The impact of ethnic tourism on hill tribes in …wordpress.reilumatkailu.fi/wp-content/uploads/2012/04/...THE IMPACT OF ETHNIC TOURISM ON HILL TRIBES IN THAILAND Kayoko Ishii Nagoya

Annals of Tourism Research, Vol. 39, No. 1, pp. 290–310, 20120160-7383/$ - see front matter � 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Printed in Great Britain

doi:10.1016/j.annals.2011.05.004www.elsevier.com/locate/atoures

THE IMPACT OF ETHNIC TOURISMON HILL TRIBES IN THAILAND

Kayoko IshiiNagoya University of Commerce and Business,

Japan

Abstract: This research examines how the economic benefits of working in the ethnic tour-ism industry affect households in the local minority community, with a special focus on thedivision of labor and power dynamics of gender complementarity.Household income data gathered from the inner-city communities of the Akha tribal peoplein Thailand are the primary data used in a linear regression framework. The results show thatethnic tourism provides income to the local minority community. This income, however, ishigher for young people and women than for older men, a disparity that disrupts the com-munity’s traditional patriarchal social system. This study contributes to a nested model ofmultiple marginalization based on ethnicity, gender, and legal status. This case shall contrib-ute to tourism planning and local policymaking in areas where ethnic tourism prospers. Key-words: ethnic tourism, ethnic minority, stateless, gender, Thailand. � 2011 Elsevier Ltd. Allrights reserved.

INTRODUCTION

The purpose of this research is to examine how the economic bene-fits of ethnic tourism affect the division of labor and power dynamics ofgender within tribal households of minority communities engaged inethnic tourism. Household data gathered from inner-city communitiesof the Akha people in Chiang Mai City, Thailand, are analyzed using alinear regression model. Currently, ethnic tourism—which is some-times discussed as a part of cultural tourism—is an important part ofthe global tourism industry. Existing scholarly literature about the eth-nic tourism industry tends to focus on the decision-making processdominated by either the mainstream residents of the destination coun-try (Cohen, 2001, p. 147; Lindberg, Enriquez, & Sproule, 1996, p. 554;Van den Berghe, 1992, p. 243) or, in some cases, international tourismenterprises (Mbaiwa, 2005, p. 161). The host (natives)—middleman—

Kayoko Ishii is an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Economics at the Nagoya Universityof Commerce and Business (4-4 Sagamine, Komenoki-cho, Nisshin-shi, Aichi-ken, 470-0193,Japan. E-mail <[email protected]>). She has interests in the socio-economic effectof tourism toward ethnic minority communities, including economic impact and tourism-related migration. Her main field of research is impact of globalization to the inner-cityethnic minority communities in northern Thailand, especially focusing on the hill tribes ofThailand.

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guest (tourists) framework (Van den Berghe, 1994, p. 122) or depen-dency paradigm (Mbaiwa, 2005, p. 158) is used to analyze this mecha-nism. The literature indicates that the local residents shouldparticipate in the decision-making process of ethnic tourism (Broh-man, 1996, p. 67; Schilcher, 2007, p. 62), which enables local commu-nities to benefit from the trickle-down effect of ethnic tourism (Milne,1987, p. 512; Scheyvens, 2002, p. 157).

Van den Berghe (1994) defines ethnic tourism as the search forauthentic encounters with other ethnicities. As modernity produceshomogenization, instability, and authenticity, it generates a quest foran opposite experience (Van den Berghe, 1994, p. 8). The essenceof ethnic tourism is noted as an encounter between the First andFourth Worlds (Van den Berghe, 1992, p. 247). The Fourth World isdefined by Swain, with reference to Graburn (1976), as

. . . [a] collective name for all aboriginal or native peoples whose landsfall within national boundaries and technobureaucratic administra-tions of the countries of the First, Second, and Third World (Swain,1993, p. 33).

Van den Berghe (1992) noted that tourism is a godsend for ethnicminorities of the peripheral class in avoiding starvation because someeconomic benefits of the tourist trade trickle down to the minorities(Van den Berghe, 1992, p. 244). In addition, it is argued that someminority peoples left in the periphery of national class systems enterinto a capitalist market as members of an ethnic group rather thanas members of national systems (Swain, 1993, p. 47).

