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This article was downloaded by: [Texas A&M University-Commerce]On: 16 June 2013, At: 15:16Publisher: RoutledgeInforma Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954Registered office: Mortimer House, 37-41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH,UK
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The Ideology of Christianityand Pagan Practice among theTeutonic Knights: The Case ofthe Baltic RegionKaspars Kļaviņš a
a University of Daugavpiis, LatviaPublished online: 29 Aug 2008.
To cite this article: Kaspars Kļaviņš (2006): The Ideology of Christianity and PaganPractice among the Teutonic Knights: The Case of the Baltic Region, Journal of BalticStudies, 37:3, 260-276
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The Ideology of Christianity and Pagan Practice amongthe Teutonic Knights: The Case of the Baltic Region
Kaspa rs Klav ios, University of Daugavpiis, Latvia
Abstract: The Temp lars were not the on ly religious military order against whomcharges of heresy were laid in the Middl e Ages. Another vivid example isprovided by the accusations made against the Teutonic Knights in the latethirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, provoked by sharp conflict between theOrder and the Archb ishop and the City of Riga over its Livon ian properties. Themost serious investigation against the Teu tonic Knights took place in 1312, andwas carried out on papal instructio ns by Francis of Moliano. Th is investigagtionsupported the excommunication of the Teuto nic Knights imp lemented by theArchbis hop. Although the Teutonic Knights avoided the fate of the Templars, theprestige of the Ord er was seriously endangered . Along with other offences, theTeutoni c Knights were accused of practi sing pagan rituals ; such accu sationscertainly invite critic al evalu ation. At the same time, they prompt us to pay moreserious attention to the worldview of the Teu tonic Knights and to investigate whatkind of influenc e the cultures and mytho logies of the Baltic peoples may haveexerted upon this group.
For some, the name "Teutonic Knights"] conjures up the image ofaggressive German knights who laid the foundations of Germanic
militarism and even proto-Nazism. For other authors such as WilliamUrban, it denotes the "true Catholics" who brought the Christian faith tofearsome Baltic pagans? Both views represent stereotypes or cliches thatcan over simplify the history of Germany and the adjacent Baltic regionwhere the state of the Teutonic Knights emerged . While there has beenconsiderab le enquiry into the political and economic history of the Order,various controversial aspects of this history have yet to form the object ofserious scrutiny.
In the fourteenth century, the Archbishop of Riga and the City of Riga(the two key political adversaries of the Teutonic Knights in Livonia)accused the Order of practising pagan rites. These accusations havereceived little attention in the existing English- language literature, whichalso largely overlooks similar claims made by the Papal Legate Francis ofMoliano in 1312. Exceptions in this regard are Norman Housley (1986,268-71) , who briefly surveys the minutes of Francis ' investigation, andHelen Nicholson, whose studies of the Templars (2001, 208) andHospita llers (200 1, 47) mention accusat ions of heresy and witchcraft
185 , VOL XXXVII, No3 (FALL 2006) 260
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leveled in relation to the burning of dead bodies (a pagan practice) and thekilling of wounded Brothers in Livonia .3 Urban (2004, 67) describes theaccusations against the Knights , but concentrates solely on politica laspects , ignoring the pagan issue altogether." In sum, despite a number ofrecent studies (see also Ekdahl 2005) , there is still no detailed analysis ofthe synthesis that occurred between the local Baltic societies and those ofthe West, especially with respect to Livonia. The political and economicaspects of this phenomenon may have been touched upon, but its spiritualand cultural dimension has been little discussed until now.
The Situation of the Teutonic Knights in the Baltic Region in theThirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries
It should be remembered that medieval Prussia and Livonia constituteda northeastern frontier of Latin Europe, and were not regions with longestablished traditions of Catholicism. Here the majority of the country folkretained their native language , culture and social organization (Bartlett1994, 298), making this a place where certain cultural elements couldflourish more easily and more quickly than they could in areas of westernEurope long under Catholic tutelage. The situation of the Teutonic Knightswas therefore exceptional.
