The Central Cordilleran Subgroup of Philippine Languages ...reid/Combined Files/A15. 1974. Central Cordilleran... · lawrence a. reid the central cordilleran subgroup of philippine

The Central Cordilleran Subgroup of Philippine Languages

Lawrence A. Reid

Oceanic Linguistics, Vol. 13, No. 1/2, Papers of the First International Conference onComparative Austronesian Linguistics, 1974: Proto-Austronesian and Western Austronesian.(Summer - Winter, 1974), pp. 511-560.

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LAWRENCE A . REID

THE CENTRAL CORDILLERAN SUBGROUP

O F P H I L I P P I N E LANGUAGES'

1. I N T R O D U C T I O N . The t e rm CENTRAL CORDILLERAN (CC)2 i s h e r e a p p l i e d t o a group of languages spoken mos t ly i n t h e mounta ins o f Nor the rn Luzon, P h i l i p p i n e s . These languages a r e Ka l inga ( spoken i n t h e p r o v i n c e o f Ka l inga - Apayao) , I t n e g (spoken i n Abra) , Bontok (spoken i n Mountain Prov- i n c e ) , Kankanay (spoken i n t h e wes t o f Mountain P rov ince and i n Bengue t ) , Balangaw (spoken i n t h e e a s t o f Mountain P r o v i n c e ) , and I f u g a o (spoken i n t h e p r o v i n c e of t h e same name). The group a l s o i n c l u d e s one language spoken i n Nueva Vizcaya- - 1 s i n a i .

On t h e b a s i s o f v a r i o u s k i n d s o f e v i d e n c e , t o be p r e s e n t e d i n t h i s p a p e r , it seems p r o b a b l e t h a t t h e s e l anguages a l l descend from a s i n g l e p a r e n t l anguage , h e r e l a b e l e d PROTO CENTRAL CORDILLERAN (PCC). The group shows v a r i o u s d e g r e e s o f i n t e r n a l c o h e s i o n , which may be d i s p l a y e d a s i n t h e f i g u r e below.

I s i n a i shows t h e l o n g e s t p e - r i o d of independent development , i n t h a t i t does n o t s h a r e i n a number of i n n o v a t i o n s which ap-p e a r t o be s h a r e d e x c l u s i v e l y by t h e o t h e r l anguages , which may be l a b e l e d NORTH CENTRAL CORDILLERAN (NCC) . Within t h e l a t t e r g roup , I t n e g and Ka l inga , and Bontok and

Centra l Cordil leran

North Central Cordil leran /'

The internal relations of the Central Cordilleran Subgroup

Kankanay form subgroups p r o b a b l y d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g r e l a t i v e l y r e c e n t l y . Bontok-Kankanay, Balangaw and I fugao form a subgroup h e r e l a b e l e d NUCLEAR CORDILLERAN (NC) .

The e x t e r n a l r e l a t i o n s o f t h e I g o r o t l anguages a r e w i t h t h e su r round ing languages of Nor thern Luzon, i n c l u d i n g I l o k a n o , I s n e g , Ag ta , A t t a , Ibanag and Gaddang; and t o t h e s o u t h , t h e group which i n c l u d e s Ka l l ahan , I n i b a l o i , Karaw and Pangas inan . Although t h e CC l angua e s s h a r e a number of f e a t u r e s w i t h t h e l a t t e r g roup ,g o t h e r ev idence t e n d s t o p o i n t t o a c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e I l o k a n o group. F u r t h e r s t u d i e s need t o be conducted t o c l a r i f y t h e s i t u a - t i o n .

Va r ious l e x i c o s t a t i s t i c s t u d i e s have p o i n t e d t o a subgrouping s i m i l a r t o t h a t p o s t u l a t e d h e r e . Thomas and H e a l e y ' s s t u d y (1962) showed I f u g a o , Kankanay, Bontok and Sagada (=Nor the rn Kankanay) a s forming a subg roup , b u t Kal inga and Tingguian ( = I t n e g ) were grouped w i t h I l o k a n o , I sneg and o t h e r languages t o t h e n o r t h of them. Dyen (1965) d e l i n e a t e d an I f u g a o sub fami ly , c o n s i s t i n g of t h e languages spoken i n t h e v a r i o u s I fugao a r e a s o f Kiangan, Mayaoyao, and Hanglu lu ; an I g o r o t sub fami ly c o n s i s t i n g of Kankanay, Sagada, Bontok and Bayyu (a town i n t h e s o u t h of t h e Bontok r e g i o n ) ; and a Kal inga sub fami ly , c o n s i s t i n g o f Ba lba l a sang and Pinukpuk, l anguages spoken i n t h e s e Kal inga towns. He grouped t h e s e t h r e e subgroups c o o r d i n a t e l y w i t h I s i n a i , I l o k a n o , and a

Oceanic Linguistics Voz . XIII 512

Central Cordilleran subgroup

Banagic c l u s t e r c o n s i s t i n g o f t h e remaining l a n -guages n o r t h and e a s t o f Kal inga .

Llamzon (1969) employed two o f t h e CC languages i n h i s subgrouping s t u d y , Kankanay and I fugao. Much o f t h e ev idence he produced t o prove t h e c l o s e r e l a - t i o n s h i p o f t h e s e two languages was no t e x c l u s i v e l y sha red by I fugao and Kankanay, b u t can be shown t o have been t h e r e s u l t o f i nnova t ions t h a t took p l a c e e i t h e r i n PCC, o r i n Proto-NCC. However, Llamzon was t h e f i r s t t o show by q u a l i t a t i v e means t h a t I f u -gao and Kankanay a r e p a r t o f a subfami ly d i s t i n c t from I lokano and Ibanag.

2 . P H O N O L O G Y . PCC had a r e l a t i v e l y s imple phonemic system. I t c o n s i s t e d o f f o u r t e e n consonan t s , f o u r vowels and s t r e s s . Th i s system i s r e t a i n e d i n on ly one o f t h e daugh te r l anguages , Bontok. The PCC phonemic system can be c h a r t e d a s f o l l o w s :

Consonants Vowe 2s * i *i k U

*a

Stress

*$

A t some e a r l y s t a g e , i f n o t i n PCC, t h e n i n Proto-NCC, t h e vo iced s t o p s developed v o i c e l e s s v a r i a n t s i n s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n . I n Bontok and Balangaw t h e g e n e r a l r u l e i s a s fo l lows (Reid 1963, S h e t l e r 1966) :

Kalinga has t h e fo l lowing g e n e r a l r u l e (Gieser 1958) :

Some d i a l e c t s o f I fugao ( a s Gohang) have t h e f o l l o w i n g g e n e r a l r u l e (Newel1 1956) :

I n some d i a l e c t s o f Bontok ( e . g . , M a i n i t ) , a s w e l l a s i n Kal inga and I f u g a o t h e s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l v a r i - a n t s o p t i o n a l l y occu r a l s o i n word f i n a l p o s i t i o n . Va r ious o t h e r s h i f t s have o c c u r r e d i n some d i a l e c t s , e . g . , p a l a t a l i z a t i o n o f s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l v a r i a n t s p r e c e d i n g / a / i n B a r l i g , a town o f E a s t e r n Bontok ( / b / a l s o has a v a r i a n t [pv] p r eced ing / a / i n Guinaang, a town o f Ka l inga ) , and r e t e n t i o n of v o i c i n g i n a l l s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l v a r i a n t s , e . g . , M a i n i t [ v ] and [dz] a r e v a r i a n t s o f / b / and /d / r e s p e c t i v e l y . M a i n i t / g / o c c u r s a s [g] i n a l l p o s i - t i o n s .

The s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l f r i c a t i v e v a r i a n t s do n o t occu r i n I s i n a i , n e i t h e r do t h e y occu r i n Kankanay n o r t h e I n l a o d (wes t e rn ) d i a l e c t o f I t n e g . They do occu r i n t h e M a s a d i i t d i a l e c t of I t n e g spoken i n t h e Bucloc v a l l e y and i n t h e towns of Tiempo and Tubo. I t i s assumed t h a t Kankanay and I n l a o d I t n e g l o s t t h e v a r i a n t s a s a r e s u l t o f t h e c o n s i d e r a b l e i n f l u e n c e of I l o k a n o upon them, an i n f l u e n c e n o t e d i n many o t h e r a r e a s o f t h e l anguages b e s i d e s phonology. Kankanay and I t n e g o c c u r g e o g r a p h i c a l l y between I l okano and t h e o t h e r languages t h e y a r e g e n e t i c a l l y most c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o , Bontok and Kal inga r e s p e c t i v e l y . I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t I s i n a i ha s a l s o been i n f l u e n c e d i n t h e same manner.

I n I n i b a l o i t h e f r o n t e d v o i c e l e s s v e l a r /k/ and t h e p a l a t a l a f f r i c a t e / c / , a l t h o u g h u n d e r l y i n g phonemes, on ly occu r i n s y l l a b l e i n i t i a l p o s i t i o n , a s i n t h e N C C l anguages . There i s ev idence t h a t t h e r u l e was borrowed i n t o I n i b a l o i , and p r o b a b l y was n o t p r e s e n t i n t h e p a r e n t l anguage of t h a t g roup .

One o t h e r consonant phoneme, *1 , p robab ly a l s o had v a r i a n t r e a l i z a t i o n s i n PCC. I n Reid (1972) , t h e r e f l e x e s o f *1 f o r Kankanay, Bontok, Balangaw, Ka l inga and I fugao a r e d i s c u s s e d i n some d e t a i l . I t i s n o t n e c e s s a r y t o r e p e a t t h e d e t a i l s h e r e . S u f f i c e t o s ay t h a t n o t on ly i n t h e C C l anguages b u t a l s o i n

Oceanic L i r ~ u i s t i c s170Z. XIII 514

Central CordiZZeran subgroup

l anguages from Batanes i n t h e f a r n o r t h o f t h e P h i l - i p p i n e s t o t h e Manobo l anguages i n t h e s o u t h , t h e r e c o n s t r u c t e d l a t e r a l shows v a r i a n t r e f l e x e s d e t e r -mined by t h e same c o n d i t i o n i n g f a c t o r , i . e . , by p r o x i m i t y t o a f r o n t vowel , u s u a l l y i . Other e n v i - ronmenta l f a c t o r s , such a s p o s i t i o n i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r a l v e o l a r c o n s o n a n t s , o r t o word b o u n d a r i e s , and i d e n t i t y of su r round ing vowels , a r e a l s o p r e s e n t i n many l anguages .

The PCC phonemic sys tem deve loped from P r o t o - A u s t r o n e s i a n i n t h e f o l l o w i n g way :

Consonants .

PAN *p, * t , *k , *b , *d , *g , *m, *n , *rj, *1 , * s , *w, and *y a r e r e f l e c t e d a s t h e same sounds i n a l l envi ronments i n PCC. Note t h e f o l l o w i n g ev idence (PAN forms a r e a i v e n t o t h e l e f t , PCC t o t h e r i g h t o f t h e symbol) : ,

* p i t u O > * p i t 6 ' s e v e n ' , * q a t e p > qa t4p ' ~ o o f ' , *x e p a t [ ] > *qJpAt ' f o u r ' , *tanem > *tan tm t p i a n t I ,

* t a k u t > tAkut ' f e a r ' , *kaRi > * k a l i ' s p e a k , l anguage ' ,, * s i k u > * s i k u ' e l b o w ' , *manuk > *manCk ' c h i c k e n ' , *bayuO > *bdyu ' p o u n d ' , *babuy > *bAbuy ' p i g ' , * d i l a q > *d;la ' t o n g u e ' , *tuduq > * t u d 6 ' p o i n t o u t ' , *qafiud > *qAnu$ ' f l o w ' , * l imaO > * l i $ ' f i v e ' , *x3enem > *qin+m ' s i x ' , *q+ ipen > *rjipFn ' t o o t h ' , *barjao > *bdQg ' p o t ' , * q u t a ~> "q6farj ' d e b t ' , * g a t e l > *ga t41 ' i t c h ' , * s i j i > * s i g i ' s i f t ' , * q a s i n > * q a s i n ' s a l t ' , * w ~ a l u O> *w916 ' e i g h t ' , *wasay > *wAsay ' a x e ' , * l a w i O > *law1 ' r o o s t e r ' s t a i l f e a t h e r s ' .

A l l r e c o n s t r u c t e d PAN l a r y n g e a l s , * X , *x , *W, *q, *7 , * Q , *h, *H, *S, a s w e l l a s i n i t i a l h i a t u s , and ze ro a r e r e f l e c t e d a s g l o t t a l s t o p (*q) word i n i t i a l l y and a s z e r o word f i n a l l y .

Evidence :

*ha lqu > *qa lqu ' p e s t l e ' , *x lapuy ;*qqp6y ' f i r e ' , *Wasu[] > *q$su ' d o g ' , *7enem[] > qin4m ' s i x ' , *SgiRup > *qigyp ' s i p ' , *DaRlaQ2 > *dAla ' b l o o d ' , *panaq > pdna bow and a r r o w ' , *tebuSu > * t u b 6 ' s u g a r c a n e ' .

Media l l y t h e l a r y n g e a l s became *q , excep t between a p r eced ing h igh f r o n t o r a h i g h back vowel and a f o l -lowing n o n - i d e n t i c a l vowel , when t h e y became r e s p e c - t i v e l y *y and *w.

E v i d e n c e :

*ba-beHi [I > *ba -baq i 'woman' , *buSek[] ( > P r o t o -P h i l i p p i n e *buhuk) > *buqdk, *Suab > *quwdb 'yawn ' , *quoey > *quwky ' r a t t a n ' , * z a q i t > *dAqit ' s ew ' .