According to Mala Rajo Sathian, residents of Thailand are dividedroughly into three groups depending on ethnicity and religion: (1)the predominantly Tai race group (Tai, Lao, Shan, and so on); (2)the non-Tai group, which shares a devotion to Buddhism (Mon, Khmerand Shino-Thai, and others); and (3) the non-Buddhist community,which is regarded as a minority in Thailand and includes Muslimsand the highland groups such as Karen, Hmong and Lisu (Sathian,2009, p. 219). At the same time, residents of Thailand are divided intothree categories in terms of legal status: (1) those with Thai nationality,(2) those with authorized resident alien status, and (3) undocumentedresidents. The ethnic categories and legal statuses are somewhat intri-cate in reflection of the diverse population. This study concerns inner-city residents, regardless of legal status, who are of one specific ethnicminority: the Akha people. The Akha, also known as Hani in Chinese, isan ethnic group believed to have a population of 2.5 million (Bunaysar-anay & Chumw, 2004, p. 5). The Akha do not have their own state andare scattered across a wide area covering five states—China, Myanmar,Thailand, Laos, and Vietnam (Burutphat, 1995, p. 113; Toyota, 1998,pp. 200–201). In Thailand, 68,653 persons registered themselves asAkha (Krom Phatna sangkhom le sawadikan krasuang kanphatnasangkhom le khwam mankhong khong manusaya, 2002). The Akhaare regarded as one of the subgroups of the hill tribes of Thailand.

It is believed that until the 1950s, most of the hill tribes of Thailand,including Akha, resided in villages located in mountainous areas,

292 K. Ishii / Annals of Tourism Research 39 (2012) 290–310

having scarce contact with the Thai central government in Bangkok(Bhruksasri, 1989, p. 12; Kesmanee, 1994, p. 681). In 1955, the Thaigovernment set up border patrol police in northern mountainousareas in response to the geopolitical situation surrounding Thailand(Kunstadter, 1967, p. 281; Manndorff, 1967, p. 526). Since then, thehill tribes gradually integrated into the state of Thailand (Cohen,2001, p. 136; Tapp, 1990, p. 154). In the 1970s, the central governmentoffered Thai nationality to mountain villagers to secure their loyalty tothe Thai central government. Because most of the hill tribal peoplewere reluctant to accept it, only a few received it. Since the 1970s, anumber of foreign governments and international organizations havelaunched development projects in mountain villages in collaborationwith the Thai government (Sutthi, 1995, p. 5; Vienne, 1989, p. 35).Since the 1980s, numerous non-governmental organizations havelaunched small-scale development projects in the villages(Chotichaipiboon, 1997, pp. 110–114). As a result, in the name ofdevelopment, the mountain villagers have been gradually inculcatedwith the nation state’s ideology, economy, or concept of social order(Kampe, 1996, pp. 155–156).

In the process, the socioeconomic situation of the mountain villagersdramatically changed (Chandraprasert, 1997). First, subsistence farm-ing subsided (Chotichaipiboon, 1997, pp. 104–106), and materialism,nationalism, and capitalism began to take root (McCaskill, 1997,p. 32), including participation in tourism. Second, hundreds left theirmountain villages and migrated into urban and suburban areas insearch of employment and education (Jatuworaphruek, 1997, p. 1;Toyota, 1998, p. 197). Some of the tribal peoples migrated further thanthe cities of Northern Thailand to Bangkok, the southern beach resortareas, and sometimes even abroad (Yoshino, 1998, p. 81). As Cohenindicates, ethnic tourism in northern Thailand has developed commer-cially as it has simultaneously been absorbed into the lowland political,economic, and cultural system (Cohen, 2001, p. 64). As a result, thelives of these hill tribe people are no longer limited to the social sphereof mountain villages; their lives are now part of the global socioeco-nomic picture. At this stage, some hill tribe people began to realizethat the lack of Thai nationality was a great disadvantage.