The Teutonic Knights were not the first religious military order tooperate in Livonia. In the thirteenth century, Bishop Albert entrusted theOrder of the Swordbrothers (jratres milicie Christi) with the task ofproviding protection for missions , rights and land. The majoradministrative functions were in the hands of functionaries of the Order,but local Livonian inhabitants were widely involved in warfare and in thebuilding of churches , roads and bridges (Benninghoven 1965, 82-3). In1237, after the Swordbrothers were defeated in battle by the Lithuaniansand Semigal ians, Pope Gregory IX confirmed that the remnants of theOrder were to be incorporated into the Teutonic Knights .5 It was at thispoint that the Teutonic Order took over the possessions of theSwordbrothers in Livonia and became the dominant military power there .At the same time, however, it assumed the status of vassal to the Bishop(from 1255 Archbishop) of Riga, whereas in Prussia it was independent.Furthermore, the Order found itself in a protracted state of war with theCity of Riga from 1297 until 1330. Although the Teutonic Knightsemerged victorious in this conflict , the Archbishop took the side of Riga.
All of this determined the difficult political position of the TeutonicKnights in the fourteenth century, a time when the situation of religiousmilitary orders became precarious throughout Europe . The archbishops
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proved increasingly adep t at winning over the sympat hies of the Papacyand setting it against the Order. In 1353, the Pope even tried to place Rigaunder his direct governance; when the Teutonic Order protested, it wasexpelled from the Church, and an interdict declared on its properties. TheArchbishop of Riga , however, had formally accused the Teutonic Orderbefore the Papal Curia as early as 1305. Investigation of these complaintsstarted in 1311, and was recorded in 1312 as minutes of interrogation byPapal Legate Francis of Moliano (Seraphim 1912). Complaints had beenleveled against the Teutonic Knights on 230 counts. A total of twenty-fourwitnesses were heard, mostly monks. Further testimonies of nine otherwitnesses are related in a Konigsberg source publication of 1912 (see Zeids1992, 44). In contrast to earlier authors such as Urban, I take the view thatthe accusations of pagan practices referred to in this source merit deeperinvestigatio n.
Pagan Elements in the Religious Mentality of the Teutonic Knights
The investigation materia ls of Francis of Moliano refer to the TeutonicOrder practis ing a numbe r of pagan rites -- especially fortune telling -which closely resembled the local traditions of the Baltic peoples. Forexample, a Cistercian monk produced the following testimony in which amember of the Order was alleged to have told the future with the help of apork bone :
he said that he had heard said that a certain brother of the order of the saidbrothers of the Hospital, looking in the scap ular bone of a certain pig ,predicted to the other brothers cert ain future things tha t after happened, asthat brother foretold. 6
Refere nce to the thirteenth century "table book" of the TeutonicKnights themselves -- the Livonian Rhymed Chronicle -- would indeedseem to confirm that members of the Order believed it was possible toforetell the future," This is evidenced by the reference to a captured heathenLithuanian commander who used to tell the future with the help of ashoulder bone -- a story which is implicitly given credence by theChronicle 's author:
Meanwhile a strange thing occ urred in Riga; as Lengewin sat at the table,eating with the brothers, he looked at a shou lder bone and his hea rt sank.He said , 'The Lithuanians are defeated. My brother has been killed. An
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army has been camped at my manor since yesterday.' Now bones havesince lied to many a man, but they did not lie to Lengewin . (Smith andUrban 2001 , 36)
This is the only episode withi n the Chronicle that prompts William Urbanto comment that a heathen rite was probably also attrib utable to theTeutonic Kn ights, even though there are others whic h lead one to a similarconcl usio n."
A further examp le of future telling among the Teutonic Knights can befound in a description of the military expedition of 1265 to the castle of"Gresen" [Grieze in present day Lithuania], where they were acco mpaniedby the Couronians, a Latvian tribe:
The Master heard why the messenger had come, but he did not wish todismiss the assembled forces without going on a raid. He conferred withthe brothers and sent the messengers back to Lithuania. Then he sent fourhundred and fifty mounted men riding along the coast toward Kurland[Courland -- Kurzeme in present day Latvia]. They did not pause untilthey reached Goldingen [Kuldiga in present day Latvia]. They took fromthe cloister whatever brothers, men-at-arms and Kurs [Couronians -- aLatvian tribe] they needed. They latter knew the lay of the land and theroads leading to Gresen. They gladly joined the expedition, because theyexpected to succeed. Their oracle sticks had fallen propitiously, and theirbirds had sang favorably, and from all this they had concluded thateverything would go well for them. (Smith and Urban 200 1, 74)
Smith and Urban explain this episode with reference to the ancie nthabi ts of the "Christian associates.?" However , in this case, the Englishtrans lation of the Chronicle is not precise, and a closer examination of theChronicler's narration reveals that he is in fact referr ing to all thoseassembled, including Germans . The original Middle High German (seeBisenieks, Mugurevics and Klavins 1998, 198) reads as follows :
sie waren algemeine vround ir mut der stunt also,daz ez in solde wol ergan.
