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The Heroic Age A Journal of Early Medieval Northwestern Europe Issue 11 (May 2008) | Issue Editors: Larry Swain & Linda Malcor Founded 1998 | ISSN 1526-1867 The Germanic Sword In The Tree: Parallel Development Or Diffusion? 1 C. Scott Littleton Occidental College, Los Angeles, CA Linda A. Malcor Independent Researcher, Lake Forest, CA © 2008 by C. Scott Littleon and Linda A. Malcor. All rights reserved. This edition copyright © 2008 by The Heroic Age. All rights reserved. Abstract: In this paper we consider whether the Norse story of the "Sword in the Branstock" and the Arthurian tale of the "Sword in the Stone" may represent two variants of a tale about a celestial event that occurred 2160 B.C.E. Introduction §1. Scholars have long pointed to the Arthurian tale of the "Sword in the Stone" and the Norse story of the "Sword in the Branstock" as examples of the parallel development of an Littleton & Malcor—The Germanic Sword In The Tree http://www.mun.ca/mst/heroicage/issues/11/littletonmalcor.php 1 of 16 6/18/10 5:41 PM

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  • The Heroic Age

    A Journal of Early Medieval Northwestern Europe

    Issue 11 (May 2008) | Issue Editors: Larry Swain &Linda Malcor

    Founded 1998 | ISSN 1526-1867

    The Germanic Sword In The Tree: Parallel DevelopmentOr Diffusion?1

    C. Scott Littleton

    Occidental College, Los Angeles, CA

    Linda A. Malcor

    Independent Researcher, Lake Forest, CA

    2008 by C. Scott Littleon and Linda A. Malcor. All rights reserved. This edition copyright 2008 by The Heroic Age. All rights reserved.

    Abstract: In this paper we consider whether the Norse story of the "Sword in the Branstock"and the Arthurian tale of the "Sword in the Stone" may represent two variants of a tale abouta celestial event that occurred 2160 B.C.E.

    Introduction

    1. Scholars have long pointed to the Arthurian tale of the "Sword in the Stone" and theNorse story of the "Sword in the Branstock" as examples of the parallel development of an

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  • Indo-European myth that became part of an epic tradition in the Celtic and Germanic cultures(e.g., Bruce 1958, 1:145). In this paper we reexamine these two tales and consider whetherthey may represent two variants of a story that was born as the result of a celestial event thatwas viewed from somewhere near the northern shore of the Black Sea in 2160 B.C.E.(Barber and Barber 2004, 210).2

    The Sword in the Stone

    2. The legend of the Sword in the Stone is well known today through the numerousretellings of the Arthurian tale in stories, plays and film (Plate 1). The basic story, as it tookits mature form in Malory's Le Morte d'Arthur (Malory 1:15-20), relates how the twelve-year-old Arthur accompanies his foster brother, Sir Kay, to a tournament in London.3 Arthurforgets Kay's sword and runs to retrieve it. On the way, he passes a churchyard where hespies a sword embedded in an anvil atop a stone. Arthur pulls the Sword from the Stone andtakes it to Kay, who claims to be the one who drew the blade. A series of tests prove that noone except Arthur can draw the sword, so the young boy is crowned "King of all England" asthe golden words on the sword prophesy.

    3. In From Scythia to Camelot (Littleton and Malcor 2000, 181-194), we argued that thisvariant of the Sword in the Stone legend was transmitted to Europe by the Alans during thefifth century C.E. In the Nart sagas, folk narratives told by the Ossetians, who are thedescendents of the Alans, there are many elements of the Sword in the Stone story, but notthe explicit motif of the weapon being drawn from a stone or anvil (Littleton and Malcor2000, 184, 186). The ancient Alans were, however, observed practicing a religion associatedwith their war god, and, as part of this ritual, they embedded a sword in the ground(presumably removing it at some later point in time; Ammianus Marcellinus 31.4.22;Littleton 1982; Littleton and Malcor 2000, xxvvii, 186). This ritual is clearly a survival of theritual the Scythians performed in honor of their war god, as that ceremony was described byHerodotus (4.59-62). What is intriguing for the purposes of this paper, however, is that in theritual as described by Herodotus, the iron sword is planted neither in an anvil nor in theground but rather in an altar atop a pile of wood. With this in mind, let us take a look at theGermanic variant of the tale.