Those who had been reluctant to accept Thai nationality beganrequiring it around the turn of the century. Without Thai nationality,they were stateless people within the global socioeconomic system.However, at the same time, the geopolitical situation surroundingThailand had changed. The ‘‘threat of communist parties’’ in sur-rounding countries had faded, and the central government, therefore,had no political motivation to distribute Thai nationality simply to se-cure the loyalty of the mountain villagers in the border areas. Further-more, since the 1980s, large numbers of people have emigrated fromMyanmar to Thailand, making it sometimes difficult to distinguishthe hill tribes of Thailand from other recent emigrants. Today, the Thaigovernment is trying to improve its nationality statutes and require-ments. However, it is still impossible to solve all stateless issues of eth-nic minority people. Correspondingly, some hill tribe people are still


unable to acquire Thai nationality even though they take part in theglobal socioeconomic world. This study, which examines hill tribes’residual income earnings from ethnic tourism, sheds new light onthe debate concerning the circumstances under which their situationwill be improved through participation in ethnic tourism.

THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVE

Scholarly Work on the Socioeconomic Impact of Ethnic Tourism Worldwide

Recent literature contains two contrasting perspectives regarding thesocioeconomic impact of ethnic tourism on local minority residents(Adams, 2006; Boswell, 2005; Bruner, 2005; Hitchcock, 2000;Middleton, 2004, p. 73). The first widely accepted perspective is thatethnic tourism has multiple benefits, such as cultural/identity revivaland socioeconomic, and sometimes even political, gains for localminority residents (Adams, 2003, p. 571; Andereck, Valentine, Knopf,& Vogt, 2005, p. 1057; Kent, 2006, p. 101; Hipwell, 2007, pp. 891–892;Andereck et al., 2005, pp. 1056–1067; Komlosy, 2004, p. 370;Thompson, 2004, p. 380). These scholars often challenge traditionalarguments that question the authenticity of minority culture that isreproduced on behalf of tourism (Grunewald, 2002, p. 1016; Yang &Wall, 2009, p. 236). In contrast, the second perspective maintains thatethnic tourism provides a limited economic return for local minorityresidents, although many scholars do acknowledge the positive impactof ethnic tourism on cultural/identity grounds (Cohen, 2001, p. 86;McKercher & Fu, 2006, p. 521; Nepal, 2005, p. 116). Some studiespoint out situations where locals tolerate tourism’s unwanted effects(Andriotis, 2006, p. 1082). According to these scholars, minority resi-dents accept ethnic tourism despite the limited economic return be-cause of its positive impact on the revival of culture and identity,which transcends the limited economic return (McKercher & Fu,2006, p. 521; Nepal, 2005, p. 116).

Existing scholarly literature has focused on the analysis of the socio-economic impact of tourism based on whether local residents partici-pated in the tourism industry or not (Li, 2006, p .133). Generally,the conclusion has been that if local communities participate in thetourism industry, especially in decision making processes, a trickle-down effect can then empower and benefit local residents (Brohman,1996; Hampton, 2005; Milne, 1987; Scheyvens, 2002). Hampton indi-cates this finding from a case study of Borobudur tourism in Java, Indo-nesia (Hampton, 2005), and Scheyvens draws similar conclusions fromcase studies of backpacker-tourism in the Third World (Scheyvens,2002). Recent literature has begun focusing on the participation ofminority groups in the tourism industry and is shedding light on thediversity of minority groups (Britton, 1982; Cohen, 2001; Lacher &Nepal, 2010; Mbaiwa, 2005). However, little research to date hasfocused on how economic benefits are distributed within the localcommunity (Harrison & Schipani, 2007, p. 86). Some of the existing


literature has analyzed and examined emerging core-peripheral rela-tionships, such as those of the gateway city and peripheral villages orthe dominant islands and subordinate islands, for example (Cohen,2001; Walpole, 2000; Weaver, 1998). However, no known researchhas analyzed how the nationality status of local minorities has beenaffected socioeconomically by the tourism industry.

Two key papers that motivate this study are Van der Berghe (1992)and Swain (1993). Van den Berghe (1992) argues that ethnic tourismcreates a new division of labor that broadly follows ethnic lines (Vanden Berghe, 1992, p. 237):

‘‘Tourists . . . are privileged . . . often seen by locals as a kind of super-ethny . . . Tourees are often predominantly Fourth-World peoples, . . . inthe sense of being economically and politically marginal to, and cultur-ally distinctive from, the First-, Second- or Third-World countries ofwhich they are nominal citizens . . . tourees are ethnically distinctivenot only from tourists, but in the majority of cases, from the dominantethnic groups of their own ‘‘national’’ societies. . . . Middlemen gener-ally belong to the dominant ethnic group or groups that control thepolity and economy of the host country’’ (Van den Berghe, 1992,p. 237).