This clearly refers to the entire group without differentiati on, as argue d byGerman scholar Wilhelm Mannh ardt in his work Letto-PreussischeGotterlehre (1936, 78) .
In the early fourteenth century, the Teutonic Knights were alsofrequently accused of killing their own badly wounded troops and burn ingthe bodies of the dead. A Bill of 19 July 1310, issued by Pope Clement Valludes to such practices," while the protocols of Francis of Moliano allegethat a badl y wounded Gottfried -- later Mast er of the Livonian branch of
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the Teutonic Kni ghts -- only avo ided this fate thanks to the intercession ofa novice Brother and other members of the Order (Seraphim 1912, 27_8).11
The lack of any corroborating evidence means that this specificallegation can easily be dismi ssed as a pol itically-motivated fabrication.However, the fourt eenth century official Livonian Chronicle of Herman ofWartberge does relate how the Teutonic Kni ght s burned twenty-five oftheir own warrio rs, killed in battl e during the military expedition inLithuania.12 In light of Chris tian doctrine about the resurrection of thebody, burn ing of the dead contravened the teachings of the medievalCatholic Church, and differences in funerary practices were often viewedas significant wa tersheds between "Chris tianity" and "paganism. " Theburning of the dead was also in conflict with the Art icles of the GermanOrder, where it is categorically stated that sick Order Brothers should becared for, and that the dead must be buried (Perlbach 1890). It should berememb ered, however, that there were other principles in force on thebattl efield , as is known from the time of the early Crusades. It may wellhave been that the Teutonic Kni ght s somet imes kill ed badly woundedcomrades out of mercy, even if the Church and the rules of the Order didnot allow it.
Such behavior might also be exp lainable in terms of local Balticinfluences . Both the written sources and archaeo logical excavations testifyto the custom of burning the dead among Baltic peoples. This is shown inthe Chronicle of Henry of Livonia in relation to the Couro nian attackaga inst the city of Riga, which finished with their retrea t:
After they had encircled the city on all sides and set a great fire, thepeople of Holm came on their horses to the Old Mountain, threatened theenemy with their swords, and descended to the city on the other side.When the Kurs [Couronians] saw them, they withdrew from the city,collected their dead, and returned to the ships. After crossing the Dvina[Duna, Daugava river], they rested for three days while cremating theirdead and mourning over them.13
A furth er avai lable source also tells us that the native Prus sians:
believed in a resurrection, but not correctly. They believed that as he is onearth, noble or common, poor or rich, powerful or not, just so would he beafter the resurrection. Therefore it was customary after the death of anoble to bum with him his weapons and horse, servants and maids,beautiful clothes, hunting dogs, falcons, and whatever else belongs to theequipment of a noble. Also with the common people everything theyowned was burned, because they believed it all would rise with them andcontinue to serve them. 14
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The Couronians, who resided in what is today western Latvia andnorthwestern Lithuania also regularly burned their dead, as demonstratedby the large number of cremation sites discovered in archeologicalexcavations . A different burial tradition was practiced in Eastern Latvia(Latgale), where the dead were buried in the ground.
It would appear also that the Teutonic Knights sometimes practised thelocal Baltic tradition of sacrificing material goods. The thirteenth centuryLivonian RhymedChronicle is extremely useful is this respect, informingus that after a successful battle with Lithuanians, members of the Ordersacrificed horses and weapons to God:
When the battle was over, the brothers and their allies all dismounted ontothe grass and their hearts were happy. Their rage rightly disappearedwhen they found they had lost no one, and for this they praised JesusChrist, Savior of the World, Who was worthy of their honor. Theydivided the weapons and horses equally, and a share was set aside forGod in heaven. The whole land benefited from this expedition. (Smithand Urban 2001,33)
This practice is mentioned in greater detail in a description of a sacrifice ofbooty performed after a successful raid in Samogithia (the land inhabitedby Lithuanian tribes):
The Christians took all the booty they could carry, and then devastated theland with fire and returned home. When they came back to Riga andwhen the townspeople heard how things had gone well for them, they allimmediately praised God in heaven for having mercifully defendedChristendom with this expedition. With the counsel of his brothers, themaster gave a part of the booty to our Lord, because he had given them asafe journey. He had earned His share, and they gave Him weapons andhorses. (Smith and Urban 2001,40)
In the original, written in Middle High German, this place sounds evenmore telling (see Bisenieks, Mugurevics and Klavins 1998, 115):
der meister gab vii dratedes roubes unserm herren teil,wen er hatte in gegeben heil.sines teiles was er wert:man gab im wapen unde pfert.
