oí that of the A k11a' ba figurines. These figures are extremely na turalisticin style, the human bodyand its movements are realistic. Moreover, their function is to illustratc a situation, which is alien to the general ideological and artistic concepts of African statuary, especially when we consider the A k11a' ba figures, among the most abstract carvings in African statuary,

A survey of African art indicates that as soon as naturalistic tendencies prevail, that is, when the carver's attention is focussed on the observation of visual reality, art declines, compared to when the intent is to make concrete an abstract, conceptual reality. Observation of the development of African arts permits us to state that the naturalistic trend is primarily due to European inftaence and such tendencies occurred at a later stage. For this reason, and only from the stylistic point of view, we may contend that the Mmoatia figures are in ali probability of later origin, or at least their tradition cannot be traced as far back as we shall endeavour to do with the Ahua'b« figures.

The Ak11a'ba wood carvings are usually known in the literature as "fertility dolls" (Fig.3).

As it will become apparent from our study, the name "dolí" is a misnomer which was perpetuated by RATTRAY's wrong use of the word. When he talks about the Akua'ba (26, p. 54) he calls it "the black Ashanti dolí", but when he shows, in an earlier work (20, p. 163), small sculptures with naturalistic features similar to the Mmoatia carvings (26, Fig. 41) he calls them also "little wooden dolls", although in bis la ter work (26, Fig. 42) he calls the same type of carvings "Ashanti wocd-carvings".

Considering that a doll is a child's toy or a toy baby for a child, and knowing that the Akua' ba and the figures representing "the speedy messengers of gods" (20, p. 163) are magico-religious objects, we believe that the denom- ination "doll" is not appropriatc.

Arl\httJpOll 6f. IN) LADISl.AS SE:GV 842

Fig. 1. Two Fairies and a Sasabonsa.m. From R. S. RA TTRAV, Religión and Art in A sha.nti Fig. t 9.

Fig. 2. Fragment of a figure of Esí Mansa, used in Entan ceremony. Collection: Mr. and Mrs. LAOISLAS SEGY.

Fig. 3. Four Akua'ba figures. Front view. Colleetion; SBGY Gallery.

"

Fig. 2

e b " Fig. 3

Fig. 1

2

The Ashanti Akua'l>a Statues as Arehotypo, and tho Egyptian Ankll 84.3

RATTltAY's infonnation about the use of these figures is highly interesting, however. He writes (26,p.54) that "the pregnant woman may carry an Akua'ba, the black Ashanti doll, because its long shapely neck and beautifuJ head wiJI belp her to bear a child like it", and he adds (p. 281) that this figurine is also "carried by wornen who wish to be blessed with children".

lf we accept that the Ashanti woman desires to have a child "like" the Akua'ba statue, and we observe the facial features of this figurine, an interesting question is raised. The African has so-called negroid features, the most irnportant of wbich are the short, flat nose and large, full mouth and lips. The facial (entures of the Akua' ba are to the extreme contrary : long, narrow nooe, with a very small, often imperceptible moutb (Fig. 3).

Usually when an artwork shows sorne unusual feature and tbe work is an authentic expression of sorne (perhaps long forgotten) concept, wc assurne there is a reas-011. If the non-negroid face is the ideal image for the Ashanti woman, is it possible that for sorne unconscious reasou she wishes her child to be differcnt than she is? If this is so, would that mean that she ~~ dissatislied with her own identity i•s seen in having negroid features ? Of course, these are ali speculations without any supporting evidence, but art history has shown that artworks often become the focal point for projection of wishes and they often express a truth which the individual is unable to adrnit on a conscious level (19).

These Ak"a'bfl figurines are carried by Ashanti women, wrapped up in their loincloths or thrust into the back of tbeir waistcloths ; thus thcy are carried close to the body, asan amulet. This becornes an important factor in our Jater study of the A11klt as arnulet .

. On the nature of thc amulet concept, wc have two picccs of inforrnation.

exptanatlon as to the meanlag o( the word, nor why they llave diíferent names, und it woutd appear that the statues with connnuae body Icrm should he calted Aku.a'a. Muica.

Jn anotbor book, howcver, (20, p.163) RATTRAY reporta a ceremony in which two naturaliatic wood figurines are used [whích he caus "wooden dctts"} ; from thc ilhus~ tratíon (20, l•'ig. 69) we can see that they are very similar to thc Mnaoatio figures and are designated as the "speedy mcssengers ol the gods". One he calls Kwak" (a malo) 1md the other A kuo (a Iemale).

According to Ghanían in{ormation, bowever. (47) the word akua in 'l'"•i language is the first name Ior all temnle chíldren born on \Vcdncsday and ba meana "child'": the wcrd Mma Is the plural íorm oí ba.

In view oí thls in(ormation, we concJudc that the corrcce name ter ali tbcse ñgurcs is Akua'ba wiiliout any dietinctícn as to whether the bo<ly is fuJJy carved or only In columnar form.

Later wc shall study tho meaning of tho word Ba among lho ancicnt EgyJ)tians, and íor this rcascn it is worth noting at this tinto hcw this word, with iti. deñmte con­ notation of "soul", was wldespread an1ong ali tho neighhours of tbu Ashanti - which also permíts U!J to adduce tbat the At;hanti U$C ot ba as "child" is probably a transfor- manen of the original meantng of bc1 (\S "scul".

For Instance, among the Yoruba (noi¡¡hbours of tho A4hanti) tbe word ba/Ja means Iatber, and tbus has a malo connotation. According to Luc•s 131) the Ijaw use the word Ayi·ba, and the Ewe, A>t·YÍ·fba (p. 393), both meaning the Supremo Deity, "U1e maker ol seuls". Among tbe lbo eud 13ioi (p. 389) the king's namc is O·ba, "incorp<>rating the soul ol the natíon". The Tchí-speaking P<'OJ>lo uso t110 word /Ja as "son", exprcssiug tbe eoncept that tho son is "the eontínuatíoa ol the sout ol the father" (p. 1,02).

. LA01sus Sscv 844

One is by MANOUKIAN (4), who writes that the pregnant woman often carnes specíal charros (not specified) to protect herself and the unborn child against witchcraft or spells, EL.LIS (36, p. 232) is more specific - he describes how a pregnant woman makes sacriñces to the titulary deity of the family and receives channs from the priestess which consist of black and white beads which she carries on her wrists, ankles, and neck. Belief in the power of these strings of beads is so strong that as soon as the child is boro and washed such channs are given to the baby to "avert misfortune".

Here we find that the rows of beads placed on the neck and waistline or base of the Akua'ba statues aim to augment their power and only confirm the protective aspect of it. (lt should be noted that although Etus described the pregnant woman's rituals, he does not mention the use of the Akua'ba.)

HIMMELHEBER (8, p. U5) indicates that the round lace of these figurines is associated with the shape of the moon, and that the priest of the Moon- Mother-Goddess gives such a figurine to females who wish to become pregnant. Because the Ashanti follow succession by the female line, they believe that the Queen-Mother is the daughter of the moon, and that the fertility of the land depends on her.

In our interpretation of the symbolic ideographs found on the back of the A kua' ba heads, we shall see that the crescent rnoon, with points upward or points downward, is associated with conception and motherhood, respectively. MEYEROWITZ (32, p. 111) indicates that the circle (or round fonn) is associated not with the moon, but with the su n , which is the symbol of Nyan!wpon (the king, the son of the sun), the Kre, or the vital force of lile. Egyptian parallels with ali three concepts will be shown in our second section.

CH. BEART (9) offers the suggestion that the horizontal appendages of these figurines are not arms, but female breasts. However, this cannot be sustained, as on ali the A kua' bas without exception, the breasts are carved in addition to the arms (Fig. 3).

CH. BEART, in another paper (JO), advances the idea - which is repeated by PAULME (11) - that the shape of these figures may derive from Egyptian mirrors, which were exchanged at the time of the slave trade.

lf we look, however, ata large number oí Egyptian mirrors (for example, 12, Figs. 32, 75, 105) it becomes apparent that the evidence does not support this thesis. From the formal point of view, the handle of the mirror is narrower than the Akua' ba in relationship to the actual mirror (the "head") ; the "arm- parts" of the mirror are bent graceíully downwards, compared to the definite straight line of the Ashanti figures. Such stylistic detail becomes important, for in contras! to the primary simplicity of the straigbt line such an over-reñned and elaborate circular line (giving the ímpression of the petals of a ftower) lends a highly sophisticated feeling to the Egyptian mirror. This is further augmented by the style in which many handles are made. Either there is a complete human figure, or a human head, before the curved lines start, both modeled natural- istically and with elaborate care. Not only are these stylistic details slgnificant, but the use of the mirrors is contrary to that of the Akua'ba. One is a mundane implement for beauty-care, and the other is a magical amulet oí high potency.