Swain (1993) discusses the gender dynamics within ethnic minoritygroups involved in ethnic tourism. According to Swain, women produc-ers of ethnic arts seem to be empowered at the household level by theirwork (Swain, 1993, p. 49). However, at the ethnic group level, most wo-men conform to societal expectations of male and female roles withintheir own ethnic and state societies. As a result, women are frequentlynot empowered to change their societies (Swain, 1993, p. 48). To date,few studies have succeeded in analyzing these points with empiricaldata, especially at the local level. This study tests the results of well-established arguments, such as those previously mentioned, by initiallyexamining the income ethnic minority people earn from ethnic tour-ism as a proxy for the economic benefits accrued by the tribal house-hold. The findings will then be interpreted in context of the impactthese benefits have on the division of labor within marginalized ethnicminority communities. Also considered will be the extent to whichthose benefits affect gender complementarity and the power dimen-sion of gender roles within kin-based household economics. The dataset examined here is household data gathered from the inner city Akhacommunity of northern Thailand.

DATA AND VARIABLES

Data

This study is based primarily on a subsample of the 382 Akha resi-dents residing within the inner-city area of Chiang Mai. The subsamplewas collected between February 11, 2008, and March 28, 2008.Although there are no formal statistics on inner-city Ahka populations,according to Bunaysaranay and Chumw, the Ahka population in the


inner-city area of Chiang Mai was estimated to be 1,020 in 2004(Bunaysaranay, & Chumw, 2004), while Toyota estimated it to bearound 2,000 in 1996 (Toyota, 1998, p. 197). Based on these two esti-mates, the sample of this study represents approximately 20–37% of allthe Ahka residents in the inner-city area of Chiang Mai and includesresidents with and without formal residential status. The samplingstrategy was to interview Ahka residents of two major Ahka communitieslocated in the southern part of Chiang Mai City. The data were derivedfrom respondents who agreed to be interviewed. There were only twocases in which the residents indirectly declined to be interviewed. If anindividual was not at home at the time of the interview, one of the fam-ily members reported on his or her behalf. There were a few cases inwhich family members were not sure about the absent family member’sincome or educational background; in those cases, the samples weresimply excluded from the data.

The household data were collected by a group consisting of threepersons: the author, a coordinator, and a translator. The coordinatorwas a non-governmental organization (NGO) staff member, who hadbeen providing educational support in the community for six years.The translator was a young Akha man who was bilingual in Thai andAkha and lived near the community. The interviews were conductedprimarily with acquaintances of the translator, resulting in snowballsampling. In other words, samples may be biased in favor of residentswho originally come from the same village area as the translator. Snow-ball sampling, however, was the only way to gather household datafrom the target community, which consisted of both documentedand undocumented residents. No government or international organi-zation or individual researcher has ever succeeded in gathering statis-tical data from this community. This study benefited from the effortsof the translator, who was a typical resident of the target community.In addition, the sample included sufficient varieties of gender, age, le-gal status, and occupation, as seen in the tables. Thus, the sample canbe considered representative of the residents in the communities.

The sample is based on self-reports. In addition, according to rumorsamong community members, the possibility exists that there may be in-come that was not revealed in the interviews. For example, young peo-ple may receive money from foreign partners, or some may receiveextra income by selling illegal items. Although this research wouldbe more exhaustive had it been able to include such hidden income,attempting to identify such sources of income would have jeopardizedthe respondents’ trust and would have possibly resulted in their refus-ing to be interviewed. Had the research team pursued information onthe respondents’ ‘‘hidden income,’’ it is likely they would have sus-pected the research team of being affiliated with the police. In otherwords, in an effort to collect the existing data, information related topossible hidden income was not requested. In the event that respon-dents were unable to calculate their monthly income, they were askedfor a weekly income instead; that figure was then multiplied by four toestimate the respondent’s monthly income. If the respondents werealso unsure about weekly income, then they were asked for their daily


income and how many days per month they generally did not work.The daily income was then multiplied by the days the respondent gen-erally worked in a month, and that figure was used. Vendors, who mustalso pay operation costs, were asked about those expenses, and theamount of those costs was then subtracted from the estimated monthlyincome.