    The Sword in the Branstock

    4. The main reason that scholars have assumed that the Germanic variant of this legend isthe product of parallel development instead of diffusion is that the Germanic sword is veryclearly embedded in a tree rather than in an anvil or a stone. When the Germanic tale isviewed, however, through its proper lens, it quickly becomes apparent that this difference is amatter of perspective rather than a material difference.

    5. The Norsemen told of the "Sword in the Branstock" in the "Sigurdsaga" portion of theVolsungasaga (Guerber 1985, 253-258) (Plate 2). At the wedding of Signy and Siggeir, ablue-cloaked man with one eye plunges a sword in the Branstock, an ancient oak. The man

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  • declares that the sword will belong to the warrior who can pull it free, then he leaves. Thewedding guests identify him as Odin.4 Several warriors, including Signy's father, Volsung, tryto draw the weapon and fail. Sigmund, the tenth and youngest son, however, succeeds.Through Siggeir's treachery, Sigmund and his brothers are condemned to death and the swordis taken from Sigmund. The brothers are chained to an oak in the forest and each night one iskilled by a she-wolf.5 Finally, only Sigmund is left. Signy helps Sigmund escape. Siggeireventually recaptures Sigmund along with Sinfiolti, Signy's youngest son by Sigmund, andorders that the two heroes be buried alive. The gravegoods that Signy throws into Sinfiolti'sportion of the grave (which is covered by a stone roof) contain Sigmund's sword. Sinfiotliplunges the sword through the stone that separates him from Sigmund, cuts an openingthrough stone and iron, and father and son escape. Sigmund then burns Siggeir to death andbecomes king.

    The Historical Context

    6. Tacitus's Germania is our main source for ethnographic data regarding the earlyGermanic peoples (Puhvel 1987, 189). Cassius Dio, Ammianus Marcellinus and a few otherGreco-Roman authors round out the very short list of written texts we have about this culture(Puhvel 1987, 189) prior to their Christianization by missionaries in the late eighth century(Puhvel 1987, 190).6 The Embedded Sword story most likely spread to Iceland via Vikingsettlement in 874 C.E., but Iceland was officially Christianized by 1000 C.E. (Puhvel 1987,190). Snorri Sturluson, who composed the Prose Edda, the main source for this tale, didn'tlive until two centuries later (11781241 C.E.; Puhvel 1987, 190).7 In other words, theGermanic sources are recorded late, and, as Jaan Puhvel puts it, are of an "antiquarian (ratherthan primary) nature" and show "diffusionary influences from classical cultures" (1987, 191).Puhevl adds that Snorri's material as well as the Poetic Edda also show "diffusionaryinfluences from the general direction of the Near East" (Puhvel 1987, 219) (see Map 1).

    7. Herodotus (4.21, 4.46-50) put the Scythians as neighbors to the Celts and the Sarmatiansas neighbors to the Scythians. Caesar places the Germans between the Celts and theScythians, with the Danube as an arbitrary dividing line that was probably chosen more as aresult of his political ambitions than of any careful ethnographic observation (Wells 2001,115-116). Strabo thought of the Germans as Celts (Wells 2001, 116), and Cassius Dio calledRoman Germania "Keltica", reserving "Germania" for the area "between the Rhine and ElbeRivers" (Wells 2001, 117).8 So, the divisions in ancient texts were not made on the basis oflanguages spoken or perceived similarities of cultures but rather on geographic location(Wells 2001, 117).

    The Basic Comparison

    8. The basic elements of the embedded weapon being a sword and of the younger brotherwithdrawing the blade and becoming the future king are about as far as most comparisons gobefore turning from the similarities to the differences between the tales. Several key parallels,

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  • however, are contained in the material between the withdrawal of the sword and Sigmund'sascension to the kingship. Among them are that Arthur's sword in the anvil atop a stone is ina graveyard and that Sinfiotli and Sigmund use the sword from the Branstock to cut throughstone and iron as they escape from a grave.9

    9. Bruce (1958, 145) argued that the legend of the Sword and the Stone derived from theGreek story of Theseus and the Germanic Volsungasaga. The story's pattern, however, wasmore widespread than those variants and parts of it appear in Herodotus's ancient account ofthe religion of the Scythians.

    Transmission

    10. The spread of the tale that developed, as we consider all of these variants, stronglysuggests that transmission occurred via the steppe nomads. As these horse-riding warriorscame into contact with other cultures and transmitted their knowledge of cavalry warfare andof forging iron, they also transmitted stories about the deity who oversaw both war andsmithing, a combination that only occurred among the steppe nomads (see Map 2).