PAN * j > *g.

E v i d e n c e :

*majao > *mag-qan ' d r y ' , *pyse j > *pds ig ' n a v e l ' . (But n o t e * o + a j a n > *o&dan name ' . )

PAN * r and *R a r e b o t h r e f l e c t e d as PCC * l e 7

E v i d e n c e :

* r a p r a p > *lIdplap ' s k i n , f l a y , s t r i p o f f ' , * r i b u > * l i b u ' t h o u s a n d ' *Oazar > *qqddal ' t e a c h ' ,* * s a r s a r > * s d l s g i ' b e a t an o b j e c t r e p e a t e d l y ' , * R a b i O i O> * l a b 1 ' n i g h t , e v e n i n g ' , *R3aki t > * l a k i t ' r a f t ' , *taRluq > *tAlu ' p u t away, h i d e ' , *DapuR > *dapiil ' a s h e s ' .

PAN *fi > PCC *n.

E v i d e n c e :

*fia > *na ' 3 r d pe r son s i n g u l a r G e n i t i v e p r o n o u n ' , *fiiOuR > *niydg7 ' c o c o n u t ' .

PAN *c > PCC * s .

E v i d e n c e :

*carsmi0 > s&lmio ' g l a s s , m i r r o r ' , *cek [ e l 1 > * s i k i l , ' s t r a n g l e t , *cukao > *sdka ' v i n e g a r ' , *guc i > * g u s i ' k i n d of j a r ' .

PAN *C > PCC * t .

E v i d e n c e :

*Caqi > *tAqi ' f e c e s ' , *CumaS2 > *tdma ' l o u s e ' , *maCa > *mat6 ' e y e ' .

Oceanic Linguistics VoZ. XIII 516

Central CordiZ Zeran subgroup

PAN * i , * a , *LI! *e a r e r e f l e c t e d r e s p e c t i v e l y as PCC * i , *a , *u, . The l a t t e r vowel was a mid t o high c e n t r a l vowel, and i s r e f l e c t e d as such i n Bon- t o k , Kankanay, I t n e g , and i n some environments i n Balangaw. Adequate evidence i s given i n t h e forms c i t e d above.

PAN *-ey and *-ay, became PCC * - i y .

Evidence: /

*maCey > *matiy ' d i e ' , *pajey > *pigiy ' r i c e p l a n t ' , *qvOey > *quwiy ' r a t t a n ' ; * t i y t i y ' s t e p , p a t h ' > * t i y t i y ' l a d d e r t , , * t a p a y > * t i p i y ' y e a s t , r i 5 e b e e r ' , *balay > * b a l i y ' house ' , *kiDay > *kidiy 'eyebrow'.

I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e Bontok-Kankanay subgroup, I s i n a i , Kalinga, and Batad Ifugao ( I fgBt) r e t a i n evidence of t h e r e f l e x , * - i y . In t h e s e languages, PAN *e i s r e g u l a r l y r e f l e c t e d a s o , and t h e sequence *-ey i s r e f l e c t e d a s -oy ( I fgBt . sometimes shows -uy from * i y ) . PCC *matiy > I : i . , Kla, I f$Bt . matdy ' d i e ' ; PCC *pagiy > J s i . paxoy, Kla. pagoy, I fgBt . phguy ' r j c e ' ; PCC * t i y t i y > I s i . toytoy ' l a d d e r ' ; PCC * b a l i y > I s i . b60y, Kla. botoy, I fgBt . batuy ' h o u s e ' ; PCC *quwiy > I s i . wdoy, Kla. qiwoy, I fgBt . quwoy ' r a t t a n ' .

The evidence i s complicated by a cons ide rab le number of forms showing apparent -ay r e f l e x e s i n each of t h e languages where t h e expected r e f l e x i s e i t h e r - i y o r -oy, e . g . , PAN *sakay > Bon. sakay 'mount ' , *laNtay ' f l o o r cover ing ' > Bon. l an tay ' b r i d g e ' , *wasay > Bon., I s i . wdsay ' a x e ' . With such forms it i s necessary t o assume t h a t they were e i t h e r borrowed i n t o PCC from a language such as I lokano ( i n which *-ay and *-ey > -ay) a f t e r t h e *-ay > - i y r u l e ceased t o o p e r a t e , bu t be fo re I s i n a i d iverged from the p a r e n t group, o r e l s e they were independently borrowed, no t only i n t o Bontok and I s i n a i , bu t a l s o i n t o each of t h e o t h e r branches of the C C group, s i n c e such forms occur a l s o i n most of t h e o t h e r CC languages.

PAN *-ew and *-aw became PCC *-iw.

Evidence:

PAN *buR3ew > * b i l i w ' c h a s e away' g , 'kayaw > *kdyiw 'head h u n t i n g ' , *pakaw > pdkiw ' h a n d l e ' , *p?Ntaw > *pdntiw ' ove r look ( h o u s e ) ' , * s i l a w > * s i l i w ' t o r c h ' . l 0

As w i t h t h e -y f i n a l d iph thongs , s o w i t h t h e - w f i n a l s , t h e r e a r e a c o n s i d e r a b l e number of forms r e -c o n s t r u c t a b l e f o r PCC where t h e vowel i s a n o t 4 . Such forms i n c l u d e *pulAw ' w h i t e ' , *ddyaw ' h o n o r ' , *bdQkaw ' s p e a r ' , *sAyaw ' d a n c e ' , *kdlaw ' h o r n b i l l ' . These forms must p r o b a b l y be a l s o c o n s i d e r e d a s e a r l y bor rowings i n t o PCC, o r subsequen t independent borrowings i n t o t h e daugh te r l anguages .

Loss of s y l l a b l e f i n a l *-q

Although i n Ka l inga , Balangaw and I f u g a o , q o c c u r s i n s y l l a b l e f i n a l p o s i t i o n , i t appea r s t o be i n e v e r y i n s t a n c e a r e f l e x of * k . q a s a r e f l e x of *q does n o t occu r s y l l a b l e f i n a l l y i n t h e s e l anguages . (The I s i n a i s i t u a t i o n w i l l b e d i s c u s s e d be low.) I t i s p r o b a b l e t h e n t h a t a p h o n o t a c t i c r e s t r i c t i o n on t h e s y l l a b l e f i n a l o c c u r r e n c e of *q e x i s t e d i n PCC. The ev idence s u g g e s t s t h a t word b a s e s t h a t came i n t o PCC w i t h a med ia l *-qC- c l u s t e r were m e t a t h e s i z e d , whereas word f i n a l g l o t t a l s t o p s were l o s t . Balan-gaw, Bontok and Kankanay g e n e r a l l y show a -Cq- c o r -respondence t o a -qC- sequence i n languages n o t i n t h e CC subgroup. I fugao g e n e r a l l y r e f l e c t s @ f o r * q , whether i n a consonant c l u s t e r o r between vowels .

Evidence:

* sapq iy > Bon., Knk. s a p q i y , I f g . hape ' d r y i n t h e sun ' (bu t n o t e I b l . s a q p i y , Kln. haqpiy) , *babqa > Bon., Knk. babqa, B l w . bubqa, I f g . buba ' t o o t h ' (bu t n o t e I l t . b i q b a ) , *gugqu > Bon. gugqu, I f g . gugu ' s c r a t c h ' (bu t n o t e I l t . guqgu, Kln. guqguq) , *dditqal > Bon., Knk. d i t q a Z , B l w . d i t q a l , I f g . d o t a l ' f l o o r ' (bu t n o t e I l t . d i q t a y , I v t . r a q t a y ) , *na-magqan-an > Bon. namagqanan, I f g . namaganan ' d r y ' , *gabqun > Bon. gabqun, I f g . gabqun - gabun ' c o v e r ' .

The ev idence f o r I t n e g and Kal inga i s n o t c l e a r from t h e a v a i l a b l e d a t a , b u t t h e y a l s o seem t o r e -t a i n t h e c o n s o n a n t - g l o t t a l s t o p sequence , a s do Bon- t o k , Kankanay and Balangaw, e . g . , Kla. qaZqo

Oceanic Linguistics Vol . X I I I


' p e s t l e ' , t uqqa l 'bone ' . Balangaw shows some forms where t h e postconsonanta l g l o t t a l s t o p has been l o s t , e . g . , qa lo ' p e s t l e ' , t o ~ a l 'bone ' . These forms may be borrowings from Ifugao.

Bontok and Kankanay have a meta thes i s r u l e syn- c h r o n i c a l l y opera t ing i n which c l u s t e r s of -qC-formed by vowel syncope become -Cq-, e . g . , Bon., Knk. q i - + q i s i k + q i s q i k ' t o p l a n t ( a s s o c i a t i v e focus) ' , Bon. na- + q i b i l + nabq i l 'we t ' . The r u l e was prob-ab ly formerly o p e r a t i v e i n Balangaw, but appears on ly i n r e l a t i v e l y few forms. I t was, moreover, genera l i zed t o inc lude sequences wi th e i t h e r g l o t t a l s t o p o r f r i c a t i v e (Blw. h < * s ) , e .g . ! B l w . q i - + hhgip + qigh ip ' b r i n g i n ' ( c f . Bon. +qzsgip) , p ~ h ~ d - i n + phdhhn ' a l low, a c c e p t ' , qo- + qopat > qopqat ' f o u r e a c h ' , q i - + qinim > qinqim ' s i x e a c h ' . The f a c t t h a t these ( a t l e a s t t h e l a t t e r two) a r e r e l i c forms i s suppor ted by t h e r e s t r u c t u r i n g which has occurred i n some forms where g l o t t a l me ta thes i s has taken p l a c e , e . g . , B l w . nagqah ' t o f a l l ' , al though from an e a r l i e r *na- + *qigah i s now i n t e r p r e t e d as na- + qigqah, t h e r o o t form with g l o t t a l s t o p occur-r i n g i n o t h e r c o n s t r u c t i o n s . Moreover -qC- c l u s t e r s occur i n Balangaw i n forms i n which q r e f l e c t s an e a r l i e r *k, e . g . , ma- + lo?oq + m a q t o ~ ~ ~ , +loqoq -on + loqqon 'd ry up, w i l t .

Ifugao may a l s o have p a r t i c i p a t e d i n a -qC- meta-t h e s i s r u l e , but s i n c e * q became @ i n Ifugao t h e r e i s no i n t e r n a l evidence t o prove i t s former e x i s t e n c e i n t h e der ived forms i n t h i s language. Seeing t h e r e i s no evidence t o suppor t a c l o s e r r e l a t i o n s h i p between Balangaw and t h e Bontok-Kankanay subgroup than between Ifugao and these languages, i t i s more s a t i s f y i n g t o assume t h a t t h e meta thes i s r u l e oper- a t e d i n Proto Nuclear C o r d i l l e r a n , t h e pa ren t l a n -guage of Balangaw, Bontok-Kankanay and I fugao, and it was subsequent ly l o s t i n I fugao.

Kalinga and I tneg appear t o avoid c l u s t e r s of t h e -qC- type (where q < *q) by e l i m i n a t i n g t h e vowel syncope r u l e i n j u s t t h e s e environments. Thus I t g . qC- + q i n i b + q i y i n i b ' t o c lose a door ' ( c f . Bon. qznq ib ) , ma- + q i l i d -+ maqi l id ' t o s i n k ' , Kla. na-+ qobol + naqobol 'wet ' ( c f . Bon. n a b q i l ) , q i - + qosoq + qiyosoq ' p l a n t ' (c f . Bon. q i s q i k ) .

I s i n a i , l i k e many o f t h e o t h e r CC l anguages r e -f l e c t s *k a s q , s o t h a t s y n c h r o n i c a l l y , g l o t t a l s t o p now f r e q u e n t l y a p p e a r s a t t h e end o f a s y l l a b l e , e . g . , CC *sakgud > I s i . saqgud ' h o r n ' . However t h e r e i s now ev idence t o s u g g e s t t h a t a t t h e t ime when I s i n a i d i v e r g e d from PCC i t d i d n o t p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e morpheme s t r u c t u r e r e s t r i c t i o n on s y l l a b l e f i n a l g l o t t a l s t o p d i s c u s s e d above. Although some forms e x i s t which , a s i n I f u g a o , have l o s t o r i g i n a l g l o t t a l s t o p , e . g . , I s i . bava ' t o o t h ' (< PCC *babqa ) , guxu ' s c r a t c h ' ( < PCC *gugqu), and t h u s do n o t p r o v i d e ev idence f o r t h e -Cq- sequence i n PCC, t h e r e a r e s e v e r a l I s i n a i forms which do r e f l e c t such a s equence , e . g . , *qa lqu > I s i . qequ ' p e s t l e ' (PCC *a1 r e g u l a r l y becomes I s i . e ) , *banqig > I s i . manqoX12 ' s m a l l ' , * sagq in > I s i . saxqon ' n e a r ' , * t a g q i y > I s i . qa- taxqoy ' u p ' .

I s i n a i , l i k e Ka l inga and I t n e g , does n o t show e v i - dence f o r hav ing once had a m e t a t h e s i s r u l e t o i n -v e r t d e r i v e d g l o t t a l s t op -consonan t c l u s t e r s . Whereas Ka l inga and I t n e g avoided such c l u s t e r s t h rough l o s s o f a vowel syncope r u l e , I s i n a i h a s r e t a i n e d t h e syncope r u l e and t o l e r a t e s t h e d e r i v e d c l u s t e r s w i t h i n i t i a l g l o t t a l s t o p , e . g . , I s i . q i - + qonob -+ qiqnob ' c l o s e a doo r ' ( c f . Bon. q i n q i b , Kla. q iyonob) , I s i . na - + qomot + naqmot ' b a t h e d ' ( c f . Bon. namqis ) .