Waitstaff at tourism-based restaurants, cafes, or bars, for whom tipsare an important source of income (tips often exceed their fixed sal-ary), were asked to include tips along with salary income. If the respon-dents or their family, who frequently did not know the amount of tipincome, did not report these tips, they were asked for the name ofthe restaurant where the respondent worked. Estimating tip incomewas easy for the research team because the numbers of restaurantswhere Akha work are quite limited, and many other Akha have workedin such places. All of these processes were helped by research collabo-rators who were also Akha residents in the community or NGO staffmembers who had been involved in the community for several years.All data records were double-checked for coherence by the NGO staffmember and the author on site. If any incoherency was found, it wasverified by the respondents and modified on site. For this investigation,the occupation whose income was the most difficult to estimate andverify was souvenir vendor. To address this difficulty, pre-researchwas done by joining the Akha souvenir vendors in the night bazaar areafor a week to check the amount of sales, operating costs, and the num-ber of days the vendors worked per week. The results of the householddata were then verified with the pre-research results, leading to theconclusion that such household data were sufficiently reliable.

Even though the samples collected amounted to nearly 400, theywere restricted to the Akhas’ labor force. Thus, the following peoplewere excluded from the analytic sample: (1) children younger than14 years, (2) full-time students, (3) pregnant women or mothers withnewborn babies, (4) disabled people, (5) incarcerated persons, and(6) live-in domestic workers. Concerning the first group mentionedabove, there were four exceptional children younger than 14 yearsold whose incomes were as high as the other adults and were, as a re-sult, one of the major income earners in their families; these childrenwere included in the sample. As for the second group mentionedabove, it was quite common to find people who had missed formal edu-cational opportunities and attended non-formal education courses andnight/weekend courses. At times during the investigation, these peo-ple reported their occupation as students instead of unemployed.Those over 15 years old are included in the sample as part of the unem-ployed population regardless of their own classification.

For the third group mentioned above, women who were not workingat the time because of pregnancy or recent childbirth were classified asbeing on maternity or childcare leave. Women who were working dur-ing the last stage of pregnancy were not automatically excluded fromthe sample. As for the fourth group mentioned above, there was anexceptional man who was blind but could still earn enough monthlyincome to feed his wife, two children, and himself. Because his


monthly income was rather large and stable even in comparison to sur-rounding households, this man, although blind, was included in thesample. Regarding the sixth group, a few respondents reported thattheir family members were working as live-in domestic workers anddid not receive any salary but did receive shelter and meals. Theselive-in domestic workers were excluded from the sample because itwas impossible to categorize them into income-earner or unemployed.Of the 382 samples, 177 of these were removed due to the abovereasons.

Out of the 205 samples regarded as the labor force, 17 samples wereremoved because those people were involved in non-tourism-relatedoccupations, such as diner staff at local markets (which tourists rarelyvisit), factory workers, local government workers, delivery people, gar-bage collectors, school orderlies or other similar occupations. The fol-lowing are defined as tourism-related occupations in this study and arenot limited to formal employment or legally enrolled businesses.

(1) Hotel staff, such as cook or housekeeper(2) Waitstaff at restaurants that cater to tourists(3) Bar staff in tourist areas; floor service staff or cleaning staff(4) Car parking staff at tourist areas(5) Day laborers at construction sites for tourist-related buildings, such

as hotels(6) Souvenir vendors, including all kinds of street vendors(7) Souvenir wholesalers(8) Barbeque stand vendors in tourist areas(9) Flower vendors in tourist areas

(10) Beggars in tourist areas

As for unemployed residents, many of them had been involved in theabove tourism-related occupations. They were therefore regarded asunemployed in the tourism-related industry and were included inthe sample. As a result, 188 of the 205 samples remained for analysis.The details of the samples are shown below. Table 1 displays descriptivestatistics for three groups of Akha residents in this sample. This analysiscompares levels of earnings in terms of age, gender, and return to edu-cation for three groups of Akha inner city workers: Thai citizens, resi-dent aliens, and undocumented residents.