The Asbanti Altua'ba Statues as Arcbetype, and the Egyptian Ankh 845

Si e e : From nine to 1{r. Y2 inches; tbe majority are around eleven ínches long. Facial features ; The flat tace has a convex tendency culminating around the

eyebrows (Fig. 3, e, ti). The most striking feature ot the tace is tbe styli.icd ~yebrows, which íorm onc

unit with a long aod narrow no.se (Fig. 3, a, b). (\Ve should mentíon that many Warcga statuettes and sma.U maaks have the same feature.) Tho eyes are in various styles: in Fig. 3. a's are diamond-shaped : b's are a hall cin:lo : on e an oval sbape is incised ; but

Our main interest lies in the first type oí Ak11a'ba statue because it occurs most frequently. The second type is of lcss intcrest because its natur- alistic style is in ali probability of later origin. The third type is not mentioned in tbe literature and we have no evidence about its uses, origin, or morphol- ogical interpretation.

t} Body in columnar rorm (without indication of legs); arras outstretched in a straight line; largc, flat. dbk-like nead, uaually round, slanted diagonally to the bo<ly {l'ig. 3, 5).

2) Complete human hody; arrns outstretcbed ; round ftat head (Fig. '•)· 3) Columnar body, stmítar to No 1 : the head ftat vertical and rectangular; some-

timcs without arms (Fig. 6a ancl 6b). Ftg . 6b relates with its naturalil!tic leg-Iormation to Fig. "' but without arms and

the head not round but aJongatod flat and rectangular. Fig. 6a has • columnar bo<ly without arms and the head similar to Fig. 6b.

A very interesting derlvation of Fig. 6a is .Fíg. 7 (two vicws) in which the body i~ the same columnar form witbout arma but the head is not flat. but a quarter sphere above whi<:b there is a fl.at surface with an unusual design.

There are &light v{'ll'iations on tbe above three main typcs : one with emalJ ears carved into the disk typc of hcad : ene with two sma.ll horns carvcd on the top of the disk-head [Basel Museum); oran unusuaJ oae holding a child {18, Fig. 13~).

The study of a large number of Akua' ba statues permits us to ascertain the following types :

3. Description and Classltication of the Akua'ba Statues

According to information received from Dr. HOLAS (46). the Agni in the Ivory Coast also use Akua'ba figures, but they are really either copies or ímported from the neighbouring Ashanti. They makc "dolls" similar to the Akua'ba, however, without the main characteristic, namely the ftattening of the head into a disk-form, and they are rather naturalistic in style.

KJERSMElllR (12, p. 34) speaks of the fact that when boys are desired figures with round heads are used, and wben girls are wanted, figures witb square heads are used, However, we have found no conñrrnation of this assump- tion in the literature.

lt is worth mentioníng that in a great number of books devoted to African sculpture no mention is made of these remarkable and outstanding products of the art of Africa, and those who treat them usually repeat, often only in part, the information contained in one of RATTRAY's books (26).

Anthropoll ~. lt@.l LAOISLAS sscv 846

Fig. l.i. Alnur'ba figure. Coltcction : St:GY Gallery. Fig. 5. SiK Akua'ba flgurcs. Side vicw. Collection : SHGV Gntlery. Fig. !). Twc Akva'ba figures. Collecñon : Museurn ftir Vülkerkunde, Basel. Fig. i. UrlU8lU11 Ak na'ba statuc. Coltecñon oí the author.

e f e á b

Fig. 7

á Fig. 5

Fig. 4

Thc Ashnntt Akm1'ba. Statues as Archetype, and thc Egyptlau Aflklt 84i

The manner of carving. - In African art tbere is great respect for the round form of the tree trunk and branches; thus the most lrequent form is columnar. This is so much accentuated that the ttrms are often carved as part of the column, with no space between the arms and the body. Not only does an innatc sense for the columnar fonn of the wood give an architectonic quality, not only is this part of the strong phallic connotation of many statues - it is also intended to avoid the sense of fragility as well as actual fragility.

In the Akua'ba statue the grain of lhe wood runs vertically, thus the outstretched arms, as well as lhe disk-Iike, slanted head, run against the grain and give a great fceling of fragility and danger of brcakage.

Symbolic meaning of the scarification marks on thc facc. - The scarification marks are slight b"'Ooves (not in relief) and they occur in such a repctilivc pattem that their meaning can be adduced.

The groove pattern mns one on one cheek to thrce 011 tite othcr, two to one, two to tllree, three to three, or thrce to two. If wc consider that the Ashanti have a main nomenclature from one lo ninc (J2, pp. 94, 96), which is connected with their inlerprctation of tbe cosmos, we may assume that thesc small scarif- ication lines havc symbolic meaning according to thcir number.

Thc syn1bolic meaníng of tncse $C.(lrification nl~r'ks wUI be discuescd luter. Bac k of the head ; Most of tbo llkua'ba statucs have incised dcsign patterna

on thc back of the head (Flg. 7), wblcb havo symbolic mcaning. N ce k : is usuaJly long, with three tu eight riogs en it. The shape and its rclationship

to tbe disk-liko íacc is best indicated in Fig. 4 uud Fig. $. Arnu; : are usually stl'aight in dírect proportion to the aize nnd dtameter o! tho

body (Fig. 3). Sometimes lbero ore boles at tbe end of the u.rm into which a stríng o[ beads is in>ortcd (Fig. a. d).

Bcads : Usually thcre are two, thrce, or fou.r rows of vei:)' small bcads, in diffcrcot colours, ploce<l c>n the base (Fig. a, a. e, d; Fig. 8, a, d), on tho neck (f'ig. 6). In the holes, or on the arms, as indicated above. ·rhe mcanio.g and use of thcse beads ha.ve already been indlcated.

111111 + 111 -- -- -- -- - --

tbe most Irequent Is shcwn on d, with a pointed oval shape. Ou the faces of most of Ihc pieces there are three very emall holeo (the photo does not show them). one 011 the top ot the head, plus one on each síde ot tho lower part of the lace. In tbe last two boles amull ear-rlngs are often placed, made ol beuds (Fig. 4).

Our contention is that the detiign ot the eyebrcws and nos e cernee Jeom a. deep rtrtistic understunding of what ii; known toda y as Cesta lt, namely, tha.t the component pa.rts of the wbole (in tbis case, the round facial shape) are adjusted to be harmonious and coherent. From the morphological point oí view, the curve of t.he eyebrows is in perfect concord with the Iine oí the head, and the straight nose wlth ebe Iine t)Í the eeck and body.

Fc r ma t í o n or Lh e mo u t h : As a logical consequence of this artistic unity, tbe mouth i1:1 placed in lino \\1iU1 the nose, and creen Üi of the saine width as thé tcwer part of the ucse. although the form may vary in •mall dctoils. In f'ig. 3 a and b show small square forms e has 001}' a small intision. and d a round shape with ewo Unes crossing cach other. AAua'ba atatues cx:ist on which thc mouth is not Indtcated nt all.

Scarification ma ek s o n t h e fa.ce : The íace usually has scertñcañon marka on both cheeks, íncised ver-y faint.ly, as shown in fi'ig. 9, d and e. The pattern itf M Iollows :

848

To tollow our method of rnorpbologicat a.ssumptions, wo first have to ccnsíder the plastic íorms ol tht AAua'ba statues, disregard!ng their cultural background, and - in order to find some círcumstanna! evidence ­ compare tbem with known material, first from the general history o( art, second from the rcalm oí African statuary.

From the hlstorical point of view, there is no work of art whicb is simJlar to, or can be compared witb, the characteri.otics ol the AAua'ba body, arm, and head shapes.

Therc are1 hO\\'CVer. figurines o( pre~historic and early historie ti.mea. known as mother-goddesses or archetypal lertility figures (16), which evokc in the onlookcr a leelíng that they are closely related to each other and to the AAua'ba.

'· Art Historie Comparison

Symbolic meaning of the desígn-pat terns on the back of the head. - With few exceptions, most of the Akua'ba statues have ídeograph- ic designs on the back of the head. The interpretation of their symbolic mean- ing which we will attempt is based upon Mt.:Yl!ROWITZ's (32) indications of similar symbols found on gold weights.