I t appea r s t h e n t h a t a l t h o u g h i t i s p o s s i b l e t o p o s t u l a t e a morpheme s t r u c t u r e r u l e f o r PCC which r e s u l t e d i n t h e m e t a t h e s i s of g l o t t a l s t o p - c o n s o n a n t c l u s t e r s i n r o o t s , i t i s n o t p o s s i b l e t o p o s t u l a t e a m e t a t h e s i s r u l e f o r d e r i v e d g l o t t a l s t o p - c o n s o n a n t c l u s t e r s ( such a s t h o s e r e s u l t i n g from vowel syncope) u n t i l P r o t o Nuclear C o r d i l l e r a n deve loped .

3 . PRONOUNS. PCC had t h r e e d i s t i n c t s e t s o f p r o - nouns : long form Nominat ives , s h o r t form Nomina- t i v e s and G e n i t i v e s . The Obl ique pronouns were a combina t ion o f t h e p e r s o n a l Obl ique c a s e marker p l u s t h e long form Nominat ive pronouns . As can be s e e n by t h e p r e c e d i n g s t a t e m e n t , t h e term Nominative when a p p l i e d t o t h e long form pronouns s p e c i f i e s o n l y one o f s e v e r a l f u n c t i o n s which t h e s e t had. These i n - c l u d e d :

Oceanic Linguistics VoZ . X I I I


a . Sub jec t of non-actor focus sen tences , e . g . , Bon. binarjun nan ZaZdki s a k q i n

B l w . binarjon hen ZaZdqe haqhn Kla. binarjon d i n ZaZdqi sakon

woke man me 'The man woke me up. '

b. Topical ized Sub jec t o r agent. (Similar examples could be provided from each of t h e CC languages . ) e . g . , Bon. s a k q i n , q i n m i y a k .

I went- I 'As f o r me, I went. '

s a k q i n , bindrjun nan ZaZciki me woke man

' A s f o r me, t h e man woke me up . ' s a k q i n , bindrjunku s i y a

me woke-I him 'As f o r me, I woke him up. '

c . P r e d i c a t e of an equa t iona l sentence type. e . g . , Bon. s a k q i n nan namaqun qan s i y a

I t h e woke him ' I was t h e one who woke him up . '

Chart I l i s t s the recons t ruc ted long form Nominative pronouns wi th t h e i r r e f l e x e s i n t h e daughter l a n -guages.

The v a r i a t i o n t h a t i s ev iden t i n a number of t h e recons t ruc ted forms i s t h e r e s u l t of t h e reduc t ion of t h e **daqi- case format ive which was p r e s e n t i n p r e - C e n t r a l Cord i l l e ran . This format ive i s s t i l l p r e s e n t i n Bontok on t h e d a q i t a ' 1 + 2 s . ' and daqida ' 3 p. ' pronouns a l though i n v a r i a t i o n wi th reduced forms d a t a and d i d a r e s p e c t i v e l y . The pre-CC forms **daqikami, **daqikayu, and **daqitaku have a l l been reduced, t o t h r e e s y l l a b l e s i n PCC and p r e s e n t l y i n s e v e r a l of t h e daughter languages, and i n t h e case of t h e '1 p . ' and ' 2 p . ' forms, t o two s y l l a b l e s by l o s s of t h e medial vowel i n I s i n a i , Balangaw and Ifugao.

The 1 + 2 p . pronominal format ive *- taku was an innovat ion i n PCC, t h e expected form being e i t h e r *-tam o r *- tayu (based on evidence from t h e Northern and Southern C o r d i l l e r a n languages). The presence of a r e f l e x d i t a q u i n I s i n a i i s conf i rmatory evidence t h a t I s i n a i belongs t o t h e CC subgroup.


The p r e s e n c e o f d i t a y u i n I t n e g would t e n d t o p r o v i d e c o u n t e r - e v i d e n c e t o t h e c l a i m made i n t h i s pape r t h a t I t n e g subgroups w i t h Kal inga r a t h e r t h a n w i t h I l o k a n o . I t n e g however ha s had a long h i s t o r y o f c o n t a c t w i t h I l okano and shows a c o n s i d e r a b l e amount of bor rowing from t h a t l anguage . I assume t h a t Itg. t a y u i s a borrowing from I lokano . Note t h a t t h e f o r m a t i v e d i - on I t g . d i t a y u i s n o t found i n t h e I l okano pronomina l sys tem, b u t i s t h e reduced form of * * d a q i - , which Kal inga c o n s i s t e n t l y u s e s . I t appea r s t h a t t h e p a r e n t l anguage of Kal inga and I t n e g c o n s i s t e n t l y used t h e PCC * d i - pronominal v a r i a n t s f o r 1 + 2 s . , 1 p . , 2 p . and 1 + 2 p . I t n e g has a l s o ex t ended t h e u se of t h e d i f o r m a t i v e t o r e p l a c e i n i t i a l * s i - i n t h e 1 s . v a r i a n t " s i y a k i n , a s w e l l a s t h e 2 s . v a r i a n t * s i q i k a , p roduc ing t h e i n n o v a t i o n s I t g . d i y a k i n '1 s . ' and d i k a ' 2 s . '

C h a r t I 1 l i s t s t h e r e c o n s t r u c t e d s h o r t form Nomi- n a t i v e pronouns w i t h t h e i r r e f l e x e s i n t h e d a u g h t e r l anguages . I n PCC t h e s h o r t form Nominative p r o - nouns ( a l l o f which were e n c l i t i c s t o t h e P r e d i c a t e ) f u n c t i o n e d a s f o l l o w s :

a . S u b j e c t o f a c t o r , f o c u s s e n t e n c e s . e . g . , Bon. qinmiy-ak ' I w e n t . '

went - I

b . S u b j e c t o f n o n - v e r b a l s e n t e n c e s . e . g . , Bon. ZaZaki-yak ' I am a man.'

man - I

~ a d ~ & ~ - a ks i na ' I am h e r e . ' t h e r e i s - I h e r e

qanqandu- wak ' I am t a l l . ' t a l l - I

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C h a r t I 1 1 l i s t s t h e r e c o n s t r u c t e d G e n i t i v e c l i t i c pronouns w i t h t h e i r r e f l e x e s i n t h e d a u g h t e r l a n - guages. A s i n o t h e r A u s t r o n e s i a n l anguages , t h e y f u n c t i o n a s a g e n t i n n o n - a c t o r f o c u s s e n t e n c e s , and a s p o s s e s s o r i n p o s s e s s i v e p h r a s e s . A l l t h e daugh- t e r l anguages r e f l e c t f u l l and reduced forms f o r t h e f i r s t and second pe r son s i n g u l a r pronouns. The f u l l

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Oceanic Linguis tics VoZ . XIII


forms occu r a s c l i t i c s on c o n s o n a n t - f i n a l words, t h e reduced forms o c c u r a s c l i t i c s on vowel f i n a l words, e . g . , Bon. qhbun-ku 'my h o u s e ' , qdsu-k 'my d o g ' .

I t shou ld be n o t e d t h a t I t n e g , Kal inga and Bala- ngaw have n- i n i t i a l f u l l forms f o r t h e second p e r - son s i n g u l a r g e n i t i v e pronoun. Tha t t h e s e forms a r e a secondary development i n t h e s e languages i s sug-g e s t e d by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e reduced form of t h e p r o - noun remains - m and i s n o t - n . What t h e n was t h e r e a s o n f o r t h e change from *-mu t o -nu? A p o s s i b l e e x p l a n a t i o n a p p e a r s when t h e c o n d i t i o n a l morpheme ' i f ' i s c o n s i d e r e d . Many of t h e languages o f t h e Nor thern P h i l i p p i n e s show r e f l e x e s of *nu ' i f ' . However C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n l anguages g e n e r a l l y r e -f l e c t a PCC *mu ' i f ' ( I s i . mo, Bon. mu, Knk. mu, I f g . (Amganad) mu qon, I f g . (Bayninan) muqun) . I n j u s t t h o s e CC l anguages which have nu f o r t h e 2 s . G e n i t i v e pronoun (Ka l inga , I t n e g and Balangaw), t h e c o n d i t i o n a l marker i s a l s o nu and n o t t h e e x p e c t e d mu. I t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t t h e s e t h r e e languages r e -p l a c e d t h e i nnova t ed mu ' i f ' w i t h borrowed nu (p rob -a b l y from I l o k a n o ) , t h i s change s t i m u l a t i n g an ana logous change i n t h e homophonous 2 s . pronoun.

Balangaw has a n a l o g i z e d f u r t h e r , changing -mi t o n i so t h a t a l l n a s a l i n i t i a l G e n i t i v e pronouns b e g i n w i t h n (Blw. no ' 2 s . ' , na ' 3 s . ' , and n i '1 p . ' ) . The 1 p . form was t h e n e x t r a p o l a t e d t o t h e Nominative s e r i e s , p roduc ing B l w . q a n i and d i q n i .

4 . C A S E MARKING P A R T I C L E S . R e c o n s t r u c t i n g t h e c a s e marking sys tem o f PCC i s a d i f f i c u l t t a s k , because of t h e l a r g e number of changes t h a t have t a k e n p l a c e , b o t h i n t h e f u n c t i o n s o f t h e markers a s w e l l a s i n t h e i r fo rms , and because f o r some languages f u l l i n f o r m a t i o n i s n o t a v a i l a b l e abou t t h e sys tems . On t h e b a s i s o f what i s known o f t h e CC l anguages and o t h e r P h i l i p p i n e l anguages , it i s n e c e s s a r y t o p o s t u l a t e a t l e a s t Nominat ive, G e n i t i v e and Obl ique c a s e marking s e t s , i n a d d i t i o n t o Time and Loca t i ve markers . Wi th in t h e s e t s i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o p o s t u - l a t e d i s t i n c t i o n s c o r r e l a t a b l e w i t h t h e s eman t i c f e a t u r e s of t h e f o l l o w i n g s u b s t a n t i v e . A t l e a s t t h e f o l l o w i n g d i s t i n c t i o n s a r e r e l e v a n t f o r PCC: s i n g u -l a r v e r s u s p l u r a l , p e r s o n a l v e r s u s common, and spe - c i f i c v e r s u s n o n s p e c i f i c . Va r ious o t h e r d i s t i n c t i o n s

Oceanic Linguistics VoZ . X I I I 526


a r e made w i t h i n t h e daugh te r l anguages b u t do n o t appea r t o be r e c o n s t r u c t a b l e f o r t h e p a r e n t l anguage .

C h a r t IV p r o v i d e s t h e d a t a upon which t h e r econ -s t r u c t i o n s a r e ba sed . I t n e g d a t a w i l l be p r e s e n t e d s e p a r a t e l y . The r e c o n s t r u c t e d sys tem a p p e a r s i n Cha r t V . Where i n s u f f i c i e n t d a t a e x i s t , a s f o r t h e p l u r a l , common Obl ique marker , no r e c o n s t r u c t i o n i s a t t e m p t e d .

4 . 1 G e n i t i v e m a r k e r s . A l l o f t h e CC l anguages p r ecede a s u b s t a n t i v e p o s s e s s o r , and t h e a g e n t o f t h e s o - c a l l e d p a s s i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n s , by a s e t o f markers which i s c h a r a c t e r i z e d by t h e u se of a n en - c l i t i c - n on vowel f i n a l p r e c e d i n g s t ems . A form * ( - n ) i s t h e r e f o r e r e c o n s t r u c t e d . T h i s form i n t h e d a u g h t e r l anguages c o - o c c u r s w i t h one o f s e v e r a l o t h e r marke r s , depending on t h e s eman t i c f e a t u r e s o f t h e f o l l o w i n g s u b s t a n t i v e . The p e r s o n a l forms a r e r e c o n s t r u c t a b l e a s *a ' p e r s o n a l s i n g u l a r ' , and *da ' p e r s o n a l p l u r a l ' . The *qan form a p p e a r i n g i n I s i n a i , w i l l be e x p l a i n e d i n t h e d i s c u s s i o n of t h e Obl ique markers below. I c an p r o v i d e no s a t i s f a c -t o r y e x p l a n a t i o n a t t h e p r e s e n t t ime f o r Kla. qod p e r s o n a l s i n g u l a r G e n i t i v e marker .

The e n c l i t i c - n a l s o c o - o c c u r s w i t h p a r t i c l e s which p r e c e d e common s u b s t a n t i v e s . These p a r t i c l e s a r e i n most i n s t a n c e s i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e Nominative c a s e marking p a r t i c l e s and a r e d i s c u s s e d i n t h e n e x t s e c t i o n .

4 .2 Nominat ive m a r k e r s . The p e r s o n a l Nominative markers a r e r e c o n s t r u c t e d a s * s i ' p e r s o n a l s i n g u l a r ' and *da ' p e r s o n a l p l u r a l ' . The on ly language which shows a n i n n o v a t i o n i s Balangaw w i t h qah (< * q a s ) . I n Bontok, qas and s i a r e a l t e r n a t e s f o r t h e Obl ique marke r , qas o c c u r r i n g i n d e l i b e r a t e speech , s i o c c u r -r i n g i n normal speech a f t e r consonan t f i n a l s tems . The same a l t e r n a t i o n may have been p r e s e n t i n Bala- ngaw w i t h subsequen t l o s s o f t h e Obl ique a l t e r n a n t s i and s u b s t i t u t i o n o f t h e qas form f o r t h e homophonous form which marked Nominative p e r s o n a l s i n g u l a r . For f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n o f Balangaw and Bontok qas s e e Sec. 4 .4 .