Here, God is "justly rewarded" with horses and weapons for his help in acampaign. It is not known, of course, what happened to these horses andweapons. In the Middle Ages it would not be unusual to share booty withthe Church. The source, however, does not say anything in this regard. Itquite simply speaks about "allocation" of weapons and horses "to God."
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Moreover, the Chronicle describes pagans making sacrifices to their godsin an analogous manner, as in the following passage concerning theLithuanians (Bisenieks, Mugurevics and Klavins 1998, 173):
die heiden namen roubes vii,mer, dan ich uch sagen wil,und gaben sch6nen teiliren goten, daz sie in heilund helfe hatten bracht ,
Indeed, the Germanist Harmut Kugler (1993 , 24) explains therespective passages in the Chronicle with reference to the extremely closelink between Christian and pagan forms of culture, especially as regardsthe sacrifice of horses to God, which was an enduring tradition also inMedieval Germany.
The Social Background of the Teutonic Knights
The preceding sources would all tend to support the hypothesis thatpagan elements were present to some extent in the mentality of theTeutonic Knights. One possible reason for this could be their social origin.Klaus Militzer (1994, 276) emphasizes that "the Teutonic Order hadalways been a corporation which was dominated by the ministerial nobilityderiving from serfdom," but adds that until consolidation in 1309 "onlytwelve of seventy-five identified Brothers, or 16 percent, can be assigned toGerman dynasts and families of the high nobility." He therefore contendsthat it was the low nobility (the so-called ministeriality) that dominated theLivonian branch of the Teutonic Order during this early period -- only 12percent could boast urban patrician backgrounds .15
Militzer also asserts that members of the high nobility wereincreasingly marginalized within the Order and that by the end of its reign ,the members of this class had become altogether excluded from the ranksof commanders. From the outset, the Order was therefore dominatedmainly by small , socially and politically weak families . Joining a militaryorder (in this case the Teutonic Knights) was certainly an opportunity toimprove one's social condition, and at the same time to acquire highprestige. However, the outlook of these people did not changesimultaneously with their admission to the Order. The Rule of the Order,dating from the mid-thirteenth century, placed no particular restrictions onrecruitment. 16 Of course, "the ideal knight Brother, requested in Prussia aswell as in Livonia, was a young, healthy and fit nobleman" (Militzer 1994,277) . Most Teutonic Knights, however, were recruited from social circles
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very close to tradi tional culture, and as a result their closeness to preChristian values and mythology cannot be ruled out.
The Livonian Rhymed Chronicle and the Traditional Old GermanEpic
In orde r to elucidate the possible openness of the Teutonic Knightstowards pagan ritual , it is necessary to investigate their religious mentality .In this regard the Livonian Rhymed Chronicle, dedicated to the events ofthe thirteenth century, reveals a close link with the Old German epic worldview. The Livonian Rhymed Chronicle was written as a "table book"; itwas meant to be read aloud for the Teutonic Knights dur ing their meals.The original of the Rhymed Chronicle is written in the standard MiddleHigh German epic verse form. There are even references to famou sGerman epic heroes, such as Ecke and Dietrich von Bern (Smith and Urban200 1, 101). The whole Chro nicle is little more than a descripti on ofmilitary campaigns, and is therefore quite unlike the other importantthirteenth-century Livonian Chro nicle , the Latin- language Chronicle ofHenry of Livonia. Its cent ral theme is not the division between Christiansand pagans, but rather the one pitting the Teutonic Knights and their alliesagainst enemies that must be fought. Courage is the ethical value praised inboth these groups . Of course, courage was a significant element of theethics of chiva lry, but it was also the highest ethic for Germanic soldiersoutside the knightly cas te.
The way God and St Mary are lauded in these Chronicles is interesting.In his brief description of the Livonian Rhymed Chronicle, for instance,Eric Christiansen (1980, 93) stresses that "the Virg in ... , is here a wargoddess. God is a hard master, whose service is military. " It thereforeappears that Mary was worshipped before a military campaign in much thesame way as female warriors and avengers such as Brunhild and Krirnhildin the Niebelunglied. The Chronicle 's author also believes in the ability ofthe "pagan Gods" to influence events. For examp le, in describing aLithuanian marauding campaign, the author speaks of the God "Perkune"assisting the marauders by helping the sea to freeze over."