In Fig. 8 we have indicated the most frequently observed design-pat- terns:

e and similar designs are the simplcst ones, a división into fields symbol- izing the creation of the universe (32, p. 102).

a, d, and e are types of designs in which the same patterns reoccur, namely, the "double axe motive" (a cnd e), which is thc symbol of thc joint rule of the King and Queen·Mother. Its mcaning is also, by extension, the male and female contributions to tbe future offspring.

The "crescent moon" with points upwards (lower part of a) is the symbol of conception and fruitfulness. The open U shape is also an ideograph for receptacle or container, associated with the woman's capacity for "receiving", i. e., conception. (In most African tribes it is the woman's occupation to make pottery vessels.) A crescent moon with points downwards (d, e) is tbe symbol for motherhood, an ideograph for the actual shape of the expectant mother. On d, we have tbe combination of both crescent moon shapes.

In design b, we have a horizontal U shape, a motive which occurs very frequently on the back of the beads of the Akua' bas, repeated once, twice, or thrce times with double horizontal lines separating each motive. This is again connected with the waxing and waning half moon. (The moon, because of its 28-day cycle, is a basíc female symbol.) This horizontal U shape with its open end is again connected with conception and fruitfulness, and tbe double separating lines are symbols of division.

The number one, for instance, "symbolízes the indivisible Kra of Nvame", nnd later we shall see thls concept's ccnneeuon with the ideology of the Akua'ba. The number two symbolizes thc Great Mother, and thenumber three eymbolfees Nyam•. the creator o( sky, earth, and underworld. The number four indicates the tour cardinal poínts : ñve, Nyame as Supreme Beíng : six, resurrection and rebírtb, which is al.so connected with the rebirth o( the father's spirit in the chlld. Tbe oumber ei¡ht (in single or combíned numbers), which does not oecur on the tace of tbe Akua'ba, eymbclleee prccreatlon, fortlllty, and Cecundity.

Thc Aehanti AAua'l>a Statues as Arebetype, and the Egyptfan Ankh 849

If man had the urgent need to express his emotions in sorne forrn and he invented a plastic language for this purpose (in our case thc art of sculpture), in line with the similarity of bis ernotional ex peri en ces (in our examples, his position towards female fertility), it is logical that there should also be a si mil- a ri t y in tbe modes of expression, and not in terms of externa! likeness. What rnakes these artistic expressions universal and timeless is the fact that there is more that human beings share in their basic mental make-up than divides them.

Tho culture o! Mesopotamia (clrca 3,000 B. C.) produced terra cotta figures, with a oolumnar lorm (though the two lega are iodicated) and arms folded (16, Fig. 16). Anothcr torra cotta figure lrom the same regían (1$, Fíg, 27) has the outstretched arms eimilar to tho Akua'ba, but here the head is small aud tbe two legs are separated. From the Acgcan tivili.xatlon we have many terra cotta idols (16, Fig. 29) which have a slab- like rorm without lcgs lor tho body. They also have horizontal, outstretched arms, but the head is small, lollowing the width o! the neck.

Very close to 1.he "teeltng" o! these figurines are the so-ealled Dogu terra coreas lrom the jomon pcriod ol Honshu in japan (38, Figs. '• aod 6), though hcro again the detalle are not glmilar to the Akua'ba.

Perbaps closest o! ali to the Akua'ba figures come o Jew o! the lull figures lrom the Cycladic hlands (Fig. 9) (16, Figs. 36 and 37), although here agaín the diffcroncc; are mnrked : the legs form a unilorm block, but they are both indlcated ; the arms aro lolded and not outstrotched, although thc straight horiiontol lineo! the shoulders and the angularity with whicb tbe elbows are earved are close in shape to the arma of the A kun'ba. The laces on somo of these Cycladic figures are o! a disk-likc shapc, tnclined diagonally to the vertical body, and oíten with no indication o( the eyes.

The need. to create a vísuat form for an tnstíuctual drive was so atrong in man that one ol the eartlest ort products. the lertility figures (tho so-caned Venuses) stem from the Cromagnoo man ol the Upper Paleolithic Aurignacian culture (about 20,00() years ago). They show the femnle charactertstíca in an exnggereted form, as the famous Venus of WiUendorf. Later, however, cttentlcn was focussed on the male's role and phallic •tatues emerged (24).

The Warega of the Congo (J}, for Instance, heve maoy Ivory carvings in an appar- ontly phallic lorm (Fig. 10, a) wbích later developed into en indicatioo o! the human body (b) aod Jinally into full figures (e). One muy alee state that the strong columnar form of the AAua'ba figure may have phaltic aeeberypal ccnncteelone.

Jf we consider that basically tho individual's instincts, imagination, "wíll­to·form" (A. RrnoL), and psychc are much alike ali through human bistory, it is logical that the symbolic lorms (olten shaped lnto figures) which were used to concretize thesc leoling• wiU have a great sin1ilarity. And bec:ause archetypal íeelings are above individual oncs, the forms created for the expression oí these emotions will have universal cxpericnce.

One shouJd remember thnt the analogies of nearly identical fornlS in archetypal statuary are based not only upon the universaHty of the hurnan psyche, but are also transmitted by heredity, tradition, migrations, etc.

Because of the uuiversality of the concepts and expcricnccs·oonncctcd with fertility. procreatio11, and motherhood. and the nccd t.o make thcm contJ:"cto by utilizing the primordial "wiH-to-form", we hnd similaritics Jn thc symbolic forma nnd our reactions to them.

1'he Akua'ba statues fit into this category. F'urthcr, i{ wc consider N.HUMANN's statemcnt (16, p. 12) that "it is a.n csscntial lcatnre o! the primordial archetype thal it combines positive and negative attributc;& and groups ol attributes ... " we can apply it to our detailed study o! lhe Ak11a'ba, in which the malo (positivo) a.nd female (negativo) nttributes are combined.

LAOISLAS S.tOY 850

J.'ig. 8. Flve .ilkun'bo fiKUfC8. Back view. Coüecrfun : St-:c;y (~allcry. 1:ig. 9. Two figures oí the Cycladlc Culture.

a) Colíectton ; Louvre, Pnrls. b) Royal Outarto xjuseum, Toronto. (Prom i·IJ~l(UKN.'I' Kt'nx, l)1c Kunst Alt-Europas. Taf. a7.)

Fig. 10. T'hree warcga (linlc.ga) ivor~· ligures. Congo. Coltectlcn : S1~VY r.;11lcry.

Fig. 10 Fig. 9

• ' ti b Fig. 8

Thc ;-\shanli 1lkua'ba Stutucs as Archctypc. and thc Egypriau . .J nkJ1 851

But we could carry onc stcp furthcr our thcsis about thc similarity of modes and expression and thcir significancc without any rcferencc to time or locale. If. for instance, we speak of a Hellcnistic style or Roman style in statuary, this does not mean that thc carving was done in Athcns or Romc, it indicates only a similarity of human expcrience cxprcsscd in a simil- arity oí stylc, and the name wc give to it is a "labcl" and nothing clsc.

If we maintain that the archetypal style is the result of the universality o! rnan's emotion, that should mean that today we also find it. And in fact there are a !cw contemporary artists who are able to grasp this fecling, and sorne works of L1Pc1111·z (Fig.11), or late works of MOORll, to mention only two sculptors, do cause this cmotional reaction. (lt is rather intcresting to compare a small Warcga wood carving (Fig. 12) with the L1Pc>11TZ figure, - !or the universality oí plastic invention.)

Pig. 11. Figure, bronze, t 930, by J ACQU B$ 1.. .. 1 PCH ITZ. Ccllectton : ri.tr. and ~trg. (#1\Dl~LAS sscv.

Fig. 12. WO<>d statuettc (12 cm). Waregtt tribe, Congo. Collection : Mr. and ~fr s. L•o•stAS SBGY.

Fi.g. 12 Fíg. 'l 1

852

What are thc externa! similarities among the various examplcs we cited that make them become "containers" of the same type of collective un- conscious ? Which are the characteristics that could translate in symbolic lang- uage man's earliest aspirations and fcars ?

A11kh. E¡¡yptian Amulet, Faience. ·t 31• Dyn. asty. The Metropclltan Museum of Art, NewYcrk. The 'finí.ODORR!vl. DAVI$ collcct- ion, Bequest of TnsoooRB M. 0Av1s, 1915.

Fig.13.

Having clarified the nature of archetypal statuary, we will turn our attenuon to one of the works in the history of art which has the most striking resem- blance of ali to thc Akua'b« s t a t u e s , namcly the Egypt- i a n stg n Ankh, which occurs as a hieroglyphic sign, but also asan arnulet (Fig. 13). Not only the form oí the signs but also their size [when they are amulets) are similar to the Akua'ba - between eight and eleven inches.