    11. The knowledge of iron working first appeared in the "second half of the thirdmillennium B.C. in Anatolia" (Milisauskas 1978, 253).10 Milisauskas (1978, 254) noted thatthe Scythian influence in La Tne art could have come in with iron technology,11 and thisagrees with what we find in the patterns of transmission for the tale of the Sword in theStone. Knowledge of iron-working first showed up ca. 600300 B.C.E. among Germanicpeoples in the area of the Jastorf culture (Schutz 1983, 309), south of the Elbe and north ofthe Weser. This was not, however, forging swords. The Germanic peoples did not startforging iron into longer swords intended for use by cavalry until the Late Roman Iron Age,ca. 180400 C.E. (Hedeager 1992, 13).

    12. The identity of the horse-riding elite warrior emerged in Europe in the first centuryB.C.E. (Wells 2001, 120). Ca. 501 B.C.E., warrior graves with spurs, horse equipment, andlong swords show up on both sides of the Rhine as far north as central Sweden (Wells 2001,121). This style of grave seems to be influenced by Sarmatian burials, as these nomadstended to substitute horse equipment and/or pieces of horses for the full horse interments thatwe find in the burials of other cultures. The style of cavalry equipment also seems to havebeen transmitted from the Sarmatians.

    13. Caesar considered the "German" cavalry to be his best mercenaries (Gallic War 8.10). Itis no accident that shortly after the German cavalry units start showing up in the Roman army(4836 B.C.E.; Wells 2001, 121), Sarmatian units also start service as Roman allies. Forinstance, Tiberius stationed the Iazyges between the Danube and the Tisa as Roman allies ca.20 C.E. (Millar 1966, 276). We know that during the Marcomannic Wars of 166/7175 and177180, the Iazyges, a tribe of Sarmatians, were allied with the Marcomanni and the Quadi,two tribes of the Suebi (Millar 1966, 115). In 175, when 5,500 Iazyges were set to Britain,"cavalry from the Marcomanni, Quadi and Nuristae were sent . . . [to] Syria" (Millar 1966,115).12

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  • 14. While the Huns had had significant contact with the Germanic peoples prior to therecording of the stories in the Volsungasaga, Alano-Sarmatian peoples had had heavyinteraction with their Germanic neighbors long before the Huns appeared on the scene. Afterthe Huns defeated the Massagetae in 175 B.C.E., a tribe of Sarmatians founded a kingdomand became known as the Royal Sarmatians (Millar 1966, 284). This group is thought byseveral scholars to have been the Iazyges in particular (Millar 1966, 289), and they may haveearned their title by defeating and absorbing the Royal Scythians, who were previouslysettled in the area where the Romans report the Iazyges. By 50 C.E. the bulk of theSarmatians were located in the vicinity of the Tisa and the Danube (Millar 1966, 289). Thisput them in close contact with several Germanic peoples. Tacitus (Germania 46) tells thatthere were several tribes who were so intermingled that he could no long tell which wasGerman and which was Sarmatian.13 At least one of those tribes, the Bastarrae, were incontact with the Sarmatians by the third century B.C.E. (Todd 1992, 24).14

    The Story in the Stars

    15. Anyone who attempted to navigate by the stars, whether on an actual sea or a sea ofgrass, would notice that something terrifying happens over the course of centuries: Northmoves. (Plate 3) For instance, ca. 2500 B.C.E. Thuban in the constellation Draco was thepole star (Barber and Barber 2004, 198-199).15 In 2140 B.C.E., Polaris, which is in the LittleDipper, became the pole star, and about 13,000 years from now Vega, in the constellationLyra, will become the pole star (Barber and Barber 2004, 198).16 The pole takes roughly2160 years to pass through each sign of the Zodiac (Barber and Barber 2004, 199).17Accordingly, the spring equinox shifted from Taurus into Aries in 2160 B.C.E. (Barber andBarber 2004, 208)

    16. There were two ways of telling stories about this event. One was to focus on theprecession of the pole through the various signs of the Zodiac (Plate 4), which, as we knowit, was created roughly 5,000 years ago (Krupp 1978, 262-263), ca. 3,000 B.C.E.18 This iswhat happened in the case of narratives about Mithras. "The precession out of Taurus intoAries occurred nearly two thousand years before Mithraism became popular" (Barber andBarber 2004, 206), yet it is quite clear from the imagery of the warrior slaying the bull, with ascorpion and serpent attacking from below and a dog lapping up the bull's blood, that themyths celebrated by the cult carried information taken from the sky. The artists were notsubtle about the connection: Most Mithraic images include the sun, moon and stars. (Plate 5)In the worship of Mithras, we have the warrior stabbing the bull, Aries attacking the adjacentsign of Taurus (Barber and Barber 2004, 206). The hero of the story of the Ram (e.g., theGolden Fleece) can replace the Ram in such tales, and this is how some cultures told the taleof the celestial precession.