It must be noted that all sample income was derived from a particu-lar season and that much of the tourist-related income, such as thatearned by vendors, is affected by trends in tourism. During the peaktourism season, their income booms, but it shrinks during the off-season every year. Because this survey was performed during a ratherbusy season, the incomes appear larger than average. The income ofday laborers also changes, depending on NGO construction projectsin the city. Sometimes, day laborers have no income at all; however,at the time of the survey, there was a major hotel construction projecttaking place near the target community, and as a result, the laborers’income appears to be higher than average. Ethnicity was self-selected,

Table 1. Descriptive Statistics

Mean SD Minimum Maximum

Total sample (N = 188, Male: 52%, Female: 48%)Monthly income 143.4* 118.5* 0* 703.3*

Age 34 13 6 67Education 2 3 0 16

Thai nationality holders (N = 118, Male: 53%, Female: 47%)Monthly income 141.0* 111.2* 0* 703.4*

Age 35 12 11 67Education 3 4 0 16

Alien’s card holders (N = 38, Male: 53%, Female: 47%)Monthly income 168.7* 139.9* 0* 571.5*

Age 29 13 9 65Education 1 3 0 9

Undocumented residents (N = 32, Male: 47%, Female: 53%)Monthly income 122.3* 116.2* 0* 502.4*

Age 37 16 6 58Education 1 1 0 6

* Their income is originally earned by Thai Bhats. The amounts are converted into U.S.dollars by the rate of the first day of the field research (February 11, 2008, 1USD = 0.0314THB).


and subcategories within the Akha were not included. Mixed-racechildren and non-Akha stepchildren are included in the samples,regardless of their ethnic background, as long as the children wereraised as members of the target communities.

Non-Akha spouses who live in the area, such as the French man andThai man living in the community as the husbands of Akha women,were excluded from the samples because of their potential advantagein earning money due to their language ability or nationality status.However, even with these limitations, the household data gatheredseem worth analyzing because the respondents’ age, gender, and occu-pation were so broad and covered all imaginable categories within thecommunity. Furthermore, some consistencies were found among an-swers and amounts reported by the respondents. Because no formalstatistics on such community residents exist, these household datasurely have significance in providing an understanding of the situationof the inner city Akha community. Although this approach sacrificesgreater depth in the measurement of the Akha people’s income, it doesprovide a greater breadth of understanding of income distributionamong ethnic minorities derived from ethnic tourism.

Variables

The dependent variable was the monthly log-earnings from tourism-related occupations. To gather log-earnings, we added one to themonthly earnings of all samples to enable analysis of the samples for


which earning was zero. As for independent variables, the following fac-tors were used: (1) Age, (2) Gender, (3) Education, and (4) Legal Sta-tus. Variables number 2 and 4 were measured as categorical/dummyvariables. On the original survey questionnaire, ‘‘Thai language abil-ity’’ and ‘‘occupation’’ were also included as factors affecting income.However, Thai language ability has a high correlation with education,and occupation has an obvious correlation with gender x age. Thosetwo factors were therefore omitted from the final stage of the analysis.A catalog of the measurement procedures for all variables is presentedin Table 2.

Hypothesis

When examining the results of the linear regression analysis of theeffects of each of the above factors, the monthly log income clearlyshows that education has a positive effect on residual income earnings

Table 2. Definitions and Measurements of Variables

Variable Complete Title or Definitionof Categories

Measurement

Independent Variables

Age Age at the dateof survey

Self reported age at the date ofsurvey. Even for elderly residents,their self-reported age are quitreliable. Because Akha traditionallyrecognize their birth year bytwelve signs of the Chinese zodiac

Gender Male or Female Self reported gender

Education Years of completedschooling

Any kinds of formal educations areincluded, also included severalnon-formal educations organizedby the government relatedorganizations

Legal Status Type of formalidentity card

Either nationality card, authorizedforeigners’ cards or no cards,followed by respondents’ report.As for children younger than14 years olda, their legal statusis estimated from their parents’legal situation

Dependent VariableIncome Log-monthly earnings from

all tourism-related sourcesTourism related earnings consists

of wage and salary income andself-employment income fromall tourism related sources

Sources: from the conducted survey; a In Thailand, residents are issued nationality card at theage of 15.