In our concluding section we shall see that these Anklt amulets not only have the basic character- istics of archetypal ímages, but their Iorrns were repeated al- though thereason fortheir original meaning was long forgotten.

These Egyptians whoinvent- ed the A11kh sign, or those who by diffusion adopted it into the A kHa' ba statue (to be discussed la ter), ha ve expressed the most basic human aspirationsand emot- ional expcricnccs : the fear and wonder of procreation, the hopes and wishes for the new offspring, the role of male and female in this act, and the symbolism in which new life means also the prolongation of other lives and in a certain way a sense of immortality. Theseemotions are part oí human nature and the human condition and if a creative person is able to reach to the depth of his own inner being, he may expericnce thcrn, and being creative produce symbols or art forms analogous in mode of expression, and sometimes in actual forro, to thosc of an entirely different time and place.

Our writing aims to bring more and more evidence to substantiate these suggestions, and our ideological discussion of the Egyptian concepts of Ka, Ba, and AKH will help us to show how a similarity in ideology can cause thc creation of similar forms.

The Ashanli Akua'l>a Statues as Archctypc, and tho Egypuan Ankh 853

First of ali, we must place thc Ak11a' ba statues within the realm of thc artwork of the Ashanti, from the purely stylistic point of view.

Ali Ashanti art works in brass, gold, or wood (stools, naturalistic M 111oatia figurines) are characterized by perfectionist tendencies, extremely fine hand-work, and ahundant decorati\le details. Such works are typ1cal of highly developed cultures.

Jn comparison, the Ak1•a' ba carvings are not related to any of lhe works of the Ashanti, either in form or in thc basic and es.5ential spirit. It is reason- able to look for tbe origin of such an l5olatcd art product somewhere else.

5. Comparlson wlth African Material

JI we apply these clarifieatious to the Akua' ba statues, we may state that the concept of fertility is an abstract idea, and the charactcristics of the statue (its formal aspect) are drawn from elements in nature but concentrate and reduce the cssential parts of thc body. Conceptual ideas are basic for any art creation; thus, in the Ak11a'b11, the concepto! man's head as the abode oí tbe spirit found exprcssíon in the enlarged head.

But acstbetically the success of this artwork lies in lhc fact that there exists an intimate coherencc of idea and formal expression, and that both are in their nature abstrae!.

Our postula te is that "forms do not lie", which meuns that tbey are the true, often unconscious, expressions of feelings and attitudes towards life. We shall cndc'a"our to support this thesis with factual e"idence.

Perhaps the first and most apparent characteristic is tbat they are non- naturalistic, that certain aspccts of thc body are exaggerated and others neglected or rendered in a summary, s t y l iz cd , abstract manner. De- pending on the objects, there may be no legs, 01· no arms, or the head may be very small or very large, etc. (This can be applied also to Figs. H and 10).

Jt should be noted that this is not caused by man's lack of "know-how", for about 10,000to12,000 years ago roan oí the Upper Paleolithic Magdalenian culture created cxtremely naturalistic polychrome cave paintings o[ gamc animals, using shading for an illusion of depth-perspective (Altamira, Dordogne, Lascaux, etc.). When thc purpose was to create prototypes which Iooked like visual reality, naturalism prevailed, but when an idea such as fertilily was irnportant, the so-called "Venuses", with abstraer Ieutures, were created.

,\ bstract q uu.l¡ ty. ­ \Ye have to define our use of the word "abstraer" because we apply it to botb the archotypal Iorms aud our Akut1:ba: also. because there ít; ut pre1:1cnt a grcat lutereat in thc so-calted "pnmluvo arts", and the main trend et today'i.; palnting is "abstraen" in etyle.

[f we consider flrat tbat the word "abstract" derives írom the Latiu word ab­ strahere, meaning to draw Irom, und we also add t:he secondary rneaníng. "tbnt wbtch comprteee cr concontrates in Itselt the essential quafity o'Í a Iarger thiug", we come to tbe concept thn.t '' work oí arr in nou-naturaltstic stylc ir, one which draws its eíements írom naturc, but concontrates on some esseutíal qualtry. But the word "abstraer" can utsc be applied to some ubstract idea or t r u t h , mcuning a conccpt which can be eonsidered as such, wltbout any applícation to a particular object.

LAOtSLAS Sao Y 854

This trend of thought becomes imperativo if we consider - as alrcady studied bcíore - that the neighbours of the Ashanti to the west (the tribes in the Ivory Coast, especially the Baule and Guro) produce highly rcfmed wood carvings, very unlike the Ak,.a' ba. To the east, the Yoruba havc a great abund- anee ol complex carvings - not to mention the highly sophisticated Benin art - and nene of their products could be comparcd to the abstract quality oí the A kua' ba.

lf we look now at the very rich body ol African statuary, ancl attcmpt to ñnd carvings of a similar form and spirit, we must again conclude that thc A k11a' ba lorms are unique,

Tbe closest in "similarity" is a type of statuary produced by the Ba m- bara tri be ol Sudan (Fig. 14), which has a columnar body (shaped differ- ently from the llk.,a' ba), two short arms, and a small head on a long neck. What rnakes it differcnt from thc llk11.a' ba statuc is that the head is round, not disk-like and flat, ancl thc wbole statue is conceived in a three-dimens- io n a l manncr.

Fig. t4. Statue. Ban1bara ·rribc, ~lali Rcpubhc (Sudan). Formerty in ccllectlon of the SK-OY Gallery.

Fig. 15. Bakota Iunerary figure. Oubun. Cotlecnon : Mr. und Mrs. LA1>1SLAS SEC\',

Fig. t!'> Fig. t~

The Ashonti Akua'lm Statues as Archetype, nnd the r.gypuan Aukh 855

But we can see how similarity of concepts and use produce the same art Iorms in the close resernblance between the function of A kua' ba and these Bambara statues. One source of ínformatíon connects the use of this statue to protection for the child ; another, however, (11, p. 31) inclicates that it assures the woman of her fertility. One should note too that a very similar Bambara statue in thc Brooklyn Muscum has numerous rows of bcads on the base, very likc the rows of beads on the Ak1,a' ba statues. (Of course, it is possible that this Bambara statue, like thc Akua'ba, is an adopted form from !he original Egyptian A11kh.)

If one ol the important characteristics of the Akua'ba statue is that it was concei ved two-dimcnsionally, we can find another statue in the rich realm of African material which is analogous in this respect. This is the Bako t a Funer ar y Fig u re .

In our comparison with the Bakota figure, again we must bear in mind that we have to apprehcnd, before ali, the mode of expression (or style), and only secondarily the externa! similarities - aud, even here, not so mucb the exactness of the details but rather the overall oricntation according to wbich the statuary was basically conceived.

One of thc most rewarding experiences in the apprcciation of A frican art comes from the fact (and this shows its ríchness) that although each tribe adhers strongly to basic tribal styles, each piece is differcnt.

Among thc many and varied typcs of Bakota figures (described in my earlier paper, Reí. 2) we have selected Fig. 15, because in it we can establish a degree of externa! similarity :

1) Although many of the Bakota figures havo side and top appendages next to the head, in this one the head forros a rather close unit with the side and top parts. 2) The nose and the eyebrows form the closed unit so charact- eristic of the A k11a' ba. a) The frontal shape is convcx. 4) Although thc eyes and mouth of Fig. 15 are slrongly modelled, there are a large number on which the eyes and mouth are only indicatcd, as in the Akua' ba formation of eyes and moutb. 5) The lower part of the sídc part of head has two boles, typical of the Akua'b«. 6) The ncck has rings. 7) Although the body of the Bakota is not columnar, it is nevertheless a summary and abstract rendcring. There are other Bakota figures in which the Jozenge form of the body is more accent- uated on both sides ; this - with sorne imagination - can be compared to the outstretchcd arms oí the A kua' ba.

From the ideological point of view , it is perhaps worth noting that thc two most abstract, two-dimensionally conceived carvings of Aírican statuary, the Bakota und tbe Akua'ba, aresymbols for two elements in the lile of the individual. Althougb tbey stand in two opposite directions, both are occurrences in man's lite which happen without his consent. The Ak11a'ba stands for new lile, and the Bakota for end of lile, death.

To sum up the externa! evidence in our comparison, we may statc that in both artistic creations there is an over-empbasis on tbe bead and neglect of thc human body, although this neglect is different in each case.