CHART I V ( P a r t I) Case marking p a r t i c l e s i n C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n languages

Oceanic Linguistics Vol . XIII


CHART I V ( P a r t II) Case marking p a r t i c l e s i n

Centra l CordiZ Zeran languages

CRART I V ( P a r t III) Case marking p a r t i c l e s i n C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n languages

Oceanic Linguistics VoZ . XIII


Bontok

Personal Common

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sg. -n - qan s i - qas - - s

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qas san

Locative

qad

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qas san

Time

IL2-l CHART I V ( P a r t I V I Case marking p a r t i c l e s i n C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n languages

I fugao

Pe r sona l Common

S g . (-n) b (-n) nan G e n i t i v e

PI.

Sg. h i (ha) d i n

(ha) nan Nominative

PI. d a didan

nddan

Sg. - n - q a y h i - - h

h i - - h nan Oblique

P l .

h i

Loca t ive qad

h i - - h

Time qad - -d

d i n

CHART I V ( P a r t V / Case marking p a r t i c l e s i n C e n t r a l

Cord i 2 l e r a n languages

Oceanic Linguistics Vol . XIII


CHART I V ( P a r t V I ) Case marking p a r t i c l e s i n C e n t r a l

C o r d i l l e r a n languages

CHART V . The P r o t o - C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n

c a s e mark ing s y s t e m

Oceanic Linguistics Voz . XIII

Central Cordil Zeran subgroup

The r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e common Nominative mark- e r s r e q u i r e s t h e p o s t u l a t i n g of s e v e r a l s t a g e s o f development from PCC.

S t a g e I P r o t o - C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n S i n g u l a r P l u r a l Genera l * d i Genera l * d a d i S p e c i f i c * d i nan S p e c i f i c * d a d i nan

From t h i s s t a g e i t i s p o s s i b l e t o accoun t f o r t h e I s i n a i d a t a by p o s t u l a t i n g l o s s o f c o n t r a s t between t h e g e n e r a l and s p e c i f i c f e a t u r e s w i t h concomi tan t l o s s of t h e *nan f o r m a t i v e . * d i was g e n e r a l i z e d t o mark b o t h s i n g u l a r and p l u r a l s u b s t a n t i v e s and *dad i became a p l u r a l e n c l i t i c on t h e marked s u b s t a n t i v e . An e n c l i t i c d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e -ad a l s o deve loped and c o - o c c u r s w i t h d i i n most envi ronments .14 The o r i g i n o f t h e -ad w i l l be d i s c u s s e d under L o c a t i v e marke r s .

The f o l l o w i n g s e n t e n c e s i l l u s t r a t e t h e u se of t h e Nominative markers i n I s i n a i .

Isinai--1 . qinonc$li-t Juan. 'John came. ' 2 . q h c $ Z i ra Juan. 'John and h i s companions

came. ' 3 . q i m 6 l i d i tahu-war. 'The man came.' 4 . q h & l id i tahu-wa-rari. 'The men came. '

S t a g e 11 Pro to -Nor th C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n S i n g u l a r P l u r a l Genera l * d i Genera l *da ( d i ) S p e c i f i c * ( d i ) nan S p e c i f i c * d a ( d i ) nan

From t h i s s t a g e i t i s p o s s i b l e t o accoun t f o r Kal inga and f o r P r o t o - N u c l e a r C o r d i l l e r a n . Kal inga m a i n t a i n s a c o n t r a s t between i n d e f i n i t e d i and d e f i n i t e d i n i n some G e n i t i v e c o n s t r u c t i o n s . For example :

Kalinga--5. qanon d i bolok nan qawqaw 'Qawqaw ( r ice water) i s pigfood.'

6 . qanon din bolokda nan qawqaw. 'Their p i g eats q m q m .'

d i and d i n however no l o n g e r f u n c t i o n a s Nominative markers i n Ka l inga .

I n d i s c u s s i n g t h e f u n c t i o n o f case-mark ing p a r t i - c l e s i n Ka l inga , G i e s e r (1972: 22) s t a t e s , "Subs tan-t i v e p h r a s e s i n a c l a u s e r e f e r r i n g t o n o n p a s t t ime a r e u s u a l l y marked by p a r t i c l e s end ing i n n ( s i n , d i n and d u n ) , and t h o s e i n a c l a u s e r e f e r r i n g t o p a s t t e n s e a r e marked by p a r t i c l e s end ing i n t ( s i t , d i t and d a t ) ." * d i and * ( d i ) n a n became r e s p e c t i v e l y Kla. d i ( t ) and nan f o r t h e s i n g u l a r marker . I n t h e p l u r a l , * d a ( d i ) > Kla. d a ( t ) , and * d a ( d i ) n a n > dun. (Kla. nun and -n a r e s t i l l i n a l t e r n a t i o n i n some env i ronmen t s . ) The o r i g i n o f t h e Kla. - t f o r m a t i v e i s obscu re b u t may be a reduced form of a p a r t i c l e * q i t ( > Kla. q o t ) which c u r r e n t l y f u n c t i o n s i n Kal inga , and o t h e r languages ( such a s Bontok and I s i n a i ) a s a c o n j u n c t i o n i n completed d i s c ~ u r s e . ' ~

An a l t e r n a t e e x p l a n a t i o n i s t h a t t h e Kla. -t f o r m a t i v e i s a r e l i c of a no l o n g e r e x i s t i n g Kal inga d e m o n s t r a t i v e , e i t h e r * t u o r * t a . I t w i l l be s e e n t h a t I t n e g h a s a - t f o r m a t i v e w i t h such a s o u r c e on i t s c a s e marking p a r t i c l e s . 1 6

S t a g e 111 Pro to -Nuc lea r C o r d i l l e r a n S i n g u l a r P l u r a l Genera l * d i (nan) Genera l * d a ( d i ) nan S p e c i f i c * ( s a ) nan S p e c i f i c * (da) nan

S t age I 1 1 deve loped from S tage I 1 by g e n e r a l i z i n g t h e use of t h e f o r m a t i v e *nan s o t h a t i t formed p a r t of e ach of t h e common Nominative marke r s . The f o r m a t i v e * d i was l o s t from t h e s p e c i f i c markers i n t h e Nominative s e t . A * s a f o r m a t i v e was added t o t h e s i n g u l a r s p e c i f i c marker t o form a * s a nan/*da nan c o n t r a s t between s i n g u l a r and p l u r a l s p e c i f i c marke r s . T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s r e f l e c t e d i n I fugao of Kiangan. Racho (1970) n o t e s t h a t t h e o p t i o n a l ha f o r m a t i v e ( < * s a ) ha s no f u n c t i o n and i s f r e q u e n t l y o m i t t e d . He i n d i c a t e s t h a t he c o n s i d e r s nddan a s u r f a c e m a n i f e s t a t i o n of u n d e r l y i n g danan. The g e n e r a l markers * d i nan and * d a d i nan were reduced r e s p e c t i v e f y t o d i n and d a d i n , t h e l a t t e r form becoming dzdan by ana logy w i t h t h e s i n g u l a r form nhdan. The ha f o r m a t i v e became a t t a c h e d t o d i n i n I fugao by ana logy w i t h t h e hanan marker . Semanti-c a l l y , I f g . f ha lnan r e t a i n s a more s p e c i f i c meaning, r e f e r r i n g t o something which i s n o t p r e s e n t ; con-v e r s e l y , ( h a l d i n r e t a i n s a more g e n e r a l meaning.17

1

Oceanic L i w i s t i c s VoZ. X I I I

Central Ccrdil leran subgroup

I t a p p e a r s t h a t Balangaw has comple t e ly l o s t t h e Nominat ive s e t o f marke r s , s u b s t i t u t i n g f o r them t h e marker of t h e Obl ique c a s e .

S t a g e IV P r o t o - Kankanay- Bontok Genera l *nan S p e c i f i c * s a n

S t a g e IV l o s t t h e d i s t i n c t i v e p l u r a l markers . Both Kankanay and Bontok now mark p l u r a l s u b s t a n -t i v e s by o p t i o n a l l y f o l l o w i n g t h e marker w i t h a p l u r a l d e m o n s t r a t i v e . (Balangaw l i k e w i s e marks p l u r a l i n t h e same manner .) For example:

Bontok--7. nun laldki ' t h e man' 8 . nun diqiyda Zallalhki ' t h e ( t h o s e ) men'

Bontok may a l s o r educe t h e d e m o n s t r a t i v e i n t h i s p o s i t i o n l e a v i n g o n l y t h e p l u r a l f o r m a t i v e d a , e . g . ,

Bontok--9. nan da ZaZZhZaki ' t h e men'

S t a g e IV a l s o l o s t * d i forms from t h e common Nominat ive s e t , a l t h o u g h t h e y s t i l l f u n c t i o n e d i n t h e G e n i t i v e s e t m a i n t a i n i n g t h e "gene ra l " meaning (w i th ( - n ) ) a s d e s c r i b e d above f o r Kal inga ( s en - t e n c e s # 5 and 6 ) . The e q u i v a l e n t u se i n Kankanay i s s een i n t h e f o l l o w i n g examples:

Kankanay--10. q i d l a n d i b b u s iya. 'He was enemy-gotten. '18 11. q i d k n nun b h u siya. 'The enemy g o t him. '

I n Bontok t h i s f u n c t i o n of d i i s r e p l a c e d by s i . For example:

Bontok--12. kinnan s i qdtut nan q a i . 'The sweet p o t a t o was r a t - e a t e n . '

13. kinnan nun q6tut nun qtibi. ' A r a t a t e t h e sweet po ta to . '

Kankanay has a l s o r e t a i n e d d i n b u t i t e i t h e r co-o c c u r s w i t h t h e p e r s o n a l s u b s t a n t i v e markers s i and da t o i n d i c a t e a pe r son who i s deceased , o r a s a common marker i n d i c a t i n g a noun w i t h p a s t t ime r e l e v a n c e , e . g . ,

Kankanay--14. Kig d in puslaqit datum l i k e f l a s h l i g h t t h e s e 'L ike t h e former f l a s h l i g h t of t h e s e people. '

The l o s s of * d i from t h e Nominat ive s e t l e f t *nan t o c a r r y t h e g e n e r a l meaning, a f u n c t i o n which i t has today i n b o t h Kankanay and Bontok. The s p e c i f i c meaning i s c a r r i e d by s a n , a r e d u c t i o n o f t h e e a r -l i e r * s a nan . I n b o t h Kankanay and Bontok s a n marks a s u b s t a n t i v e t o which s p e c i a l r e f e r e n c e is made. I t f r e q u e n t l y marks a s u b s t a n t i v e a s b e i n g w i t h i n t h e s h a r e d knowledge of s p e a k e r and h e a r e r ( " the one you and I know abou t " ) , and hence i s o f t e n a sub -s t a n t i v e whose r e f e r e n t i s n o t p r e s e n t . l q

4 . 3 Obl ique marke r s . The common Oblique markers can be r e c o n s t r u c t e d f o r PCC a s :

Genera l *s i S p e c i f i c * s i nan

The g e n e r a l marker i s r e f l e c t e d a s I s i . , K la . , Bon. s i , and I f g . h i . Knk. q i s i s p robab ly a m e t a t h e s i s of * s i . The a n a l o g i c a l b a s i s f o r t h e m e t a t h e s i s w i l l be d i s c u s s e d i n t h e s e c t i o n on Loca t i ve marke r s . The Bontok form a l t e r n a t e s w i t h q a s , a m e t a t h e s i z e d s a , which w i l l be d i s c u s s e d f u r t h e r below. B l w . qah which l i k e w i s e i s a m e t a t h e s i s o f *ha ( < * s a ) , ha s r e p l a c e d t h e r e f l e x of * s i . Some of t h e s e languages a l s o have a r educed , consonant e n c l i t i c v a r i a n t which normal ly o c c u r s f o l l o w i n g a vowel f i n a l s tem. In I s i n a i i t i s - t ( * - s z I s i . - t , e r g . ? *q imis > I s i . qomot) , i n Bontok and Kankanay i t i s - s , and i n I fugao i t i s - h . The *nan f o r m a t i v e was l o s t i n I s i n a i b e i n g r e p l a c e d by d i . 1 fugao20 r e t a i n e d h i n a n , a s have Kankanay and Bontok, t h e l a t t e r two languages a l s o d i f f e r e n t i a t i n g between nun and s u n a s i n t h e Nominative s e r i e s . Balangaw and Kal inga have reduced * s i nan t o B l w . hen and Kla. s i n , t h e Balangaw form becoming a marker f o r a l l common s u b s t a n t i v e s i n G e n i t i v e , Nominative and Oblique c a s e s .

There a r e problems i n t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of t h e p e r s o n a l Obl ique marke r s . Bon. qan i s t h e form commonly used i n t h e Guinaang d i a l e c t . I t i s p rob - a b l y an i r r e g u l a r development from *kan which i s r e f l e c t e d a s such i n Bontoc town. Kla. qan p robab ly a l s o d e r i v e s from *kan , and t h e I fugao e n c l i t i c - n i s a l s o p robab ly from t h i s s o u r c e . However t h e I fugao languages a l s o show r e f l e x e s of a form *kay: Kiangan k e , Banaue qe , Bayninan q i , Batad quy .2 1 Bayninan q i i s a p p a r e n t l y an i r r e g u l a r development ,

Oceanic Linguistics VoZ. X I I I 538


perhaps to differentiate it from an otherwise homophonous postposed conditional marker. Banaue has apparently disambiguated the same two forms by irregularly changing the conditional marker to qi. Reflexes of the *kay conditional marker are as follows: Kiangan key Banaue qi, Bayninan qe, Batad qay.