Robert Bartlett (1994, 100) has also referred to the peculiar means ofexpression in the Livonian Rhymed Chronicle, which he terms " . . . aclassic example of that indirection and doom-ladenness so familiar inGermanic epic from Beowulf to the Nibelungen/ied. The tale is one ofendless fighting, punctuated carefully by reference to the succession of themasters of the Teuton ic Order." Hartmut Kugler, meanwhile (1993, 25),stresses the fact that T.ivonia in the C h ron ir-Ie is r.::l llen not " Liv lanri' wh ir.h
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used to be the proper German form, but "Nieflant" (Niebelungenland) ,accord ing to the Nibelungenlied. It thus appears evident that the membersof the German Order found emotional gratification for their activity in theBaltic in the motifs of the heroic epics arising from German popularculture.
Teutonic Knight s and the Local Baltic Society
The existence of pagan elements in the mentality of the TeutonicKnights may also be explained by their contacts with the local Balticpeopl es which continued for so long to maintain their traditional religiousbeliefs and rituals. This gives rise to an important question, namely -- justhow close were the contacts between the Teutonic Knight s and local Balticpeoples ?
With the exception of the Lithuanians, who remained pagans until theofficial introduction of Catholicism in the year 1387, the Baltic peoples -first Christianized in the thirteenth century -- had become fully integratedinto the administrative structures of Prussia and Livonia by the beginningof the fourteenth. Even before the arrival of the Teutonic Knights , Germansarriving in the Baltic were required to cooperate with the local inhabitants.For example, during the process of conquering Livonia , Albert , Bishop ofRiga (d. 1229) and the Order of Swordbrothers relied on other Balticpeoples, Livonians and Letgallians, when fighting Estonians. Thesuperiority of German military equipment was not so significant that theGermans could ignore the military capacity of local peoples. Local Balticwarriors also quickly acquired new technol ogies and methods of combatbrought from the West (Bartlett 1994, 74-5). The primary sources confirmthis precisely: the Chronicle of Henry of Livonia and the Livonian RhymedChronicle both contain references to the important role of the Balticindigenous inhabitants in the military forces of Archbishop of Riga, theOrder of Swordbrothers and the Teutonic Knights. As FriedrichBenninghoven noted, participation in warfare was one of the duties of theLivonian local peoples before the power structures (Benninghoven 1965,83-4; see also Stems 2002).
From the viewpoint of military history , Latvia and Estonia after theGerman colonization can therefore be compared to England after theNorman Conquest. English archers would be successfully employed inarmies governed by the French speaking elite. The fourteenth centuryChronicle of Bartholomaeus Hoeneke also reveals independent action bythe native warriors (Die jiingere livldndische Reimchronik, 37). Even whenthe Teutonic Knights from Livonia waged wars against southern andeastern neighbors, namely Lithuanians and Russians, they still had to
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cooperate with the native population if they wanted to ensure success intheir military operations. The native population in the Baltic lost theirpolitical independence and any right to self-government followingcolonization, but was not reduced to serfdom. Only the smallestadministrative unit, the castle district , was retained by the German rulersfor the purpose of collecting dues, assigning labor duties and holding courtofjustice. The local population retained personal freedom, the right to beararms, rights to own and inherit their farmsteads and the right to seekjustice. Even by the sixteenth century, peasants could still carry weapons ,while serfdom was not yet a reality in Livonia (Dunsdorfs and Spekke1964,440).
On the whole, the Teutonic Knights were closely connected to theBaltic peasants. Along Latvia 's eastern and southern frontier ran adefensi ve wall of castles . These had been built by Livonia 's rulers toprotect their properties from attacks by the Russians and the Lithuanians. Asignificant number of these castles stood in the territory of the TeutonicKnights. While Brother knights were largely responsible for defensive andoffensive activities along the defensive perimeter, they neverthelessrequired the support of a large numbers of armed peasants. Along the entirefrontier, Latvian peasants also functioned as scouts that would alert thenearest commander of the Order of any impending assaults. A special taxwas imposed upon peasants and vassals to remunerate these Latvian scoutsor reconnoiterers (Stems 2002, 734). Even during the sixteenth-centuryLivonian wars with Russia , Latvian and Estonian peasants played animportant role in the troops of the German Order (Blumfeldt 1949).Prussian peasants were also involved in the military activities of theTeutonic Knights , not only in defending the land but also in makingmilitary advances into enemy territory . They formed the largest part of theOrder's infantry (Hirsch et al . 1861,255).