LAOtsLAs Sacv

For a better understandíng of the symbolic nature of the Akua' be, and especially of our continued reference to the significance of the enlargement of tbe head, it is pertinent to consider the Asbanti idea of procreation, which, combined with tbeir actual use, may help to formulate a more compre- hensive view of the meaning of the A kua' be.

Heredity, in the Ashanti concept, is traced to both parents. The "blood successlon" (Abusua) is based upon the mother's blood (Mogya), whicb mingles with the father's spirit (Ntoro) (20, p. 36).

In MF.Yl!Rowrrz's interpretation (32, p. 115) Ntoro means "semen", wbich has a "spirit or soul of its own and wbich is passed on alter death, or is r ein- carna ted in the child for the father's family". This spiritual power is so important that when a "woman wishes to bave a child, sbe prays to her hus- band's Ntoro and not to any deity or fetish ... " (p. 117). The Ntoro is also responsible for tbe "indívidual's happiness".

We refer also to our earlier statements discussing the round form of tbe Akua'ba head, which is not connectcd with the symbol of thc moon (female), but with the circle (or round form), associated with the symbol of Nyankopon, the Kra, or the male vital force of lile.

The male character of the circle derives from its use as the symbol of the sun. Nyankopon, the Ashanti king, is the son of the sun (comparable to the Pharaoh's role) - against the Queen-Móther's moon relationshíp, which represents female principies.

Thus the extremely enlarged head (especially in round shape) is the sym- bolic expression for a number of concepts : 1) the head is the abode of the spirit, a concept prevailing in Egypt and Africa; 2) the round circle is thé symbol of the sun ; 3) the sun was also the fatber oí the Ashanti king (as of

6. The Concept of Procreatlon amone the Mhantl and lts Relatlon to the Akua'ba

The frequent use of an exaggerated head size occurs in African statuary. It is because of the concept (very close to the Egyptian one) that man's spirit resides in the head. This concept forms the basis for the ancestor cult, and as in this case the enlargcd head refers to the spirit of the defunct, we may conclude that the enlarged head is symbolically equal to the abode of the abstract concept of spirit.

The name of tbe Bakota statue is Mbulu Ngulu, wbich is usually trans- lated as tbe "picture of the spirit of the dead", altbougb ANDl!RSSON (41, p. 336) clearly indicates tbat bis Mbamba infonnant considered it not tbe image but tbe defunct himself. Tbere are two facts from ANDl!RSSON which merit note : one, that the cheek part of tbe Bakota statue is called in the Mbamba language baa and second, that in bis estimation these funerary figures were created under neo-sudanese influence. lt is extremely ínter- esting (without going into any investigation of these statements) that the ba word (derived from the Egyptian) might have gone not only to Ghana but also further south.

Tbe Ashanti Akua'ba Statues as Archetype, and the Egyptian AHAA 857

7. Egyptian lnfluence on the Guinea Coast

In support of our various assumptions about the meaníng of the Aki•a'ba, we have already used morphological and ideological evidence to show possible Egyptian influence.

However, such influence cannot be an isolated phenomenon. since if one concept or one artistic style was adopted in a certain territory, it stands to reason that there was contact with thc "influencing people" which must have left other traces. On the other hand, such influence cannot be postulated only in onc territory (like Ashanti-land) ; its traces must be found over a much larger territory, if possible on tlie earlíer Iine of communication. This is the line through Nubia, Lake Tchad, Upper Nigeria, Lower Nigeria, Ashanti- land, etc.

The references to Egyptian influence on the whole Jife of West and Central Africa are so abundant that we selected only a random few, with our main emphasis on tbe territory neighbouring thc Ashanti.

Bowcrrcu (2/, p. 318) has airead y nouced the great similarity between many Ash- anti and Egyptian in•titutions, andina special study he givo• a listofthese parallels (22).

TALUOT (26. l. J>· 21) speaks of the crescent-sbaped •tools. compartag them to the bead-rests found ln Egypt. and he atso traces thc glass indu$try of Nupe to Egyptiao instructioo.

The Yoruba origin• in Egypt are discussed In detall by MORAL (29). DllNN&TT (30), and Lucxs (31). the last cstabiishing a whcle dlctíonary ol Yoruba words traced to their Egyptian origin•.

MnK"• study (28) of the Nortberu Nlgerian tribe is Irnpcrtant, because this is the tcrrttory írom whitb Egyptian influence penetrated south to the Guinea Coast, and aíso because MKllK fortunately had an abundan! knowledge of ancient Egyptian history. mythology. etc., and was able to observe similarltics which a less qualified student woukl not havo noticed. {Thís is the case in many anthropological studies ol these terrltories.}

In his Northern Tribcs of Nigeria (28) M1<KK makeá innumerable references to Egyptía.n influence, o( whtcn we will cite only a few, at random. The Bachama prteet uses a crook-eceptre (PI. 6) similar in si•e and shape to the Pharaoh's sceptre, part o! the Insignia of Osiris; the Pahir and J ukun (J). 18~) wear hatr-Jocka símtlar to ehose ol the Pharaohs ; buríal rites and mummification (pp. 196, 377) resemble Egyptian cuatoms : the ChtAtJ Usiri (p. 296), meaning tho lord Above, is a derlvencn Irom the oame o{ Osiri.s; etc.

In another work, MEEK (J7, p. 184) met so many evtdencea of Egyptlan inftuence tha.t he had to conclude tbe following : "The cumulatlve evídence in Nigeria of a direct cultural contact with ancícnt Egypt is so 5trong that we seem íorced to the conclusion that t.he universality in Africa of eommon cuJture and vocabulary is duo to the unifying inftuence of the civHi.\ation ~·hich reached its apogee on the banks of the Nilc."

HEFEL (4~). in a wcll documente<! study, indicates that not only tho lost·wax process. but also mauy implements (K11d1w, gold weights) have a groat similarity in form. style, and motives with objects from Egypt, thc Coptic period, Grecce. Sardinla, etc.

the Pharaohs), who at the same time was the symbol of male power ; 4) this male power is also the vital life-foroe Kra, which in this context can be associ- ated with Ntoro, tbe spirit of man, which is transmitted to tbe child, and tbus incarnated in bim; 5) and the statue as a whole is the Ba (Ak11a'ba), which is part of the soul concept, but can survive only in a statue.

LAOISLAS SEGV 858

As we have maintained that similarity of concepts is partly the reason for similarity in artistic style (or mode of cxpression), and we have stated that in the creation of the Akua' ba tbe concept of male-soul-spirit (Ntoro) plays an importan! role, we have to elucidate what the Egyptian equivalent was for this idea.

In ancient Egypt there were three concepts of "spirit" and "soul", namely Ka, Ba, and Akh (33, p. 61), ali witb an overall "soul" connotation, although each was used for a different function oí the "soul",

Bearing in mind the Nubia-Nigeria line of penetration of Egyptian thought, we can see that the idea of Ka (and the word itself) survived among the nortbem tribes of Nigeria (37) as Ka, meaning ancestral spirit or genie. Farther south, tbe Jukun (37, p. 263), have a word Aku, meaning "beautified souls of the dead" or ancestral spirit. Still farther south, among the Y oru ba (31, p. 378), Ka exists in its original form, meaning soul or spirit. And in the Ashanti-land, Kra (32, pp. 96, 99) means vital force, which is incamated into the child (32, p. 86). This is of special interest to us on account of the function of the Ak"a' ba.

In ancient Egypt the Ba "representa the animated man" : it L5 personal (compared to the Ka, which is impersonal); the "Ba required the corpse to have at least a statue in order to retain its identity" (and here the Akua'ba's narne becomes more meaningful), in contrast with the Ka "which is never depicted". Thus the Ba is used as a protective amulet (Ba of Shu is a Iion-shaped amulet, very similar to thc Akua'ba in function). In BREASTED's interpretation (34, pp. 52-55) the Ba is part ol man asan invisible intelligence which combined with the body represents the personality of the individual.

What is perhaps most significant for our study of the parallel between the sign of life A11kh and the Akua'ba is BREASTeD's statement (34, p. 56) that

8. The Egyptian Conoept of Ka, Ba, and Akh

In my earlier work (1, pp. 66-68) 1 have traced various parallels with Egyptian concepts, such as the animistic concept that the carved image is the abode of a spirit (or deity) ; bclief in the after-!ife of the deceased person and the concept that his spirit is incarnated in the newly bom child ; the anonymous nature of the creative artist ; and also various morphological simi- Iarities.