Isinai likewise has an qi personal Oblique marker. Several possible sources are apparent for this form. Isinai and Ifugao are geographically the closest of the Central Cordilleran languages and have no doubt mutually influenced each other. It is possible that Isi. qi developed from *kay as discussed above for Bayninan, or that Isinai borrowed the Bayninan form. This however is not a strong possibility.

Isi. qi is formally cognate with Inibaloi qi, Pangasinan -y. But the latter two forms are gener- ally common Nominative markers, not personal O b l i q ~ e . ~ ~ It is not probable that Isinai borrowed the Inibaloi form and switched its functions. Look-ing at the Northern Cordilleran languages qi also appears. In Ilokano it forms part of the common Oblique marker qi-ti. In Gaddang, Oblique markers are si (common) and qi (personal) , corresponding exactly with the forms appearing in Isinai. Al-though Isinai is contiguous to the so-called "Christian" Gaddang population in Nueva Vizcaya, it is unlikely that Gaddang borrowed the forms from Isinai since the "Pagan" Gaddang population in Calaccad (South-Eastern Kalinga Province) and Parasiles (Eastern Bontoc Province) also use these forms. The possibility of Isinai borrowing from Gaddang remains, but is considered unlikely. The most satisfactory solution is to consider that both Gaddang and Isinai directly reflect a personal Oblique *qi and a common Oblique *si. These forms would need to be reconstructed for Proto-Cordilleran, since on other grounds it is necessary to assign Isinai and Gaddang to separate subgroups of Cor- dilleran. We are left then with the necessity of reconstructing for PCC two personal Oblique markers, *kan and *qi, with Proto-Ifugao *kay posing a problem because it is apparently cognate with Tagalog kay, a personal Oblique marker found also in other languages of the subgroup to which Tagalog belongs (e.g., Hiligaynon). Returning to *kan and *qi it is not necessary to assume that these were dialectal

v a r i a n t s of t h e p e r s o n a l Obl ique marker . I t i s more l i k e l y t h a t i n P r o t o - C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n t h e y o c -c u r r e d i n sequence a s * k a n - i , from P r o t o - C o r d i l l e r a n * k a - n i . The e q u i v a l e n t p l u r a l form i n P r o t o - C o r d i l l e r a n was *ka -da , b u t because o f t h e r e a n a l y - s i s o f t h e s i n g u l a r form, i n P r o t o - C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e - r a n t h e p l u r a l form became *kan-da . Note t h a t t h e r e a n a l y s i s o f t h e s i n g u l a r form was p robab ly t h e r e s u l t o f t h e r e d u c t i o n of t h e G e n i t i v e * n i t o * - n i n P r o t o - C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n . The P r o t o - C o r d i l l e r a n r e c o n s t r u c t i o n s a r e s u p p o r t e d by t h e Ibanag p e r s o n a l Obl ique markers k a n i ( s i n g u l a r ) and k a d a ( p l u r a l ) , a s w e l l a s by t h e forms of t h e I l okano Obl ique p r o - nouns k a n i - a k , k a d a - t a , k a d a - k a y u , k a d a - k a m i , e t c . I l okano r e t a i n s k a d a f o r t h e p l u r a l p e r s o n a l marker , b u t ha s deve loped k e n ( n i ) f o r t h e s i n g u l a r .

I n I s i n a i , t h e f i r s t p a r t o f t h e r e - f o r m a t i o n , *kan, changed i t s f u n c t i o n t o become t h e o p t i o n a l marker o f a p e r s o n a l G e n i t i v e p h r a s e , e . g . ,

I s ina i - -15 . qasu-n Juan-ar % qasu-n qan Juan-ar 'The dog o f John '

16. qiwnot qan Juan d i qapqtarlnar bathed John bro ther -h i s - the 'John bathed

h i s b r o t h e r . '

The second p a r t o f * k a n - i was r e t a i n e d i n I s i n a i a s t h e p e r s o n a l Ob l ique marker .

Recons ide r ing P r o t o - I f u g a o *kay i n t h e l i g h t o f t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n of * k a n - i , i t becomes a p p a r e n t t h a t Lambrech t ' s s u g g e s t i o n (1970:309, 325) t h a t Kiangan I fugao k e developed from a n e a r l i e r k a y o r ka + i i s no doubt c o r r e c t . Whereas Kankanay, Bontok, and Kal inga r e f l e c t o n l y *kan , P r o t o - I f u g a o deve loped v a r i a n t forms *kan > * - n and * k a - i > *kay , t h e former o c c u r r i n g f o l l o w i n g vowel f i n a l s t ems , t h e l a t t e r f o l l o w i n g consonan t f i n a l s t ems .

4 . 4 L o c a t i o n a n d T i m e m a r k e r s . A l l o f t h e Cen- t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n languages mark a t l e a s t two t y p e s of l o c a t i v e : p l a c e names and g e n e r a l l o c a t i o n s . S e v e r a l o f t h e languages a l s o d i s t i n g u i s h between p l a c e names which a r e d i s t a n t o r u n f a m i l i a r and t h o s e t h a t a r e l o c a l o r f a m i l i a r . T h i s l a t t e r d i s - t i n c t i o n i s n o t r i g i d however, some p l a c e names

Oceanic L i n g u i s t i c s VOZ. XIII 54 0

Central CordiZleran subgroup

which a r e l o c a l a r e r e g u l a r l y marked w i t h t h e " d i s - t a n t " marker . The o p p o s i t e i s n o t g e n e r a l l y t r u e , i . e . , d i s t a n t l o c a t i o n s seem neve r t o c a r r y t h e " l o c a l " p l a c e name marker .

The markers which appea r b e f o r e t ime words a r e g e n e r a l l y homophonous w i t h t h e l o c a t i o n marke r s . The form which marks d i s t a n t p l a c e names a l s o marks p a s t t ime , t h e form which marks l o c a l p l a c e names a l s o marks nonpas t t ime words. Genera l t ime p h r a s e s a s "every morning," "when he comes" a r e marked by t h e form which a l s o marks g e n e r a l l o c a t i o n s .

For P r o t o - C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n i t i s n e c e s s a r y t o r e c o n s t r u c t t h e f o l l o w i n g :

L o c a t i v e markers

D i s t a n t p l a c e names *qad - * - d Loca l p l a c e names *qas - * - s Genera l l o c a t i o n *qas nan - * - s nan

Time m a r k e r s

P a s t t ime words *qad - * - d Nonpast t ime words *qas - * - s Genera l t ime *qas nan - * - s nan

Although i t i s p r o b a b l e t h a t PCC *qas i s a meta-t h e s i s o f an e a r l i e r * s a (which i s r e f l e c t e d a s a l o c a t i v e marker i n l anguages such a s Taga log ) , t h e r e i s no ev idence t h a t t h e unme ta thes i zed form was p r e s e n t a s a l o c a t i v e o r t ime marker i n PCC. The m e t a t h e s i s p r o b a b l y was an a n a l o g i c a l change t o produce qa- i n i t i a l markers i n t h e sys tem. Balangaw and Bontok b o t h r e f l e c t *qad and * q a s . I n f a c t t h e Balangaw r e f l e x qah h a s r e p l a c e d t h e r e f l e x o f t h e Obl ique marker * s i a s w e l l a s t h e p e r s o n a l Nominative * s i . The d i s s i m i l a r i t y o f B l w . h i and B l w . qah r a i s e s t h e q u e s t i o n o f what m o t i v a t e d t h e s u b s t i -t u t i o n of one f o r t h e o t h e r , e s p e c i a l l y when t h e same p r o c e s s appea r s t o be o p e r a t i n g i n Bontok w i t h s i a l t e r n a t i n g w i t h qas a s t h e Ob l ique marker , a s w e l l a s i n t h e l o c a t i v e and t ime markers . Both s i and q a s have a r educed e n c l i t i c form - s .

For example:

Bontok--17. qwn6laka-s &tab 'Get some beans.'

Bontok--18. qwnhtaka-s d k a s 'Get some tommorow.' 1 9 . q d t a k a - s d i t a l 'Get some a t D i t a l . I

Note a l s o :

2 0 . q d Z a k a - s nan ql tab. 'Get some of t h e beans. ' 21. qm61aka-s nan q a r ~ b a t t a ~ . 'Get some i n t h e a f t e r -

noon. ' 2 2 . qum6Zaka-s nan q6Zarl. 'Get some from t h e

granary . '

With homophonony o c c u r r i n g i n t h e e n c l i t i c forms , i t i s n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e s u r f a c e c a s e d i s t i n c -t i o n s were l o s t i n t h e f u l l forms a s w e l l . The c h o i c e of qas o r s i i n Bontok i s now p h o n o l o g i c a l l y de t e rmined ( s i o n l y o c c u r s a f t e r a consonan t f i n a l s tem, qas i s u sed i n d e l i b e r a t e s p e e c h ) , a l t h o u g h t h e r e a r e some l o c a t i v e p h r a s e s where on ly qas i s u sed , a s i n t h e p e r s o n a l l o c a t i v e marke r s . For example :

Bontok--23. qindZak qas qanda Juan. ' I g o t ( i t ) from J o h n ' s p l a c e . '

I n Kankanay t h e same p r o c e s s d e s c r i b e d f o r Bontok has o c c u r r e d , e x c e p t t h a t t h e r e f l e x of *qas which a l t e r n a t e d w i t h s i i n t h e Obl ique was t r e a t e d a s a m e t a t h e s i s o f s i r e s u l t i n g i n q i s r a t h e r t h a n q a s . Thi s form was t h e n g e n e r a l i z e d , r e p l a c i n g t h e qas i n bo th t h e l o c a t i v e and t ime s e r i e s . Kankanay went one s t e p f u r t h e r and changed qad t o q i d by ana logy w i t h q i s . I n I f u g a o , h i a s a l o c a t i v e marker c o r r e -sponds t o t h e s i a l t e r n a n t d e s c r i b e d f o r Bontok, and p robab ly had a p a r a l l e l development .

The t h r e e way c o n t r a s t o f t ime markers shown i n Cha r t IV f o r I fugao i n d i c a t e s d i s t i n c t i o n s between f u t u r e t ime ( h i ) , p a s t t ime ( q a d ) and t ime d i s t a n t from t h e f u t u r e i n e i t h e r d i r e c t i o n , t h a t i s , away from 'now' ( d i n ) . 2 3 E.g . ,

Bayninan Ifugao--24. qad quwwandi ' awhi le ago' 2 5 . qad qugga ' y e s t e r d a y ' 26. ( h i ) qandani ' a f t e r a whi le , i n a

minute ' 27. ( h i ) rnZSqi ' tomorrow'

Oceanic Linguistics Vo2 . XIII


Bayninan Ifugao-- 28. h i tuluy qalgo ' i n t h r e e days; t h r e e days from now'

2 9 . d i n qalgo ' two days ago1

I s i n a i shows a r e f l e x o f *qad a s a p a s t t ime marker , b u t s u f f i x e d t o t h e t ime word. I t i s p r e - ceded by t h e marker s i (- - t ) which o c c u r s a s a g e n e r a l marker i n bo th G e n i t i v e and Obl ique c a s e s i n I s i n a i , and h a s been g e n e r a l i z e d a s a g e n e r a l l o c a -t i v e and t ime marker a s w e l l . For example:

I s ina i - -30 . dwncftu~qami-t tawqon. 'We w i l l a r r i v e n e x t y e a r . '

31. di&tur)qami-t tawqon-UP. 'We a r r i v e d l a s t y e a r . '

P a s t t ime i s t r e a t e d i n CC l anguages a s c a r r y i n g t h e f e a t u r e d e f i n i t e ; f u t u r e t ime a s c a r r y i n g t h e f e a t u r e i n d e f i n i t e . Note t h e u s e o f s a n ( d e f i n i t e ) v e r s u s nan ( i n d e f i n i t e ) i n t h e f o l l o w i n g Bontok examples:

Bontok--32. qwniyda-s nun qagqagiw. 'They w i l l go i n t h e morning. '

33. qimiyda-s san qagqagiw. 'They went t h i s morning.

I t was p r o b a b l y from t h e u s e of -ad a s a s u f f i x t o mark p a s t t ime t h a t i t s f u n c t i o n a s a d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e deve loped i n I s i n a i , be ing s u f f i x e d t o any s u b s t a n t i v e which was o t h e r w i s e marked a s d e f i n i t e by I s i . d i .

The s u f f i x a t i o n of -ad i s p r e s e n t a l s o i n Bayninan I fugao b u t o n l y on a few p a s t t ime words, f o r e x -ample:

Bayninan Ifugao--34. h i tawon ' n e x t y e a r ' 35. qwEtiqami-h tawon ' w e ' l l come nex t

y e a r ' 3 6 . qad tawzn-ad ' l a s t y e a r ' 37. qinonzitiqami-d tawon-ad 'we came l a s t

y e a r '

I t may be t h a t we s e e i n Bayninan I fugao t h e b e g i n - n i n g o f t h e development of t h e p r o c e s s which b rough t abou t t h e e n c l i t i c d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e i n I s i n a i .