It has also been suggested that a certain proportion of the KnightBrothers were of local origin, at least during the early stages of the Order 'srule. " It was only later that they began to admit sons of German estateholders exclusively. At the same time, Baltic Prussian nobles increasinglyallied themselves with the German newcomers. Michael Burleigh (1984,33) observes that:
One can gauge the efficacy of this policy by the fact that in 1295rebelliou s Pruss ian peasants decided to kill their own noblemen as aprelude to fighting with the Order. These factors -- with freedom to marrywhomsoever they wished enshrined in the Treaty of Christburg of 1249 -helped to ensure that the upper reaches of Pruss ian society intermarriedwith German immigrant families to form an undifferentiated "Prussian"upper class.
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Generally, the old aristocracy of the Baltic peoples was eitherGermanized over time, became free servants or peasants , or melted into themass of small fiefholders (Miihlen 2000, 123).
Benninghoven (1965, 83-4) observes that from quite early on, theleaders of the Swordbrothers began to establish a loyal stratum of servantsfrom among the local inhabitants , by granting them small service fiefs andobliging them to take part in warfare , carry out messenger duties, etc. TheTeutonic Knights continued this policy . These local servants joined withthose of German origin to form the light cavalry of the Teutonic Knights .However, the percentage of the local population within this group wasquite significant, and certainly greater than the share of immigrants fromthe West. In this regard, Miihlens (2000, 124) assertion that most of thisgroup were German craftsmen , millers or innkeepers is at odds with thefindings of Stems, Dunsdorfs, Svabe and others.
During the fifteenth century , increasing pressure from German vassalsultimately ended native fiefs within the Archbishopric. This pattern,however, was not reflected in the districts run by the Teutonic Knights . Inthese areas, Livonian masters reconfirmed existing privileges by way ofseparate charters. Numerous native vassals sought to "Germanize"themselves through intermarriage, as a means of retaining their fiefs. Yetothers were able to retain both their feudal status and their ethnic identitythroughout the Livonian period (Stems 1997, 736) . The most vividexample of the latter were the so-called "Couronian Kings," who heldhereditary titles to land, as well as hunting, fishing and milling rights, witha coat of arms for each village.
Legally , the representatives of this group were subordinate to theCommander of Kuldiga (and later the senior castellan) just as the estateholders were. The residents of each village elected a representative to localgovernment. The "Couronian Kings" were obliged to serve in the army ofthe Teutonic Knights as light cavalry and scouts. It is also interesting tonote that, that despite the fact that they were subject to an officiallyCatholic knightly order, they also owned their own sacred forest. TheTeutonic Knights did not dare to encroach on this forest even though othersacred pagan bogs and groves had long before been cut down . According toancient tradition, hunting was carried out in this forest only once a year, atChristmas , with part of the hunting trophies given as offerings (Dunsdorfsand Spekke 1964, 626). The status of the other local fief holders wassimilar. Feudal charters to non-German vassals indicate that there were infact knight service fiefs in thirteenth century Livonia. However, feudaldocuments also reveal that it was difficult for native vassals to retain theirprivileged status.
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Representatives of local Baltic peoples could also be included invarious structures of the Teutonic Order. This can be attributed first andforemost to the relatively small number of Teutonic Knights in the Baltic(and especially in Livonia) . In describing the situation in Livonia, KlausMilitzer (1994, 272) concludes that "between 1237 and 1309, about 200knight Brothers were living in the castles in Livonia each year , andtherefore we can assume that the Livonian branch of the Order may havehad a membership of between 1200 and 1400 Knight Brothers." TheTeutonic Knights consisted of Brother Knights, Brother Priests and BrotherSergeants. Archeological investigations of the Livonian castles suggest thata certain proportion of the Brother Sergeants may have been of local Balticorigin, for alongside various items of western European origin, excavationsalso turned up numerous artifacts (tools, arms, jewelry, household items)that were specifically characteristic of local people (Mugurevics 1983 &1994).
Indirect evidence that local servants lived in the castles of the Ordercan also be seen from the graveyards excavated near medieval castles(Mugurevics 1994). While this does not imply that local people gatheredthere en masse, there are certainly no grounds to assume that they were notthere. It should be taken into account that admittance as a servant requiredno oath , and neither parentage nor nationality was taken into account.Sergeants wore gray cloaks and were referred to as the "grays." ThePrussian example shows that the local noblemen and other Prussians whohad gained elevated status were also integrated in the organization of theTeutonic Knights as various officials. They were called Withinge andspecial tables were provided for them in the castles during mealtimes. Theyalso had a special form of dress (Die Chronik Wigands von Marburg, 4545). The Prussian soldiers also went to war with their old weapons, whichthey had used already before the German entry (Hirsch et at 1861, 265) .