In another paper (17) I have cited much evidcnce of the Nubian inftuence on the whole concept connected with Shango, the Yoruba god of light- ning, from whom the Alafin (king) traces bis origins. We may also mention the similarity of the Nubian Shango to the Yoruba Shang», his name being Oba­Kush (or king of Kush) and the Yoruba Ob« Kuso for Shango; the fact that the Alafins were buried in the sacred place called Kuso (or Kush); and that the Jebba figure on the upper bend of the Níger, called Gago, has on bis helmet the Meroitic vulture, standing for Mother-Goddess, which can also be found in tbe Blemmy potteries (60).

The Ashantl Ak14a'ba Statues u Archctypc, and the Egyptian Ankh 859

The Ashanti concept of Kra in MEYEROw1Tz's interpretation (32, pp. 84- 86, 96, et al.) means the "spirit of man (wbich) has an independent existence in the human body," it is a "great force that keeps man alive, a reservoír of strength ... his instinct ... a vital force of life", an "impersonal soul", it "retums to the earth (alter man's death) to be reincarnated in a child ... "

As ideographs are, like concepts or plastic forms, adopted through foreign inñuence, wemust mention thecircle-dot symbolic sign which was widely used not only in Africa (including Egypt, where it originated) but also in other parts of the world (6).

Among the Ashanti, the encircled dot means that tbe dot is the Kra of Nyame (the Supreme Being) (32, p. 79) and the "circle represents the tuming un.iverse and tbe dot the pivot, i. e., the eternal sptr it of the sun , round which it revolves". In Egyptian hieroglyphs the circle-dot sign means "sun" (1, p. 485). The circle-dot, being the sun, with the Kra in the center, is the symbol of the king, the son of the sun; but at the same time, by extension, it stands also for the mal e fecundating power or fertilizing agent, as the "Iiíe giving fluid" very close to the Ntoro concept of semen - man's spiritual part, to be reincarnated in a child.

If we consíder first that the Egyptian Ankh was used also as an amulet, i. e., to contain protective power, it corresponds in a certain sense with what man y writers 011 African statuary call a "fetísh", and in this sense tbe Akua' ba

the word Ba is also used as a denominative verb meaning "to become a ba" and is represented either as a human-headcd bird with human arms oras Crux Ansa ta or the Symbol of Life (the Ankh).

The Akh, like the Ka, is never depictcd; in contrast witb tbe Ba, it "does not retain any relation to tbe body" (33, p. 64) ; in contrast witb tbe Ka, "it is Individualized", and it might be translated as "transñgured spirit". "Indi- vidual survival exists as Ba and Akh, but the Ka as vital force supports man upon earth as well as in thc Beyond." Ali three concepts are "different aspects of the dead", with the difference that the Ka "belongs to man in this life as well as in the Hercafter".

It is rather difficult to translate these soul-parts into today's psychol- ogícal terminology, and the Egyptologists are inclined to confirm this. FRANK-

FORT (33, p. 65) states, for instance, that "it is clear that the Ka, Ba, and Akh are neither identical nor mutually exclusive notions", and also adds (p. 78) that "there is no altemative ... to convey the foil meaning of the term Ka". BR!lASTED (34, p. 55) states that tbe difficulty in fully clarifying these concepts lies in the fact that the Egyptians "had no clearly defincd notion of the exact nature of ... (the) elements of personality".

What we may retain, however, from these·complex concepts is that they existed next to each other to give dimensions to the simple idea of "soul", We can orient our comprehension of the complexity of lite-force in the Phara- onic times by realizing that the Egyptians already had a syncretic way of fusing various shaded meanings into one, and that these concepts have only a lirnited range of applicability.

LA01s1.AS SitOY 860

The Ka is a force of lifc, or "the experience of power" wbich directs man's life; it is bis "nature" ; it is what "makes a person into the man he is" (33, pp. 65-68) ; it belongs to a man in his life and at the same time ít is an "impersonal force" ; as muchas it belongs to the man, it is not individ- ualized ; it "transcends the human person even though it works with bim". At death the Ka leaves the body, "however, sínce Ka is the force of life, and sínce man 's Ka survives death, he is bound to ha ve rejoined bis Ka in the Beyond, even though it has left the body". Ka means also one's luck or fortune and "it is througb one's Ka that one can acbieve sometbing".

Furthermore, the King's Kra (althougb it may derive from Nyame) is "filled with tbe luminous life-giving fluid of the sun ... (and) his soul is a spirit- ual entity distinct from bis person" (32, p. €>4). We have to recall our statement that the Egyptian concept of Ka is also an "impersonal" life-force of tbe soul to show how far the Ashanti were able to adopt such an extremely refined concept.

It ís true that the Ashanti had an abundance of gold and they used this gold to make a so-called "soul-disk" of round, flat gold, often ornamented. Here the round form, above all, relates to the encircled-dot ideograph standing for the sun, but among the Ashanti gold itself was also the symbol of the sun, the sun-king, the Kr« which was believed to have a "life-giving quality". The parallel ís again clear : the Pharaoh of Egypt was a1so the sun or Sun-god (Amon, Atem, Re, Alum, etc.) and the Egyptians also had a solar-disk of an "untamished brightness of gold".

There is a strong link in the encircled-dot symbolizing the sun, standing for male power. But if we take the "life-giving quality" of the Kr a, and we consider that the K ra ís also considered the spiritua1 power which can be incarnated in the new child, we come to the Ntoro concept, and we can conclude that the Akua' ba statue acquired its power because ali these concepts were ascribed to it. The similarity with the Ankh will become evident.

How widespread this Kra concept is and how it underwent slight modif- ications is best indicated by ELLIS (3.S, p. 149), who writes that the Kre means the spirit of the living man, a kind of protective guardian which bowever undergoes sorne transformation. When a man dies his Kra becomes Sisa and the Sisa is the one which can be born agaia and become Kra in a new human body.

can be also considered as an "amulet" or "íetish". This becomes meaningful wben we consider tbat the "fetish" among the Ashanti derives its power (Mana or Bohom, the breath of life) from Nyankop<m (32, p. 81), the sun-god-kíng, We can thus see an additional connection between sun-male-power and the Nloro-existencc within the Akua'ba.

Tbo Asbaotl AAua'ba Statues aa Archetype, and the Egyptiao Ankh 861

Our contention, based upon the above íacts, is that the Ankh sign is not a cru« a ns ala, a Tau cross with a loop, but an integral creation, lt is a symbol with its own meaning, in wlúch the "head" part is just as importan! as the rest ; therefore this part should not be called a "loop" or handle.

The Egyptian A11kh (Fig. 13). - In Egyptian hicroglyphic wrlting, according to GARDINER (7, p. 508), this sign means "life" or "symbol of life", but it also means a knotted tie of sorne sort, perhaps a sandal strap. HAYl!S (42, p. 149) confirms this and adds that such a strap and its sign had a phonetic value in Egyptian the same as the word "liíe", Ankh, suggesting that its use was based only on phonetic similarity. But he adds that from its usage "its role as a symbol of the eternal lile with which the deceased pharaoh was, or hoped to be.iendowed" is evident. It is further suggested that the origin of the A11kh signmightbeabow signas if made of a ribbon.Butwhatisinteresting that the bow-sign means protection, and such a hieroglyplúc sign made into an object was done for magical purpose, thus if the bow-sign in form of the Ankh became a magical protective object, we have a very clear similarity with the magical-protective aspect of the Ak11a' ba.

FRANKFORT (33, p. 59) shows a sign in which the A "kh is combined with a conic loaf, standing for di or "to give", which combínation is "the common epithct of the king (which) can be translated as "giver of life" (di a11kh) or the "cndower of Jiíe". (Perhaps an application to Akua'ba as "giver of liíe" is possible.)

Buncz (43, p. 315) speaks above ali of tbe amulet (thus sculpture) form of the Ankh, which was made by the Egyptians in almost cvery material (the Metropolitan Museum has one in blue faience and one in wood ; see also 42, Fig. 82). This amulet "was worn by the living to maintain and prolong lile and laid with the dead to renew life and effect their resurrcction". (The rein- carnation of thc spirit in a clúld is also a form of resurrection, applicable to the Akua' ba.) Buocl! refers to Greek and Coptic sources whicb confirm that

The Crux Ansata. - Before we study the msaning and origin of the Egyptian A11kh, we have to clarify what C1'14X ansat« means, as in many writ- ings (e. g. BREASTED) the two words are used as if they were synonymous.