5. T H E POSITION OF ITNEG IN CC. I n S e c t i o n 2 above and e l s ewhe re i n t h i s p a p e r , r e f e r e n c e ha s been made t o t h e f a c t t h a t I t n e g shows ev idence of a long p e r i o d o f c o n t a c t w i t h I l o k a n o . T h i s c o n t a c t has r e s u l t e d n o t on ly i n e x t e n s i v e l e x i c a l borrowing (which has a p p a r e n t l y i n f l a t e d l e x i c o s t a t i s t i c a l t e s t s c o r e s between I l okano and I t n e g ) , b u t a l s o has r e s u l t e d i n t h e borrowing of v a r i o u s morphologica l and s y n t a c t i c f e a t u r e s . These i n c l u d e t h e f i r s t p e r s o n i n c l u s i v e p l u r a l pronoun tayu which i s n o t found e l s ewhe re i n C C , nor does i t occu r i n any Nor thern C o r d i l l e r a n l anguages o t h e r t h a n I l o k a n o , a - g f i n a l , a c t o r f ocus v e r b a l p r e f i x (mag-, compare I l k . ag- ) where e l s ewhe re i n t h e C C l anguages - n i s t h e f i n a l con-s o n a n t (Knk. min-, Kla . man-, e t c . ) , a s w e l l a s some of t h e ca se -mark ing p a r t i c l e s , e . g . , t h e s i n g u l a r G e n i t i v e marker n i , i n s t e a d of t h e expec t ed CC - n .

The sum of t h e s e f e a t u r e s h a s l e d some i n v e s t i g a -t o r s t o b e l i e v e t h a t I t n e g i s i n f a c t g e n e t i c a l l y most c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o I l okano . However a c a r e f u l examina t ion of t h e ev idence seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t I t n e g i s a member o f t h e CC subgroup and i s g e n e t i - c a l l y most c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o Ka l inga .

Var ious a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s who have s t u d i e d t h e Kal inga and /o r t h e I t n e g (o the rwi se known a s Tinguian o r T ingg ian ) have a s s e r t e d t h a t t h e I t n e g p o p u l a t i o n i s t h e r e s u l t o f a Kal inga expans ion i n t o Abra. (For a summary of t h e ev idence s e e Lambrecht and B i l l i e t , 1970 :26 -40 . ) The i m p r e s s i o n i s t i c l i n g u i s t i c s t a t e -ments made by B i l l i e t on t h e b a s i s o f 4 5 y e a r s o f l i v i n g w i t h t h e Kal inga a r e suppor t ed by t h e f o l l o w -i n g f a c t s .

I t n e g r e f l e c t s PAN *R a s Z a s do a l l t h e CC l a n -guages . I l okano r e f l e c t s *R a s r , t h e o t h e r Nor thern C o r d i l l e r a n languages r e f l e c t *R a s g . I t n e g r e -f l e c t s PAN *e a s +,w i t h o u t gemina t i on o f t h e f o l l o w - i n g consonant a s i n I l okano (cp . I l k . b e t t a k ' c r a c k ' , I t g . b i t a k ' b r e a k ' ; I l k . deppa , I t g . d i p a 'arm s p a n ' ) . This gemina t i on i s n o t a p r o c e s s which has deve loped i n I l okano consequent t o a p o s t u l a t e d s p l i t between I l okano and I t n e g , s i n c e i t i s an i n n o v a t i o n which c h a r a c t e r i z e s a l l o f t h e Nor thern C o r d i l l e r a n l anguages . Kal inga r e f l e c t s PAN *e a s o . T h i s

Oceanic Linguistics VoZ. X I I I

Central Cordi Zleran subgroup

development occurred after Itneg separated from Proto-Kalinga-Itneg. As indicated in footnote 16 Itneg shares in the PCC innovation of suffixing *-iy to demonstrative roots. Itg. -tuwi developed from PCC *tuwiy and -diyi from *diyiy. The demonstrative formative -ta in Itg. sita 'there, near hearer' is assumed to be borrowed from Ilokano, since it does not occur elsewhere in the CC languages.

An examination of Itneg case-marking particles (see Chart VI) provides additional evidence for con- sidering Itneg to be part of the CC subgroup. The most important piece of evidence is the appearance of the PCC innovation -n as an alternant of ni for the personal singular Genitive marker, e.g., buZa ni Juan % buZa-n Juan 'John's ball'. That the use of -n is evidence of Itneg's subgrouping with the CC languages rather than areal influence from Kalinga is supported by the fact that a syntactic innovation which was brought about by this reduction (see Sec- tion 6 below) is also found in Itneg.

Itneg common noun phrase markers in both Genitive and Nominative cases are the same as the personal markers but with a final formative, either -t or -d. This final consonant is probably a reduction of the demonstratives, e.g., buZa nit qanak % buZa nita qa qanak 'the ball of this child'; buZa nid qanak %

buZa nidi ga qanak 'the ball of that child'; nit and nid are apparently also acceptable reductions of the other demonstratives nituwi and nidiyi. Thus in the plural also, dat is a reduction of both data and datuwi, and dad of dadi and dadiyi. The semantic distinction between dadi and dadiyi is not clear, but the former is undoubtedly the reflex of PCC *(-n) dadi, and the latter of the demonstrative *diqiy discussed in footnote 16.

The use in Itneg of common markers based on the personal markers ni and si, is probably a result of the borrowing of Ilokano ni in the personal singular Genitive to replace Itg. -n, but since in the CC languages -n also marked common noun phrases, the function of the borrowed ni was expanded to include this function also. The inherited si personal marker expanded its function to include the marking of common noun phrases by analogy with ni.

CHART V I . I t n e g c a s e - m a r k i n g p a r t i c Zes

In addition to the evidence adduced above, various other pieces of evidence have come to my attention which indicate that if a thorough dialectal study were made of Itneg a much clearer picture of the relationship of Itneg to the CC languages would emerge. W a l t ~ n ~ ~ has indicated, for example, that - t a k u is the 1+2 p. Nominative pronoun in Banaw Itneg, rather than the borrowed t a y u and that Masadiit Itneg (spoken in Bucloc and Sallapadan) uses a demonstrative naqoy . Both - t a k u and naqoy are reflexes of PCC innovations and thus further support the subgrouping of Itneg postulated here.

Oceanic Linguistics 702. XIIl

Csntral Cordilleran subgroup

6. A SYNTACTIC INNOVATION IN PROTO-CENTRAL CORDILLERAN. Many P h i l i p p i n e languages a l low a r e l a t i v e l y f r e e o rde r ing of nominal c o n s t i t u e n t s fo l lowing t h e verb when t h e s e c o n s t i t u e n t s a r e not pronominal. However when one of t h e c o n s t i t u e n t s ( e i t h e r Sub jec t of an a c t i v e sen tence , o r t h e agent o r Sub jec t o f a p a s s i v e sentence) i s a pronoun, t h e pronoun n e c e s s a r i l y occurs be fo re t h e o t h e r comple- ments.

For example:

Tagalog--38. nakita s i Ben n i Pedro 'Pedro saw Ben.' 39. nukita n i Pedro s i Ben 'Pedro saw Ben.' 40. nakita niya s i Ben 'He saw Ben.' 41. nakita siya n i Pedro 'Pedro saw him.'

But n o t : "nakita n i Pedro siya I

Ilokano--42. inayaban n i Juan n i Maria ' Juan c a l l e d Mary.' 43. inuyaba-k n i Maria ' I c a l l e d Mary. ' 44. inayaban-ak n i Juan ' Juan c a l l e d me.'

But n o t : *inayaban n i Juan siak.

The Cen t ra l C o r d i l l e r a n languages, however, show a s y n t a c t i c innovat ion which requ i red t h a t i n pass ive sentences t h e Agent o b l i g a t o r i l y precede t h e Sub jec t , r e g a r d l e s s of whether o r no t t h e Sub jec t was a noun phrase o r a pronoun. This was probably a r e s u l t of the reduc t ion of t h e C o r d i l l e r a n Geni t ive marker *ni t o *-n , e n c l i t i c t o vowel f i n a l verb stems.

A l l o f the daughter languages r e f l e c t t h i s syn tac -t i c change a l though I s i n a i only r e t a i n s r e l i c s of i t . For example:

Bontok--45. qinila-n nan t a u k i nun qashana saw man wi fe -h i s

'The man saw h i s w i f e . '

46. qin{ h - k nan qas&na ' I saw h i s w i f e . ' 47. qinzta-n nan t a z k i siya 'The man saw h e r . '

> ~ u t *qiniZa siya nun Zaldki n o t :

Note a l s o t h e fo l lowing cognate s t r u c t u r e s :

Kalinga-- 48. bind~on din la Zhqi sdqbn Itneg-- 49. b i & ~ u n n i t tdqu diyakin

Bontok-- 50. b i d ~ w znan la26ki sakqin Balangaw-- 51. b i d ~ o nhen lalhqe haqhn

'The man woke me up. ' I n I s i n a i t h e f o l l o w i n g p a s s i v e paradigm o c c u r s :

qini La-naq s i tahu-war 'The man saw me. ' qinita-taqa-t tahu-war 'The man saw you ( s g ) . ' qini La-rib-t tahu-war 'The man saw us two. ' siya-t qini la-n d i tahu-war 'The man saw him.' qini la-rami- t tahu-war 'The man saw us

( e x c l ) . ' qinita-ritaqu-t tahu-war 'The man saw us ( i n c l ) . ' qinita-mqayu-t tuhu-war 'The man saw you ( p l ) . ' qiniZa-n d i tahu-war d i m 'The man saw them.'

Tha t t h i s parad igm has deve loped from one i n which t h e word o r d e r was Verb + Agent + S u b j e c t can be assumed from t h e f o l l o w i n g f a c t s : ( a ) t h i r d pe r son p l u r a l r e t a i n s t h e PCC innova t ed o r d e r , w i t h t h e expec t ed -n c l i t i c G e n i t i v e marker . (b ) t h i r d p e r s o n s i n g u l a r l i k e w i s e r e t a i n s t h e expec t ed G e n i t i v e form, a l t h o u g h t h e S u b j e c t pronoun has become p reposed t o t h e Verb. ( c ) The o t h e r p e r s o n a l pronouns ( excep t 1 s . ) a r e t h e same ( o r s i m i l a r t o ) t h e f r e e , long form Nominat ives i n I s i n a i , l e a d i n g t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t t h e S u b j e c t pronoun o r i g i n a l l y fo l l owed t h e Agent , a s i n t h e o t h e r CC l anguages , b u t l a t e r became l o n g form c l i t i c p ronouns . I n languages such a s I l okano and Tagalog t h a t d i d n o t undergo t h e s y n t a c - t i c i n n o v a t i o n d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s s e c t i o n , t h e pronoun i n s e n t e n c e s such a s t h e s e i s t h e same a s t h e s h o r t Nominat ive form which o c c u r s a s t h e S u b j e c t o f a c t i v e s e n t e n c e s . (d ) The Agent i n I s i n a i , when d e f i n i t e , i s r e g u l a r l y p r eceded by d i and fo l l owed by - a r , a s i n t h e s e n t e n c e s w i t h t h i r d pe r son S u b j e c t s above. Th i s combina t ion i s a l s o t h e d e f i n i t e marker f o r S u b j e c t nouns. The p o s t u l a t e d s w i t c h from VerS +

Noun Agent + Pronoun S u b j e c t t o Verb + Pronoun Sub- j e c t + Noun Agent e l i m i n a t e d t h e G e n i t i v e -n s u f f i x on t h e v e r b , l e a d i n g t o p o s s i b l e ambigui ty a s t o t h e f u n c t i o n of t h e d i marked p h r a s e . T o a v o i d t h i s amb igu i ty t h e d i was r e p l a c e d w i t h s i ( - - t ) which e l s ewhe re i n t h e language marks i n d e f i n i t e nouns ( f o r example o u t - o f - f o c u s O b j e c t s ) , b u t r e t a i n e d t h e d e f i n i t e s u f f i x - a r on t h e s i marked noun.

Oceanic Linguistics Vo2. XIII

C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n subgroup

7 . LEXICAL INNOVATIONS WITHIN PCC. The following lexical forms are probably exclusively shared within PCC. Each item has a reflex in Isinai as well as at least one of the languages in the North Central Cordilleran subgroup.

1. nq;tur) Kla. , Iltg., Bon., Knk., I f g . , Isi. q ( r t u ~ , Blw. qator) ' h o t , t o burn o n e s e l f . '

2. :':qitir) Kla. q o t o ~ , I t g . q i t i r ) , Blw. ma-ta~, Bon., Knk., q i t i ~ 'mature ' , I f g . qotor) 'mature p i g '

3 . "qiba I f g . q i b a , Blw. q i b ~ ,Isi. q i v a ' s i b l i n g '

4. t'cqigid Kla. , Bon., Knk., Blw. q i g i d , I f g . q i g g i d , Is i . q i - q i x i r ' l e f t ( s i d e ) '

Kla . , Bon., Knk., I s i . q i ~ a ,B l w . q i Z ~ ' s e e '

Kla., Bon., Knk., I f g . bagar), Blw. b ~ g a ~ , Isi . baxaq 'neck ' ( P o s s i b l y a semantic development from *baRqar) ' m o l a r ' )

I t g . , Knk. banqig, Kla. banqog, Is i . manqox ' smal l '

K l a . , Bon., Knk., Isi . daZit, Blw. d e l e t , I f g . d a l e t ' e e l '

Bon., Knk., Blw. d i p a g , I f g . dopag, Isi. d o p q ' l i e on o n e ' s back, l i e f l a t ' , Kla. dopag 'undermatt ing o f t h a t c h . '

Kla. , I t g . , B l w . , I f g . d u g i , Isi. d q i 'husk o f r i c e ' , Knk. dzcgi-yan ' r i c e ' (used i n t a l e s ) . Bon., Blw. g i g i d , Kla. , I f g . , gbgod, I s i . goggor ' s l i c e meat '

I t g . , Bon. kiZag, Knk. k iqaq , Kla . , Blw., I f g . qolar), Isi. k o k r ) 'worm'

n k i y a t Bon. k i y a t , Kla. , Isi. q i y a t 'swim'

Jrkupkup Bon., Knk. kupkup, I f g . , Isi . qupqup ' s k i n *of human'