    17. The second way to tell the story was to focus on the pole itself and "northshift".19While Mithras attacks the zodiacal sign that the celestial pole is leaving, the hero in theSword in the Stone story wields the pole itself, in this case a sword that is sticking into theopposite sign. In 2160 B.C.E. that sign was Libra, but Libra did not become a scale until the

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  • Romans decided to reinstate the old Babylonian system.20 For the Hittites, Libra was a throneand for the Chaldeans, Libra was an altar.21

    18. The pole itself is depicted as many different things, from a spindle to a churn. In thenomadic cultures of Eurasia, the pole was sometimes a tent pole (Sullivan 1996, 80; Barberand Barber 2004, 200), but we think it could also be a sword. In the Germanic cultures, thepole was the World Tree, Yggdrasil, which is represented in the Volsungasaga by theBranstock. (Plate 6) A tree turns up in some retellings of the northshift story because thecelestial pole is the World Tree in addition to being the sword, which is why the sword is inthe tree in the Germanic tradition.22

    19. Either the Hittites or the Chalybes were responsible for the addition of the anvil andother ironworking pieces of the tale. In the case of the steppe cultures, the war god was alsoassociated with the forging of iron, and when these cultures transmitted the knowledge ofhow to forge iron, they transmitted the stories of their war god as well.23 The overalldistribution of the tale matches the pattern of the steppe cultures spreading south, west andeast out of the steppes. Since the Alans were in the Caucasus region and had more contactwith the Hittites and Chalybes than the Iazyges did, they developed a form of the sword ritualthat dropped out the wood and embedded the sword in the ground. The Iazyges, however,absorbed the Royal Scythians, who practiced the Sword in the Altar atop a Pile of Woodvariant and then had close contact with the Germanic peoples who saw the celestial pole as atree rather than a sword. When idea of the cavalry warrior transmitted from the Iazyges to theGermanic peoples, the practice of forging iron transmitted with it. Images merged, and theresulting tale became that of the Sword in the Tree instead of the Sword in the Stone.24

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  • Figures

    Plate 1: Arthur pulling Excalibur from the anvil [Back]

    Plate 2: Odin thrusts the sword into the Branstock [Back]

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  • Map 1: The world according to Herodotus, ca. 450 BCE [Back]

    Map 2: Modern Europe [Back]

    Plate 3: Northshift [Back]

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  • Plate 4: The Zodiac, showing the precession of the equinox [Back]

    Plate 5: Mithras slaying a bull [Back]

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  • Plate 6: Yggrasil, the World Tree [Back]

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  • Notes

    1. An earlier version of this paper was presented on Friday, April 21, 2006, at the AnnualMeeting of the Western States Folklore Society, Berkeley, CA. [Back]

    2. By this date, Near Eastern cultures were squarely in the middle of the Bronze Age. [Back]

    3. Twelve seems to be a typical age for the hero to begin his career. For instance, in theIcelandic Saga of Hrolf Kraki Bothvar and his brothers are all twelve when they start to showtheir prowess and begin pulling weapons from a stone. [Back]

    4. In the Hrolf Kraki, Bothvar, the hero who pulled the sword from the stone, senses thatOdin is about appear just before he dies. Although Thor appears to be the chief diety in manyareas, Odin "dominated in . . . Viking society" (Puhvel 1987, 192), and it is the Viking variantthat we have preserved in the Prose Edda. Despite Odin's deceptively small role in Tacitus aswell as in later sources, he was the actual head of the Germanic pantheon (Puhvel 1987, 193).Although Odin has magical and priestly proclivities, as Puhvel puts it, he "holds down muchof [the warrior-god] . . . slot" (1987, 204). [Back]