Various "crcsses" are known. One is the Latin cross or crux Immtaac used in Christianity. Thc "X" type of cr0$8 is catted cr c x dec usaa t a, known ateo as St Andrew's cross (re!errlng to tho lact that St Andrew was cruciñed at Potras on an X·shaped cross). The "T"·shape<! or Tau cross Is called cr ux comm íssa, known also as St Anthony's cross. By placing a ring or loop on the Tau cross (f) the crux ansa ta was arrived at. Tbe adjcctive ansata means havlng a handle or handle-shaped part.

Tho Copts also uood this sígn (43. p. 316), but they actually adopted the Egyplian A nkh eígn. Interpreting thc "loop" part notas a handle but - very ctose to the Egyptian idea - as a solar disk (ctrcte. standing lor sun), and the horizontal tine became the lino of the "horizon" upon which the sun was rising. At that early perind of Chriotianity, Egyptian inftuences still prevailed; thus the Copt adoption ol the Ankh meant tbc "lile" of Cbrist, l 1is, and Osiris.

9. The Egyptian Hlero¡lyph.ic Si¡n and Amulet, Ankh

LADJSLAS SEGY 862

Starting from sheer assumptions based on morphological similarities, wc have shown circumstantial evidence which appears to support our thesis.

Perhaps we may summarize our hypothesis as follows : The adoption by thc Ashanti of thc Egyptian A11ld1 amulet into the

forrn ol the Akua'ba was causcd by various factors working together. Sorne were unconscious, sorne conscious. but, in our estimation, the basic, inherited, instinctual part of human nature preceded man's capacity íor conceptuulization.

Egyptian in fluence worked on the Guinea Coas! in two ways : 1) The ideas of a soul-spirit whose survival is rcincarnated in the ofl-

spring, the spirit residing in carved imagcs, thc conccpt of divine king, etc ..

Rubbing oí a detail of a eeüer from u ~tcmorial Temple of lfamscs 1 at Abydos. xtctropot- it~n ~luscu1n or Art, New York.

Fig. l G.

t.

A11ld1 means "lile". but "in la ter times thc A11kh stood for more than mere 'lile'. it meant that lile which could not die - immortality". The Ashanti concept that the male's spirit ~5 reincarnated in the child is also by extensión a sense of perpetuation ol one's pcrsonality, thus "immortality".

What Bucen says about the original meaning oí the A11klt sign becomes highly irnportant in view of our suggestion about its rneaning, which we based upon the basic characteristics ol archetypal figures: their lorm ~5 maintained

although its real meaning was consciously Ior- gottcn and lived only within the dornain oí the collective unconscious.

He writes (43, p. 3·16) that "What object is rcpresented by A11kl1 is n o t k no wn " although suggestions were made (44) which he rcjects. His conclusión is: "It is possibte that A11kh was used by the pre-dynastic Egyptians asan amulct. and though their dynastic succcssors do not know exactly what i t reprcscnted, from the fact that they associate it with (two hicroglyphic signs), it would appcar that they associated it with the human body." This is in line with RnEASTf.D's previously quotcd rcmark about the ba as verb, "to bccome ba", re- presented by A nkl«.

An interesting attempt at "humaniz- ing" the A nkh. sign L5 lound on a rclicf from u. Memorial Temple of Ramscs l. at Abydos (1314-1292 B. C.) in the Metropolitan Muse- um, a rubbing ol which is made in our Fig. 16. Actually the arms (and sornetimes legs) attached to a sign means "to make it do sornething" thus a sign of action. but what is to be noted that this meaning dcrived

lrom adding parts of the human body, thus very obviously the sígn itsclf appears analogous to our rcprcscntation of thc human body.

Thc Aslrnnti Akua'ba Statucs as Arcnetype, and the Egypttau A"kh 8ti3

Ultimatcly both the A11kh and the Ak11-a"ba are not only symbols of man's basic urge to procreation and fear of stcrility - the hope for survival to overcome Iear of dcath - but they also are symbols for the dualistic principie of lite rcsulting in a situation o! t e nsion . Like the ancient Chinese coocept of Yit1 and Yaug, the Akua'ba is the symbol of the positivc male element in lile (Ya11g or Ntoro-male-spirit) and of its component part, the negative Iema le part {Yin or Mogya-fernale-blood).

Works of art in thcir magico-religious usage serve man to overcomc fcar, thus to resolve a problcm ora tensional situation. The Alma'ba, incorporating male and female attributos, in its symmetric form of balanced shapes, rcprc- sents also (frorn the morphological point of view) a fusion or consummation of the mal e and fe mal e dual principle of liíe and al~o em bodies the symbol of new life.

penetrated into this region and were helpful in forming religio-magical concepts which at the same time enabled the people of this region to be organízed into well integrated social units. But, of course, these people wcre ablc to accept and adopt such concepts only because they satisfied man's fundamental psych- ological cravings,

Thus, when the A·1iklt amulet (together with other Egyptian objects) was introduced, connected as it was to magico-rcligious ideas, it was easily accepted and adoptcd into a similar type of statue (Akua' ba) as the Ashanti people were prepared or ícrtilized by Egyptian religious ideas, especially con- nected witb the reincarnation of the soul in a ncwly born child.

From the ideologícal point of view this acloption was based on a convent- ional use oí the A t1kh, as its geneticmeaning was unknown to the Egyptians and consequently to thc Ashanti.

2) But [ust as Egyptian ideas satisfied the basic psychological necds oí the people of the Guinea Coast, so did the A11k/1 amulet evoke a rch e t y pa l affini ties in thern. They instinctively felt that the outlines of a "Iittle man" with its outstretched arms meant more than the Egyptians told them about it. lt was the magical archctype which by its own morphological conñguration was the "container" of a suggestcd power, or was able to become the focal point of a wish-projection. Thc plastic elcmcnts and thcir combination in the Ankil was the quality which suggested and evoked emotions. Our contcntion is that the very Iact that the Alwa'ba ­ as íollow-up of the Ankl: -was able to survive for many centuries is due abo ve ali to its archetypal qualities, although the connected ideas might have belped to make it acceptablc for conventional usagc. The Ashanti were able to use the proto-imagc of Ankh. and adopt it in an altcred form because they hacl a "laten! disposition" (iudic- ated by JvNC) which was mainly based upon their collcctive unconscious.

The fact that thc Akua'ba statue's actual. practica! use among the Ashanti difíered from the use of the A·11klt is simply the usual procedure when a foreign influence is adopted to local condítions and needs.

LAOlSJ...AS SEO\" 864

There are still two questíons ·which must be eluci<latcd beforc we can termínate our study.

One is : what is the reason that so many concepts likc sun-king, malc- Kra, Ntoro, etc., are incorporatecl into one statue ? An<l the seconcl is : if wc rnaintain that the original form of the Akua' ba was imported into Ashanti-land, what is the reason that this form was able to survive for so many centurias ?

Syncretism of tho ught , - Man has an ability to make a unión or harmonious íusion of severa! originally difieren! thoughts and forms. This is not only an obvious capacity of so-called "primitive man", but also at thc base of our own nature, as experienced in childhood.

Thus for the Ashanti to follow and coordinate many conccpts, or to follow thern by tradition without being coguizant of their orígin and meaning, is part of man's basic endowment.

But the traditional respect lor forms has another cxplauation, and may tell us how it is possible that the lorm of the llkucJ'ba statue was able to survive for ccnturies.

The transmission of ideas and lorms írom one generation to the other is clue ñrst of ali to the deeply rooted etbno-centric feeling (54) which manifests itself primarily in an overall outlook on life. It L~ an unduly high evaluation of the language ancl religious beliefs of one's own population, often with depreciation of other populations, especially one's close neighbours. In art, this maniíests itself by a strong adherence to and maintenancc of the individual tribal style, which mean! tribal identity to the mcmber of the tribe. To changa tribal style would mean being influenced, thus losing idcntity. The depreciation of otbcr tribes (and their artistic style) was of course only deíensive, and ullimatcly meant an overcompensatory act due to a clccp inner insecurity.

Sccondly, conservatism and collective intcgration with the tribal customs, conventions, and laws (this includes thc use of Alwa' ba statues by pregnant women) were strong in tribal societies. This rcpresented a sense of group- belonging for the people ; thus, ultimately, a scnse of security against thc underlying fccling of insecurity. Here religion and thc observation o! religious rules werc not a question of individual choice, but a way of lite, without which there was no way to live within one's group.

Thirdly, thc externa! forms of tbe statue had to be strongly respected, as only under those conditions would the spirit rccognize it and take up his abode in it, Othcrwise, the statue (which was created for a particular, purpose- ful aim) would not "work".