Knk. kGgab, I f g . qLgab ' l a s t n i g h t ' , Isi. quxab ' l a t e , a f t e r n o o n '

i k l i k t a t Bon., Knk. l i k t u t , Isi . Zoqtut 'sudden'

Bon., Knk. l i t i p , B l w . h t ~ p , I f g . , Isi . Zotop ' d i v e ' , I t g . Z i t i p 'immerse one-s e l f i n w a t e r '

Kla. , I t g . , Bon., Knk. l ibhqu , Isi . Zibbu 'c loud ' Kla. Z i g l i g 'go around, c i rcumvent ' , Knk. Z i g l i g ' d e v i a t e ' , I f g . ZigZig ' f l a n k i n g i n b a t t l e ' , Is i . ZixZix ' o f f t h e r o a d , t o one s i d e 1

Knk. Zigab, Isi . Zoxab ' s e t a b l a z e ' , I f g . Zogab ' c o n f l a g r a t i o n '

Kla . , I t g . lhsud ' u p r i g h t f o r a f e n c e ' , Knk. Z6sud, I t g . Zuhud, Is i . h s u r 'wooden fence ' Kla . , I t g . , Is i . naqid ' t h e r e is none'

Bon., Knk. punig , I f g . punnog, Is i . p u n q 'blood sausage '

Bon., I f g . , Isi . p u b , Blw. po to ' b e l l y , i n t e s t i n e s '

Kla . , Bon., Knk. sagamsam, Is i SaxamSam ' t o remove weeds from growing r i c e '

Bon., Knk. sagqin , B l w . h u g q ~ n , I f g . haggon, Isi. saxqon ' n e a r , n e x t t o '

Knk. sdkuku, I f g . ha$qu, Isi. saqhqu 'k ind o f snake '

Bon., Knk. s i p d a k , I f g . hopdaq, Isi . sopdaq 'whip, b e a t i n w r e s t l i n g '

Kla., Bon., Knk., Isi. s i n - , B l w . hen-, I f g . hin- 'one u n i t '

Kla. s6kup ' cap , s t o p p e r ( e . g . , of a bot-t l e ) ' , Bon. s;kup 'kind o f baske t ' , Knk. shkup 'cover o f b a s k e t ' , I f g . huqup ' l i d of v e s s e l 1 , Isi. suqup ' l i t t l e c o n t a i n e r f o r t h r e a d '

Bon., Knk. t agq iy , Is i taxqoy 'above, u p ' , I t g . tagqay ' r a i s e ' , Kla. taQqoyZ6 ' r a i s e , e l e v a t e ' Bon., Knk. t i b i r ) , I f g . , Isi . tobor) ' p i e r c e '

Bon., Knk. t i k i n , B l w . taqan, I f g . na-tqon, Isi. toqon ' d i f f e r e n t '

Oceanic L i n g u i s t i c s Vo'ol. XIII

C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n subgroup

34. *t&u Kla. , I t g . , Bon., Knk., Blw., I f g . t6bu, Isi . tuvu ' l e a f ' (Probably a semantic development from fttubuq ' t o grow')

35. $:wanwar) Kla . , I t g . , Bon., Knk., Blw., I f g . , Isi . wagwan ' r i v e r '

The f o l l o w i n g l e x i c a l i t ems a r e p o s s i b l e e x c l u s i v e -l y s h a r e d i n n o v a t i o n s w i t h i n t h e North C e n t r a l Cor- d i l l e r a n subgroup . To q u a l i f y f o r i n c l u s i o n i n t h i s g roup a r e c o n s t r u c t e d form must have r e f l e x e s i n Kal inga o r I t n e g , a s w e l l a s i n a t l e a s t two o t h e r members of t h e subgroup , t h a t i s i n Bontok ( and /o r Kankanay) and Balangaw o r I f u g a o , o r i n Balangaw and I fugao . 1. *qik i w

2 . fiqanuka

3 . * q i w i l

4 . f iqigyat

5 . Aqikdag

6 . : ?qq i~ i l

7 . a q i s i k

, 8 . * q i r ~ a

9 . nq6tu

1 0 . *bigiw

11. fidikig

1 2 . figaman

1 3 . *kan

Bon., Knk. qdkiw, Kla., B l w . , I f g . (Batad) q d k m , 2 7 I f g . (Amganad) qdko ' s t e a l '

Bon. qanuka, Kla. q a m q a , I f g . , B l w . qanqa, Knk. q a ~ k q a 2 8 ' w h a t ' s - i t '

K l a . , Bon., Knk. qawi l , I f g . q&eZ 'k ind o f g i f t ' Bon., Knk., Blw. q i g y a t , Kla. qogyat ' f e a r '

Bon., Knk. qikdag, Blw. ma-qdig, Kla. qoddag,29 ~ t g . q i t d a g - qikdag ' f a l l '

I t g . , Bon q i n i l , Kla. qogoz, B l w . q a ~ a z 'nose '

I t g . , Bon., p l a n t ' , Kla.

KJa., I t g . , q i ' e a r ' ~~

Kla. , I t g . ,'cook ' Kla. , Bon., f i e l d a l g a e '

Kla. , Bon.,

Knk. q i s i k , I f g . qohoq ' t o qosoq ' t o t r a n s p l a n t r i c e '

t

Bon., Knk., I f g . q i w , Blw.

Bon., Knk. &tu, Blw. q6 to

Knk., B l w . , I f g . bdgiw 'pond-

Knk. dcfkig, Blw., I f g . driqig ' b o l t o f a d o o r '

Kla. , I t g . , Bon., Knk., B l w . , I f g . gaman 'head a x e '

Kla. , Bon., Knk., B a r l i g , ~ a d a k l a n ~ 'kan ' say '

14 . *laws

1 5 . alukbub

1 6 . "maqid

1 7 . *pa lsy in

18 . fipdnad

19 . *sur)sur)

20. f i s s p i t

21. $ t i y a p

22. *tukdu

23. ?:tugqal

Kla. , Bon., Knk., Blw., I f g . lawa ' u s e l e s s , wi thout purpose, i n s i g n i f i c a n t '

Kla. , Bon., Knk., I f g . lukbub, ' t o l i e on o n e ' s stomach'

Bon., Knk., B l w . rnaqid, I f g . (Batad) miqid, I f g . (Amganad) maqqid ' t h e r e i s none' 3 1

I t g . , Bon., Knk. p a l d y i n , I f g . pal&yun, B l w . paZ6yin ' a k ind of t r e e '

Kla. p d m d ' a l e v e l a r e a ' , Bon. p & d ' founda t ion of a p o n d f i e l d ' , Knk., I f g . p 6 m d ' l e v e l '

Kla. , Bon., Knk. sugsug, B l w . hoghor), I f g . h u g h u ~' t o s m e l l ' I t g . (Banaw), Knk. & p i t , B l w . , I f g . h 6 ~ e t ' r e l a t e ; word'

I t g . , B l w . , I f g . tuyap ' t o f l y , a s &yap ' t o f l y , a s wind'

Kla. , Bon., Knk.

idyap ' t o f l y ' , Bon. a thrown s p e a r ' , Kla. something blown by t h e

tukdu, Blw. tuq& ' t o s i t '

Kla., Bon. t u ~ q a t , Blw. t o n a l , I f g . hQUz 'bone ' , Knk. h n q a ' s k u l l o f a s m a l l animal '

The fo l lowing l e x i c a l i t ems a r e e x c l u s i v e l y s h a r e d by Kalinga and /o r I t n e g and o n l y one o t h e r of t h e North C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n languages and a r e t h e r e f o r e l e s s p e r s u a s i v e a s ev idence f o r t h i s subgroup.

24. " q i b i l Bon. q i b i l , Knk. q ibF , Kla. qoboZ 'wet '33

25. *q isna Kla. q i s m , B l w . q i s n ~ 'cooked r i c e '

26. "dapqay I t g . , Bon., Knk. dapqay ' rock w i t h a wide f l a t s u r f a c e ; paved p l a c e ; men's communal house '

27. i tkigkig Bon., Knk. k i g k l g , Kla. kogkog 'knock, b e a t , a s on a door '

28 . $:lagan Kla. , I t g . , Bon., Knk. Zagan ' sand '

29. * l i k i y Bon. , Knk. Z6kiy, Kla. Z&qoy ' t e r m i t e ' 30. *mugqul I t g . , Kla. , Bon. mr)qui! 'summit'

31. +putaqdk Bon. putaqak, Kla. putdqaq ' w h i t e '

Oceanic L i n g u i s t i c s VoZ. X I I I

Centra l Cordi l le ran subgroup

Lex ica l ev idence s u p p o r t i n g t h e subgrouping o f Bontok-Kankanay, Balangaw and I fugao c o n s i s t s of t h e fo l low-ing (1-11 have r e f l e x e s i n each of t h e t h r e e b ranches , 12-19 have r e f l e x e s i n o n l y two of t h e b r a n c h e s ) :

1. *qdgid Bon., Knk., B l w . , I fg . , qcigid ' t o sharpen t o a po in t , a s a s t i c k '

2 . hqdqiw Bon. qciqiw, B l w . qaqqaw, I f g . (Bayninan) q60, I f g . (Amganad) qaqqo 'shadow'

3 . *qad [qulwdni Bon. qadwcfni, Knk. qictw&ni, B l w . qad &An, I f g . qad quwcini ' today'

4 , c g i s g i s Bon., Knk. g i s g i s , B l w . g n h g ~ h , I f g . gosgos ' t o s l i c e , a s camote l eaves '

Bon. kaw-qin (ma-km), B l w . , I f g . ma0-W 'way; t o pass along a t r a i l '

Bon., Knk. k;tir), B l w . k&teng, I f g . q6ter) ' t o pinch'

Bon., Knk. Zukuwan, Zwndku, B l w . Zaqwan,

I f g . lwnciqu ' t o buy'

Bon., Knk. Z i m Z i r n , I f g . lomlom ' r a i n storm, typhoon', B l w . l i m l i m ' m i s t '

Bon., I f g . p a u r ~ , B l w . p6dor) ' s i m i l a r '

Bon. p i k i t , Knk. pGki, B l w . p6qaZ, I f g . p i q o l ' shoulder '

, , Bon., Knk. t ikid, B l w . t&qed, I fg . t i q i d 'ascend'

Bon., Knk. qap t ik , B l w . qa t t eq ' s h o r t '

Bon., Knk. bayag, B l w . b ~ y ~ g of' o ld , an ob jec t '

Bon. , Knk ., B l w . biyuy ' a b o i l '

Bon. k in ig , B l w . k ~ n ~ g hard '' f i rm,

Bon., Knk., B l w . pagpag ' f o r e s t '

B l w . qadal , I f g . qadol 'body'

B l w . na-qpat, I f g . nu-qpot (qopot) 'wet'

B l w . , I f g . r)iZu ' d u l l 1

UNIVERSITY OF HAWAII

' ~ a t a upon which t h i s paper is based were ga thered f i r s t under t h e a u s p i c e s o f t h e Summer I n s t i t u t e o f L i n g u i s t i c s , P h i l i p p i n e s . Subsequently my r e s e a r c h h a s been funded by U n i v e r s i t y o f Hawaii In t ramura l Research Grants f o r which I hereby express my g r a t i t u d e . Thanks a r e a l s o due t o t h e f o l - lowing members o f t h e Summer I n s t i t u t e of L i n g u i s t i c s who allowed me a c c e s s t o t h e i r d a t a and who d i s c u s s e d v a r i o u s problems wi th me r e l a t e d t o t h i s paper: Richard Gieser ( ~ a l i n g a ) , Char les Walton ( I t n e g ) , and Joanne S h e t l e r (Balan-gaw). Research on I s i n a i was conducted dur ing t h e summer o f 1973. I wish t o thank M r . I s a b e l o Gonzales of Bambang, Nueva Vizcaya f o r h i s p a t i e n t h e l p .

' ~ n e a r l i e r d e c i s i o n t o r e f e r t o t h i s group of languages by t h e s impler term I g o r o t , has been abandoned i n f a v o r of t h e term C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n . The term I g o r o t ( s e e S c o t t 1962) is s t i l l cons idered t o have p e j o r a t i v e connota t ions i n v a r i o u s p a r t s of t h e P h i l i p p i n e s , and a l though most o f t h e groups in -cluded i n t h i s subgroup c a l l themselves I g o r o t s , n e i t h e r t h e Ifugao n o r t h e I s i n a i do. Moreover s e v e r a l groups t h a t have been r e f e r r e d t o i n t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l l i t e r a t u r e a s I g o r o t s , such a s t h e I n i b a l o i , a r e n o t inc luded i n t h i s subgroup.

3 ~ h efo l lowing language a b b r e v i a t i o n s w i l l be used,

B l w . Balangaw Kla . Kalinga Bon . Bontok Kln . Kallahan I f g . I fugao Knk. Kankanay I l k . I lokano CC C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n I l t . I l o n g o t NC Nuclear C o r d i l l e r a n Isi . I s i n a i NC C North C e n t r a l C o r d i l l e r a n I t g . I t n e g PAN Proto-Austronesian I v t . I v a t a n PCC Proto-Central C o r d i l l e r a n

PPH Pro to-Phi l ipp ines

4 ~ u c ha s PAN *R > 2 , and use o f an -n f i n a l a c t o r focus p r e - f i x ( e . g . , I n i . man-, Knk. min-) r a t h e r than t h e e q u i v a l e n t -9 f i n a l form ( e . g . , I l k . a g - ) , e t c .