In joining different administrative structures established by Germans,representatives of local Baltic peoples did not completely give up theirtraditions and outlook. A good example in this connection is a story in thefourteenth century Pruss ian Chronicle of Peter of Dusburg about a localPrussian soldier in the service of the Teutonic Knights who in 1329predicted a conflict with Poland.19 After living together with people whofor a long time retained their ancient worldviews, it would surprising ifsome of these had not found their way into the mentality of the TeutonicKnights.
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Conclusion
Although the main medi eval source tell ing of pagan practices amongstthe Teutonic Knights -- the minutes of interrogation by Franci s of Moliano-- is politically motivated and unfavorably inclined to the German Ordersome remarkable evidence of pagan practices can also be found in the"table book" of the Order and the Livonian Rhymed Chronicle, eventhough the latter was written to extol the heroism of the Knights. Thi sbizarre congruence suggests that not all the accusations were completelygroundless, and that there truly were elements of paganism in the mentalityof the Teutonic Knights . Influ ence from the local population's traditionalbeliefs certainly seems likely, when one takes into account the closecontacts -- at least in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries -- forgedthrough shared military activity, common life in fortresses and traderelations. While there is insufficient material to make any categoricalconclusions in this regard, the topic is certainly worthy of inves tigation.Not least, it seems to open up the possibility that western incomers andlocal peoples found ways of cohabiting and achieved a synthesis thattemporarily unified them under the values and ideas of the Europeancivilization.
Notes
This paper was writt en as a Research Associate of the School ofHistorical Studies, Monash Unive rsity. I am indebted to Constant J. Mewsfor his assistance in formulating the arguments in this paper, as well as toRobert Crawford for his help with English expression, and to the AustraliaLatvia Friendship Society for making possibl e my stay at MonashUniversity.
I. The Teutonic Knights, or more correctly the German Hospital of St Mary in Jerusalem(hospitalis sancte Marie Theutonicorum Jerosolimitani), grew out of the Germ anhospital in Acre, found ed in I 190 and recognized by Pope Celestine III in late I 196.The German Orde r blend ed the early traditions of the Knights Templ ars and theKnights Hospita llers, a combination of Samaritans and warr iors, and an embodiment ofthe monk and of the knight. With only a weak power base in the Holy Land, theGerm an Order was eager to expand elsewhere in Europ e. In 1211, the Hungarian KingAndrew II allotted to the Teutonic Knights a region called the land of Burza in order tosecure the Hungarian borders against the onsla ught of the Cumans . The desire of theGerm an Order to expand its auto nomy, however, led to it being expelled by the Kingof Hungary in 1225. A new period started in 1226 , when Conrad, the Duke of Masovia,in Poland, invited the Order to fight against Old Prussians (a Baltic people, related tomodem Latvians and Lithuanians, who spoke a language similar to Latvian and
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Lithuanian). Gradually these Old Prussians became Germanized and integrated into anew German -Prussian ethnic group.
2. "The crusades in the Baltic region were efforts to protect converts and commerce andto suppress superstition, barb arism, and anarchical tribal warfare. Led by a profes sionalpries thood whose sole duty was the care of souls whom God had placed in theircharge, these crusading endeavors were theoretically as humanitarian a venture as onecan conceive, when one takes human weakne sses into account" (Urban 1975, xii).
3. These problems have also been discussed in more detai l by Kugler ( 1993) .4. Here Urban ironically compares Francis of Moli ano 's investigation to "Jarnd yce versus
Jarndyce," as described by Charles Dicke ns.5. As it result, the power base of the Teuton ic Knight s shifted to the Baltic in the
thirteenth century , giving this region a crucial role in the further history of the Order.Thi s also opened a new chapter in the history of the region, which lasted until the fallof old Livonia in 156 1.
6. " . . .dixit, quod audivit dici , quod quidam frater de ordine eorundem fratrum hospitalisrespiciens in osse scapule cuiusdam porci predixit fratribus aliis quedam futura, quepostmodum contigerunt, ut ille frater predixerat." From Seraphim ( 1912, p.57).