    5. Odin is associated with wolves, particularly werewolves, the lfhenar ("wolf-skinned"),who were analogous to the berserker ("bear-skinned"; Puhvel 1987, 196). That there are twotypes of frenzied warriors associated with Odin may indicate that we have a doublet causedby impact from the Alano-Sarmatianor Scythiantradition. Essentially on top of whereCaesar says the German peoples were a few centuries later, the Neuri may have had asignificant impact on the development of Germanic lore, since these were the "Scythians"that Herodotus singled out as "werewolves", creatures that are specifically associated withOdin in Germanic tradition. Two of Odin's companions, Geri and Freki, are also wolves(Puhvel 1987, 197), so when we have a she-wolf figuring in a story that began with Odinplunging a sword into the World Tree, it's very likely that the she-wolf is acting as Odin'sagent. [Back]

    6. There is a little information from "Frankish and Langobard laws" and from Anglo-Saxonliterature (Puhvel 1987, 190), but none of these contain the story of the Sword in theBranstock. [Back]

    7. "Germanic materials from the High Middle Ages . . . show heavy contamination byContinental literary convention" (Puhvel 1987, 190) and are of little importance to thediscussion of Germanic mythic tradition. [Back]

    8. For Greek writers, the Celts generally "occupied the lands to the west [and] the Scythiansto the east" (Wells 2001, 115). [Back]

    9. This pattern can be seen in seemingly unrelated tales. For instance, while Thor is having apiece of whetstone removed from where it is embedded in his head, he tells of making theMorning Star out of the frozen toe of the husband of the woman who is using magic to

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  • remove the stone. The woman, Gra, became so upset that the stone "remained embedded inThor's skull" (Puhvel 1987, 202). Here there is clearly an astral connection with a warrior anda stone associated with a sword. [Back]

    10. By 1270 the knowledge of iron working had spread to Greece (Milisauskas 1978, 253). [Back]

    11. The Halstatt culture shows evidence of iron working ca. 1000500 B.C.E., and the LaTne culture shows similar evidence ca. 500 B.C.E.1 C.E. (Phillips 1980, 228). [Back]

    12. The Nuristae may be the same people that Herodotus calls the "Neuri." [Back]

    13. These were the Peucini (Bastarnae), Venedi and Fenni. [Back]

    14. Although the sword cult has not been recorded among Sarmatians specifically, we doknow that the cult was among the Alans and that the Alans had a heavy impact on Germanicgroups in the fourth and fifth centuries.

    In one German legend recorded by the Brothers Grimm (Grimm and Grimm 1981, 2:16, no.381), a herdsman finds a sword, sacred to the Scythians, after a cow steps on it. He removesthe sword from the ground (it doesn't seem to be embedded in any particular fashion) andgives it to Attila, who recognizes it and is thrilled to possess it. Priscus mentioned the swordcult and made the connection between the cult and the story of the shepherd who followed atrail of blood from his heifer to an ancient iron sword that was buried in the ground, which hedug up and gave to Attila, who identified it as the Sword of Mars (Jordanes 35.183). Wardsays "Cf. Altdeutsche Wlder, I, 212, Note 10 and p. 319. Cr. Also Lamb. Schafnab., p. 348:The Legend of Leopold von Mersburg who suffered great misfortune, including the accountof the sword." Attila also figures in the Icelandic Saga of Hrolf Kraki, albeit as an opponentof rather than a wielder of Bothvar's sword (Mills 1933, 60 ff.).

    All of these stories refer to a sword cult where the sword was embedded in the ground ratherthan in a tree or an anvil or a stone. This cult was observed among the Alans by AmmianusMarcellinus (31.4.22), who noted that the Alans worshiped a god of war by plunging a swordinto the ground. The Scythian sword cult referred to here was recorded by Herodotus(4:59-62). The Huns, who feature prominently in the Volsungasaga, as the story continues,probably acquired their knowledge of the sword cult from the Alans (Bachrach 1973, 111).The sword cult also spread to Japan (Littleton 1995).