Fourth, strong traditional conservativísm also has .. its psychological ef- fect. A wish-projection into a container of thc wish (the statue) can acbicve its desired auto-suggestive effect only if its practice is based upon pre- ceden!, the prcconceived and a priori acceptance that a similar magical figure achieved thc cxpccted result in tbe past.

10. Syncretism of Thought ; Repetition of Forms

The A$hanti Akua'ba Statues as Archeeype, and U1e Egyptian Ankh 86:>

1. LA1>1$1.i\$ SNQY, Af1ica11 Sculplttt't Speaks. atd edit. London/New'York t!IG2. 2. Ll\.Ul$J.A~ Ssov, "Bakota Funernry Figures", ZaJ:re (Louvain) (>. 1952, pp. '•St~!1G1. 3. LAutSJ,..AS SRCV, "Waregn Ivcrtes'', Zatro (Louvnln) 5. t951, pp. fOl•t·tOt,5, 4. Al. tdANOUKIAÑ, tfltan and Ca­Adan¡pnt Peopt« o/ th4!- Gola Coast. London t950 . .i. l'ot. ~lANOUKIAN, Triíxs (>/ lh,; Nc>rthern Terriuwies o/ 1J1e Gold Coast. Loudon 1952. a. LAOISLAS Ssov. "Cieclc-Dor Symbollc Sigo on Ab-ícan (vory Carvings". Zafre (l.(111~

valn] 7. 1953. pp. J-20. 7. Sil< At.AN c.,ROINHR, Egyptian c .. auoutir, 2•W1 edit. London 1U57. 8. l-lANS l-l1MMULHROP.H, Negtrkunst und J\'egerlnl•utler. Ilruuuscbwoíg 1 !.160. !l. C11. BEAK'r, "Les Poupées Akua Ba du Ghana", Notes A/ricaines (Oakar) 78. 19.;g,

10. Cu. B1~AKl', "Ditlusion ou convergences ñ-propcs des poupées akun ba de~ la Gold Coast", Notes Af•icai>I•.< [Dukar] 75. 1957.

11. D~NIS1$ PAUl.MF., Les ::>culpl1o·es (le l'Afrique Noire. PariM t95G. 12. CAIU. l(JERSM~JHR, A frican Negro Sc1'lpture, Ncw Y1.1rk {1'. a.). 13. ECKA»tl' VON SYOO\V, J/andbuch de,. Ajnkani~cltcn PlaslilL Berltu 1930. JI. EcKAkl' voN gvnow, Afrika"iscM Ptastík. Berf¡n 1 l.154. 16. HEl<UHHT l\'OHN, Die l(totst AJt.J:.'ur~pas. Stuttgart, 1lJ5.'1.

16. ERJCH NRVM-'NN, 7'he Grtat Molher. New York 1955. 17. CADISLAS SM<lY. "Shangc Sculptnrea", Acto Tropíca {Hasel) 12. ·i 95~. pp. 13G·173. IS. E. ELlsO•oN a.nd w. FACG, n. Scvlpture oj Aíríco. Ncw York '1958. 19. LADISLAS seov, "Ar-t Appreciation nnd Prolectíon", n1·c .• A Review o/ Generat

Semonucs, Vol. 12. '19.S'·· No t. 20. H. S. ilATTRAV, Ashontí, Oxlord 1923. 21. T. Eo\\'AR.O l'iO\VOITCH, ft,1ission [rosn Cape Cvast Castt« lo Ashautea. London t81ti. 22. T. EO\VARO Bownrrcn, Att Essav on the Supe,.s1it1'011s, C11slonu. and Arls, Couonou

lo tke 1t11cienl l~gypthu1s, A byssi1iians, atid Aslrtoil.t4. Parfs 182t. 2J. GA$TON MASJ>~RO, Hislo•yo/ Egypl. r.on<lon 1V06. 2d. LAn1s1.As snov. "Aírlcan Phnlbc Symbolism". Zar,.e [Lcuvuln} 9. 1955, pp. 1039·1067. 2$. P. AMAURY TAtUO'I', People« o/ Scn1tlten1 Ni¡;erici. Oxíord 1926. 26. R. s. [lATTHAY, }?tligion aud Art it1 Asñanti: r ... ondon 1927. 27. f.AOJSLAS Seov, "A(rican Art. nnd Animlsm", 1'he jouroa' o/ lí uman Retaüons

(Wilbcrlorce) 2. 1953. 28. C. 1{. l\ileEK, Northorn 1·ribes c>f Nige,.·ia. Oxrord t92t>. 29. Eo&iUND l\1onR1.. Nígería : JIS Peopks ti'n(l its Pr()/J/etus. f#ondon 1911. 30. R. E. DJ<NNUT, Nig•rian Stwlits. London '19'10. JI. J. ÜLVMJDJ; r.vCAS. The /leligion of l)¡a Yon1bas. [.agos '19!,8. 32. EvA L. R. l\'1,1~v1~1t0\VITZ, ~rite S11c,cd 5'tate o/ A ktt.JI. r .011don 195t' 33. H. FKANJ<fOK1', Killgship uml lh• Gods. Chicago 1948.

Refcrcnces

Because wriltcn documents are Jacking in A frica, the task of recapturing basic concepts underlying African arlistic proclucts, conccpts long forgotten by the people, is a difficult onc. In this attcmpt, our morphological assumptive approach has provén provocative.

The adherence to beliefs, rituals, practices, is so strong in Africa thnt rituals or artistic forros and syrnbols are repeated from generatiou to gener- ation in an unaltcred form, without the individual being aware oí the reason. His reply if askccl for motivation is : "We do it because our íathers did it."

Li\OU:iJ..AS SECY 866

JI. J. H. IlREASTBO, Devclopmenl o/ Rtliglrm and Thought ;.,. Ancie11t Egypl. New York 1912.

3~. A. BuRTON ELLIS, n. T•hi­Speaking Peof}lo> o/ lhe Gold Coast o/ West Af•iCa. London 1887.

36. H. JoHNSON and S. CHRISTALL~R, VocabHlaries o/ Ou 1''igtr ami Cold Coast, London 1886.

37. C. K. MEEK, A Sudane,. l<it1gdom. Ncw York 1950. 38. SEIROKU NONA, Haniwa. New York 1959. 39. C. G. }UNG, "Psychotogtcal Commentary on the Ttbetan Book ol the Dead, the Bardo

Tbodol"" (in rel. 40). 40. C. G. JuNG, Ptyche and Sy~1bol. New York. 11. EFMAlM ANOERSSON, Co"'rib1tlion a t'Ethnog•t1fJhie des Kuta l. Upsala 1953. 12. W1LLIAM C. HA YES, Tk« Sceplrt o/ Egypt. Cambridge 195·9. 13. Sir E. A. WALLIS Buooa, Tkt Mummy. Cambridge 1925. 44. }"!IUIER, "Leo Taltsmans ANKH et Q", /:Ju/lttin de l'lnstitul F•anf(lis (Le Caire) 1913. 46. J\NNRMARl.E HEFl:U., "Ocr afrlkanischc GelbguO und seine Beziehungen zu den Mittel·

meerlándern", iViener B1iJrdge zur Ktdlut'gtsc)u'clclt und LinguistiA (Hom. N.·G.) 5.1943, pp. 1-87.

46. B. HOLAS, Centre des Scíences Humaines, Abidjan, lvory Coast. Letter ol February 6, 1962.

47. AOUNl·l'oKu, Permcnent Mis~ion of Ghana, Unitcd Nations, New York. Letter o! February 8, 1962.

48. )MN PIAOBT, n. LaHguage and Th<rughl o/ lh• CM/d. New York 1955. 49. C. G. JuNG, The UHdiscouered Sel/. New York 1959. 60. Sir RICHARD PA~MRR, Tht B°'"" Saht1ra and Sudan. London 1986. 61. WERNER Ht;ISHNb8MO, Physics aHd PMl­O•ophy. New York 1958. 6S. F. s. e NORTHROI', "lntroduction" (to rol. 51). 63. LADISLAS SEOY, "Plaattc Aspects o! Alrican Sculpture : the Theory of Tensión".

ETC., A Review o/ G•nMal StmaHliu 14.1957. 64. L•DtSLAS Ssov, "Alrican Names and Sculpture". Acta 7'o(>ica (Basel) 10. 1953,

pp. 289-309.

The Aohanti Ak .. a'b<o Statuos"" Archetype, and U10 Egyptian Anhh 867