7. The Rhymed Chronicle was written late in the thirteenth century in Midd le HighGerman.
8. "Divination was an ancien t custom and found around the world. Consequently, it is nosurprise that both Baltic heathens and Teutonic Knights believed in it" (Smith andUrban 200 I, 36).
9. "This sugges ts that these Christian allies sti ll preserved many of their old pagancustoms" (Smith and Urban 200 I, 74).
10. "Following the worst practice of the same pagans, they slay their own Brothers with akind of impiety of savage ferocity , if it happ ens that they are affl icted with wounds inany hostile encounter or conflict, again st the custom of orthodox faith while still alive,burning their bod ies by the fire of flames " (cited in Serap him 19 12, p.170).
II . Note also the following papal ordin ance from 1336: "Fu rther, so that you do not slayyour Brothers, wounded in a fight, while still alive, nor cremate their bodies, pass adecree imposing pun ishment in such things , also do not exerc ise auguries and fortunetellin g or divination, but prohibit such things to be done throu gh statutes passed in yourchapte rs" (cited in Liv-, Est- und Kurliindisches Urkundenbuch, Vol. 2, no. 778, p.303).
12. "When morning had come , the lantmarsaculus with his own people found dead bodie s,str ipped naked, which they burn ed, as they went further" (from: Hermanni deWartberge Chronicon Livoniae, 140).
13. "Et cum undique circumdedissent civitatem et ignem copiosum incendissent, venientesHolmenses in equis suis ad Montem Antiquum et gladiis suis hostibus comminantes,ad civitatem ex alia parte declinant . Quos videntes Curones a civitate reced unt, etcollectis interfectis suis ad naves revertuntur, et transita Duna triduo quiscentes etmort uos suos cremantes fece runt planctum super eos ." Henrici Chronicon Lyvoniae,part . XIV, (5), p. 270; The Chronicle of Henry of Livonia A Tra nslation withIntroduction and Notes by James A. Brund age. Madison, 1961. p.98.
14. Von Klaus Scholz and Dieter Wojt ecki. eds. Chronik des PreussenlandeslPeter vonDusburg. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1984. Pp. 102- 103. Quotedin Ross and McLaughl in (1977 , 427) .
15. Initially , the German ministerials were not nobles, but enslaved servants of the nobleprinces (the King, the counts) as well as of bishops and abbots . It was common practicein the Holy Roman Empire that the noble princes vested in some enslaved inhabi tantsof their domains more significant functions than mere working of land -- for exam ple,partic ipation in mili tary campaigns, administration of domains, defense of strongholds,etc. Their career depended on the grace of their masters. Min isteria ls could also serve
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their masters in the capacity of knigh ts (namely, properly armed so ldiers), yet this didnot necessarily entai l any changes in their socia l status. Practising military activitiesand a managerial lifestyle as well as self-identification as knights contrib uted to theirself-esteem. While feuda l law (Lehnrecht) gradually deve loped to mean more thanmere service law (Dienstrecht) , the ministerials effectively transformed themselvesinto a lesser nobility subject to feuda l law. This process had been achieved by the latethirteenth century.
16. " . . . at the beginning of the fourteenth century . . . the Grand master Dietrich ofAltenbu rg dema nded , for the first time, that candidates for reception should be of noblebirth, although he did admit exceptions. Subseq uently, during the fourteent h andfiftee nth centuries, the Teutonic Order made the recrui tmen t of non-nob lemen moredifficult and, by the end of the fifteent h century, was demanding proof of four nob leances tors" (Mi litzer 1994, 270) .
17. "They crossed the Osterhap at Swurben , for Perkune, their idol, had made the seafreeze harder than it ever had before. They were daring and unrestrained" (Sm ith andUrban 200 1, 18).
18. It is difficul t to establis h an absolutely clear view on this . Klaus Militzer greets suchclaim s with scepticism as rega rds to Livonia, mentioning only one such KnightBrother, called Ykemele (see Fenske and Militzer 1993, 744).
19. Scho lz and Wojtecki (1984, 544). The prophecy reveals syncretism between traditionalreligion of Anc ient Pruss ians and Middle Age Catholicism. According to the source, amember of the cast le guard , of Old Prussian origin, expe rienced the following vision :"he heard thunder and lightning, after which saw he saw a multitude of men withswords unsheathed in the air. Later he noticed very bright light at four parts of theheaven, whi le in the middle there was a shiny cross ." The men with swords in the skyare very much reminiscent of the ancient beliefs of the Baltic peoples about thenort hern lights in the sky, which in Latvian are called "kiivi" (fights) .
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