5 ~ n f o r t u n a t e l y , Thomas and Healey do n o t p rov ide i n t h e i r t a b l e s t h e evidence upon which t h i s subgrouping i s based. The i r subgrouping of Kalinga and Tingguian wi th t h e Ilokano- Cagayan branch appears only on t h e i r t r e e (1962:23). I n t h e i r d i s c u s s i o n t h e y d e f i n e t h e Ilokano-Cagayan branch a s c o n s i s t i n g of Agta, Gaddang, A t t a , Ibanag, Isneg and I lokano , and n o t e t h a t

Oceanic Linguistics VoZ . XIII


" the i n t e r n a l u n i t y o f t h e group i s r a t h e r l o o s e k n i t , w i t h i n t r a b r a n c h comparisons rang ing from 44% t o about 60% (1962:25). The s t a t u s o f Kal inga and Tingguian a r e n o t d i scussed .

6~~~ forms a r e t a k e n from Zorc (19711, who c i t e s t h e source f o r each i t em. The PCC forms a r e i n most c a s e s r e c o n s t r u c t e d on t h e b a s i s of t h e evidence appear ing i n Bontok.

h here a r e a few problem c a s e s where *R is a p p a r e n t l y r e - f l e c t e d a s g i n t h e CC languages. I n a l l c a s e s t h e forms a l s o show g r e f l e x e s i n I lokano , where r is t h e usua l r e f l e x . The problem i s d i s c u s s e d i n Conant (1911) wi th r e f e r e n c e t o I lokano, and by Reid (1972) wi th r e f e r e n c e t o t h e NCC languages. is a l s o t h e r e f l e x o f >tR i n I t n e g , a language which shows s u r f a c e s i m i l a r i t y t o I lokano , b u t which, I b e l i e v e , subgroups wi th CC.

e ~ l a m z o n (1969: 22) c i t e s ftsanDar ' l e a n ' > I f g . handag a s e v i -dence f o r PAN ft-r > I f g . -9. However, t h e r e c o n s t r u c t i o n is i n a c c u r a t e l y c i t e d . Dempwolff r e c o n s t r u c t s t h e form wi th a f i n a l *R, s o t h a t t h e I fugao form i s another example o f Conant 's " s te reo type" g r e f l e x o f *R, r a t h e r t h a n a n i r r e g u l a r r e f l e x o f f:r.

i r r e g u l a r f i r s t vowel is a r e s u l t of a s s i m i l a t i o n t o t h e fo l lowing vowel. Note a l s o t h e double t *bl(lgaw ' t o s h o u t ' wi th an i r r e g u l a r *Rg > fig r e f l e x .

~ O P C C * s j l i w is r y f l e c t e d i n Bontok a s s i ~ i w' p i t c h p i n e t o r c h ' . A d o u b l e t s i l m a l s o occurs meaning 'kerosene l a n t e r n o r o t h e r nonindigenous l i g h t ' .

l l ~ o m p a r i s o n w i t h t h e Bontok form makZu~ ' d r y up ' (from ma-+ kuZur~)shows t h a t Balangaw h a s meta thes ized t h e first two r o o t consonants . B l w . maqZorJ r e f l e c t s a n e a r l i e r *ma- + * q o l o ~ .

12*b > m is unexplained. I t i s p o s s i b l y a n a n a l o g i c a l development w i t h t h e man- v e r b a l p r e f i x .

1 3 ~ h eforms o f t h e Kalinga pronouns d i f f e r s l i g h t l y from t h o s e appear ing i n Reid 1971:21. Most o f t h e Kalinga forms i n t h i s paper were provided by C. R. Gieser and r e p r e s e n t t h o s e d i a l e c t s o f Kal inga i n which t h e 2tk > q r u l e d i d n o t o p e r a t e .

14see Paz 1965 f o r a f u l l d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e f u n c t i o n o f Isi. -ad. S e v e r a l v a r i a n t s o f -ad occur , such a s -ar, - w a r and -wa .

'see Gieser 1972: 29.

I 6 s i n c e demons t ra t ives a r e n o t d i scussed elsewhere i n t h i s paper , t h e forms w i l l be inc luded h e r e . Only t h e b a s i c demon- s t r a t i v e s a r e g iven h e r e , they may occur w i t h v a r i o u s c a s e marking p a r t i c l e s depending on t h e f u n c t i o n s they perform w i t h i n t h e sen tence .

PCC n t u q i y ' t h i s , near speaker ' "naqiy ' t h a t , n e a r h e a r e r ' "d iq iy ' t h a t , away from speaker and h e a r e r '

The fo l lowing c h a r t s g ive t h e Nominative demons t ra t ives i n t h e daughter l anguages .

Isi . Kla . I t g . Bon.-Knk.

t a s i e - s a t i e siyAna s i t u w i naqay

s a t u s i y i n a t s i t a sana

s a d i o s i y $ d i s i d i y i d4qiy

Blw . If g . (Amganad ) I f g . (Batad)

y a t o thwe hitugwoy

yaha ndye hinugwoy

!

y a d i d i y e hidugwoy

The a d d i t i o n o f t h e f i n a l *-qiy t o t h e demonstrat ive r o o t s i s cons idered t o be an innova t ion i n PCC. Although l o s t from sev- e r a l o f t h e forms it i s r e t a i n e d i n some form i n most o f t h e daughter languages, e . g . , Isi . s a d i o (wi th l o s s o f f i n a l *-y), I t g . sitwi and s i d i y i ( a l s o w i t h l o s s of f i n a l fi-y), Bon.-Knk. naqay and d i q i y (wi th vowel harmony). Amganad I fugao r e g u l a r l y r e f l e c t s $:-iy a s -e , e . g . , b a l e < n b a l i y ' h o u s e ' . Butad I fugao r e f l e c t s t h e same sequence a s -oy, e . g . , baloy ' h o u s e ' .

The f a c t t h a t I lokano shows forms which seem t o r e f l e c t t h i s innova t ion ( e s p e c i a l l y I l k . d i a y , b u t a l s o the -y f i n a l forms toy and t a y ) i s prob lemat ic , s i n c e I lokano does no t on o t h e r grounds seem t o group w i t h t h e CC languages, and t h e ft-qiy f i n a l forms do not appear elsewhere i n t h e C o r d i l l e r a n languages.

Oceanic L i n g u i s t i c s Val. XIII 556

Central Cordi l le ran subgroup

Rather than reconst ruc t 9r-qiy f o r Proto-Cordilleran on the b a s i s of two witnesses ( i . e . , Ilokano and PCC), it would seem p re fe r - ab le t o consider t h a t a t l e a s t d iay and toy a r e t h e r e s u l t of e a r l y borrowing from PCC o r one o f i t s daughter languages.

A f u l l e r study than i s poss ib l e here i s necessary t o account f o r t h e various phonological and semantic s h i f t s t h a t have taken p lace i n t h e demonstratives o f t h e various CC languages.

1 7 ~ h eo r i g i n o f *sa i s unclear. It may have been present i n PCC i n t h e form k a y (from an e a r l i e r :%a t gci) a s t he marker o f a pre-predicate top ica l i zed phrase, a function t h a t it r e t a i n s ( a s hay) i n some areas of Ifugao, a s we l l a s i n I n i b a l o i and Pangasinan, Southern Cordil leran languages. I n I s i n a i s a is r e t a ined a s a formative on sentence i n i t i a l demonstratives, e .g . , s a t u , s a t i e and sadio .

18~onna Hett ick (personal communication) s t a t e s t h a t i n Kankanay t h i s funct ion of d i genera l ly occurs i n embedded sentences . She provides t h e following add i t iona l examples from t e x t ( r e t a i n i n g her orthography): 1. Ta wad-ay (kanen d i an-akda). 'So t h a t t he re w i l l be (food f o r t h e i r chi ldren) . ' 2. Kedeng d i is am-ama ay kaseseg-ang is (binadangan d i a n i t o ) . 'That is t h e only o ld man who was p i t i f u l whom ( the s p i r i t s helped). ' 3 . Dapay maid somasaa t a ke t no (pinatey d i bango). 'But he d i d n ' t r e t u r n home because he was ( k i l l e d by a wild p i g ) . ' The embedded sentences and t h e i r t r a n s l a t i o n s have here been placed i n parentheses. I n each ins tance these sentences come from underlying non-actor focus o r "passive" cons t ruc t ions , t he d i phrase specifying a genera l agent.

19sco t t (1966:250) d iscusses an archaic use of Knk. d i a s follows: "In the language of Sagada prayer t e x t s d i is used i n a way i n which it is used only r a r e l y i n co l loqu ia l speech--to introduce t h e ob jec t of an ob jec t ive verb." This would be i n my terminology t h e sub jec t of a non-actor focus sentence. One o ther Nominative funct ion which d i has r e t a ined i n Kankanay (and t h e equivalent s i i n Bontok) i s t he i n d e f i n i t e sub jec t of some non- verbal sentences, e .g. , Naqay d i madggd4g 'Here a r e vegetables ' ( a s i n announcing vegetables f o r s a l e ) , versus Naqay nan mad<ndC~ 'Here a r e t h e vegetables . '

2 0 ~ a c h o(1970) does not mention whether t h e Oblique marker h i may cooccur wi th nan o r any o the r form, but Newel1 (1964) l is ts h i m a s a Batad Ifugao Oblique form.

2 1 ~ h i sand t h e following Ifugao data a r e from Harold C. Conklin (personal communication). The ana lys i s i s my own.

2 2 ~ nPangasinan -y may a l s o mark common Oblique phrases.

2 3 ~ h e s ecomments and the associa ted Ifugao da ta a r e from Harold C. Conklin (personal communication).

2 4 ~ e r s o n a lcommunication.

2 5 ~ o r cnotes (personal communication) t h a t " l i t i p is r e l a t e d by metathesis and s h h e r ( a l t e r n a t i o n of only one c j i s t inc t ive f e a t u r e ) t o PPh 25dalap ' t o d ive ' , compare Tagalog l i r i p , Aklanon yur6p, Bikol laddp ' t o d ive ( i n t o water) ' .

2 6 ~ i t hunexplained *g > 0.

2 7 ~ h epresence of k i n t h i s form a s well a s i n the following Amganad Ifugao form where i n each of these languages q is ex-pected, is unexplained.

2 8 ~ h eepenthet ic q i n t h i s form is probably the r e s u l t of a back formation from the suff ixed verbal form qanukqi.n < "qanukaqin.

2 9 ~ h eKLa. and I t g . forms show ass imi l a t ion of t h e ve l a r s top t o the following a lveo la r s top .

3 0 ~ a r l i gand Kadaklan a re languages spoken i n the ba r r io s of t he same name, loca ted geographically between Bontoc and Balangaw. They may be r e f e r r e d t o l ikewise a s Eastern Bontoc.

3 1 ~ h i sform i s probably a development of an e a r l i e r "naqid with r e f l exes i n Kla. , I t g . , and Isi. However it may be t h a t t he two forms were a l t e r n a n t s i n PCC.

3 2 ~ napparent cognate a l s o appears i n Kallahan (Kayapa). I t is possibly a borrowing from Ifugao.

3 3 ~ h eform qebeZ 'wet' a l s o occurs i n Kallahan (Kalanguya) and may be t h e r e s u l t of an e a r l y borrowing.

REFERENCES

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Oceanic Linguistics V o L XIII


Dyen, Isidore. 1965. A lexicostatistical classifi- cation of the Austronesian languages. Supplement to International Journal of American Linguistics, Vol. 31. Memoir 19.

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Lambrecht, Francis, and Francisco Billiet. 1970. Studies on the Kalinga uZZaZim and Ifugao orthography. Baguio, Catholic School Press.

Llamzon, Teodoro A. 1969. A subgrouping of nine Philippine languages. The Hague, Martinus Nijhoff.

Mendiole, Francisco. n.d. Diccionario Isinay- Espanol. (Unpublished ms.) Manila, Santo Tomas University Archives.

Newell, Leonard E. 1956. Phonology of the Guhang Ifugao dialect. Philippine Journal of Science 85 (4) :523- 539.

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Paz, Consuelo J. 1965. -ad in Isinai. Asian Studies 3(1) :114-125.

Racho, Alberto L. 1970. Some phrase-structure rules for Kiangan Ifugao noun and verb phrases. Philip-pine Journal of Linguistics 1(2):85-97.

Reid, Lawrence A. 1963. Phonology of Central Bon- toc. Journal of the Polynesian Society 72(1): 21-26.

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Oceanic Linguistics Vo'oZ. XIII

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The Central Cordilleran Subgroup of Philippine LanguagesLawrence A. ReidOceanic Linguistics, Vol. 13, No. 1/2, Papers of the First International Conference onComparative Austronesian Linguistics, 1974: Proto-Austronesian and Western Austronesian.(Summer - Winter, 1974), pp. 511-560.Stable URL:


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References

The RGH Law in Philippine LanguagesCarlos Everett ConantJournal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 31, No. 1. (1911), pp. 70-85.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0003-0279%281911%2931%3A1%3C70%3ATRLIPL%3E2.0.CO%3B2-Z

Independent Clause Types of Batad IfugaoLeonard E. NewellOceanic Linguistics, Vol. 3, No. 1, Papers in Philippine Linguistics. (Summer, 1964), pp. 171-199.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0029-8115%28196422%293%3A1%3C171%3AICTOBI%3E2.0.CO%3B2-X

A Matrix Analysis of Bontoc Case-Marking ParticlesLawrence A. ReidOceanic Linguistics, Vol. 3, No. 1, Papers in Philippine Linguistics. (Summer, 1964), pp. 116-137.Stable URL:

http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0029-8115%28196422%293%3A1%3C116%3AAMAOBC%3E2.0.CO%3B2-O

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The Central Cordilleran Subgroup of Philippine Languages ...reid/Combined Files/A15. 1974. Central Cordilleran... · lawrence a. reid the central cordilleran subgroup of philippine