    In the Icelandic Saga of Hrolf Kraki, the short sword that Frothi drives into a wooden beamwas one that he originally pulled from a stone (Mills 1933, 45). Frothi's brother, Bothvar,wields a long sword which he pulled from the same stone and which he carries in a barkscabbard (Mills 1933, 49). [Back]

    15. In other words, the "sword" used to be in Draco's tail. The Delphic story of Python theDragon, "presumably the constellation traditionally named Draco . . . is told from a CameraAngle focused specifically on 'Northshift' rather than on 'Precession,' suggesting a localtradition that developed before diffusion of the Near Eastern model [i.e., the Kingship in

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  • Heaven]" (Barber and Barber 2004, 208, n. 15). For the Japanese variant, see Littleton 1981. [Back]

    16. In between times, when there is an observable pole star, the position of the celestial polecan be determined by noting the positions of the various constellations. [Back]

    17. The world pillars are the constellations in which the sun rises at the solstices andequinoxes (Barber and Barber 2004, 201). [Back]

    18. We know, however, that people were creating pictures of their myths in the stars,constellations, long before that time. As Barber and Barber (2004, 211) point out, the"Kingship in Heaven" stories, which also reflect the northshift, "were told by Babylonians,Hittites, . . . Phoenicians. . . . , Germanic and Finnic tribes . . . across Eurasia to Iran, Indiaand China [and] . . . all [of them] must have diffused ultimately from the Near East." They(Barber and Barber 2004, 210-211) have shown that these tales encode data regarding thecelestial precession that dates back to 6480 B.C.E., well before we have a record of theZodiac. The "Kingship in Heaven" theme characterized the movement of the equinox fromGemini to Taurus ca. 4300 B.C.E. (Barber and Barber 2004, 208). [Back]

    19. "Northshift . . . The slow circuit of the extension of Earth's rotational pole through thestars takes almost 26,000 years, swinging the apparent North Celestial Pole from one part ofthe northern sky to another and causing the sun to appear against a shifting background ofZodiac stars" (Barber and Barber 2004, 198, fig. 35). [Back]

    20. Absolutely none of the stories or images is found prior to 2160 B.C.E. Libra is alsoknown as a dragon, a stone altar or the Claw, depending on which culture is telling the tale. [Back]

    21. For Mithraism as a celestial cult, see Barber and Barber 2004, 205-206 and Ulansey1989. The twelve signs of the zodiac show up as the twelve rebel kings in the Arthur tale, thetwelve Apostles in San Galgano's tale, the animal-shaped hilt of the Hititte sword god inYazilikaya, Turkey (ca. 1250 B.C.E.) and so forth. For the Chinese, Libra was a dragon,which explains why in Asia the sword is in a dragon's tail instead of in the stone (Littleton1981, 272). [Back]

    22. The seven layers of earth that figures in some of the tales are the celestial spheres,through which the Divine Sword cuts. [Back]

    23. Dates for precession of the spring equinox: ca. 6480 B.C.E. (Cancer to Gemini), ca.4320 B.C.E. (Gemini to Taurus), ca 2160 B.C.E. (Taurus to Aries) (Barber and Barber 2004,210), and 6 B.C. (Aries into Pices) (Barber and Barber 2004, 209). The precession from Picesinto Aquarius will occur ca. 2154 C.E. [Back]

    24. The Christians clearly had no idea that the tale was originally a mnemonic forremembering the "new" order of the Heavens, yet the monks and authors like Robert whorecord the tale do an admirable job of keeping the important details that the ancients weretrying to transmit to the next generation intact. [Back]

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  • Works Cited

    Ammianus Marcellinus. 1939. Ammianus Marcellinus. Translated by J.C. Rolfe. Cambridge:Harvard University Press. [Back]

    Bachrach, Bernard S. 1973. A history of the Alans in the West. Minneapolis: University ofMinnesota Press. [Back]

    Barber, Elizabeth Wayland, and Paul T. Barber. 2004. When they severed earth From sky:How the human mind shapes myth. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press. [Back]

    Bruce, James Douglas. 1958. The Evolution of Arthurian romance from the beginning downto the year 1300. 2nd ed. Gloucester: Peter Smith. 2 vols. [Back]

    Caesar, Julius. 1896. First eight books of Caesar's Commentaries on the Gallic War:Litterally translated with explanatory notes. Ed. and trans. Edward Brooks. ExcelsiorTranslations. New York: Platt and Nourse. [Back]

    Grimm, Jacob, and Wilhelm Grimm. 1981. The German legends of the Brothers Grimm. Ed.and trans. Donald J. Ward. Philadelphia: Institute for the Study of Human Issues. 2 vols. [Back]

    Guerber, H.A. 1985. The Norsemen, London: Bracken. [Back]

    Hedeager, Lotte. 1992. Iron-Age societies: From tribe to state in northern Europe, 500 B.C.to A.D. 700. Trans. John Hines. Oxford and Cambridge, MA; Blackwell. [Back]

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