(y = 3.142 + 0.078x + e, p-value < 0.001). At the same time, a negativecorrelation (�.504, p-value < 0.001) was discovered between a person’sage and years of schooling. In the community, the younger residentstend to be more educated. When considering the above points, theconclusion seems to be that community members’ economic situationswill improve in the future as younger generations will be provided withmore educational opportunities. However, that conclusion needs fur-ther investigation. This article examines the assumption more fullyby asking the following question: Do the income-earning levels of thetarget Akha community members increase if additional educationalopportunities are provided? Furthermore, if education is not the cru-cial factor in increasing income, then what is?

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE

Although this study builds on the results of past research, which hasdescribed the ethnic division of labor and gender complementarity onpower dimensions of gender roles, this study goes further by investigat-ing household data collected in a minority community in which mostresidents were heavily involved in ethnic tourism. In other words, thisstudy tests how ethnic tourism’s economic benefits affect the divisionof labor and gender dynamics in the household economies of ethnicminorities engaged in tourism. To date, very little research has beenconducted to investigate this point statistically. This study is a statisticalanalysis that examines residual income from ethnic tourism as a proxyfor economic benefits for the tribal household. To better understandthis, we analyze the following four components in an effort to disentan-gle the net effects they have on income: (1) Age, (2) Gender, (3) Edu-cation, and (4) Legal status. Previous research in this area is improvedby recognizing that the division of labor is not a single structure butrather a nesting double structure in terms of both ethnicity and nation-ality. Additionally, the power dimension of gender dynamics withinthat structure implies that there will be conflict between women’s in-creases in economic status within the household and the ethnic andgender ideology of patriarchy within an ethnic minority community.The results of this study will contribute to tourism planning and localpolicymaking in areas that have similar situations to those of the localcommunities in Northern Thailand.

Multivariate MethodsIn order to test whether years of schooling increase the residual in-

comes of ethnic minorities in the tourism industry, I estimated a setof earnings regression models. The basic model, model 1, tests rateof return for each factors to log monthly income. The equation formodel 1 is defined as follows:

yij ¼ aj þ bxij þ ej ½j ¼ 0; 1; 2� Model 1

Table 3. Linear Regression Results of Sources of Log Monthly IncomesUnstandardized Coefficients

Variable Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Model 4

Education 0.078*** – – –Age �0.043***

Education · Nationality 0.073** – –Education · Alien’s card 0.031 – –Education · Undocumented 0.276 – –

Age · Nationality �.039*** –Age · Alien’s card �.042*** –Age · Undocumented �.050** –

Age · Male · Nationality �.047***

Age · Female · Nationality �.034***

Age · Male · Alien’s card �.057***

Age · Female · Alien’s card �.036**

Age · Female · Undocumented �.065***

Age · Female · Undocumented �.036

** p < .01; *** p < .001.


yij is log monthly income of the ith individual belonging to the jthgroup. xij is years of schooling or age at the date of investigation.j=0, 1, 2, indicating 0 = nationality holders, 1 = alien resident card hold-ers, 2 = undocumented residents, respectively. aj represents a group-specific intercept of jth group, when coefficient b is interpreted asthe rate of return to education or age. x measures how much incomesincrease proportionately with additional each year of education or age.Model 2 tests the return of education to log monthly income for theperson with each legal status.

yij ¼ aj þ bjmij þ ej ½j ¼ 0; 1; 2� Model 2

k is year of schooling, when the coefficient of education bj is inter-preted as the rate of return to education. bj measures how much in-comes increase proportionately with each additional year ofeducation for individuals in jth group. Model 3 tests the return ofage to log monthly income for the person of legal status.

yij ¼ aj þ bjnij þ ej ½j ¼ 0; 1; 2� Model 3

n is age at the date of investigation, when coefficient bj is interpretedas the rate of return to age at jth group. bj measures how much in-comes increase proportionately with each additional y. Model 4 teststhe return of age and gender to log monthly income for the personof each legal status.

yij ¼ aj þ b1j nij þ b2

j g ij þ ej ½j ¼ 0; 1; 2; g ¼ 0; 1� Model 4

b2j represents a return to gender for person of the jth group, when

g=0,1 indicating 0 = male, 1 = female.


RESULTS

Testing Educational Effect—Model 1

Table 3 presents the regression results for Models 1 to 3. The firstattempt, Model 1, estimates the effect educational background hason the earning ability of people depending on their legal status. Asfor citizens, the years of schooling and income have a positive effect.However, in contrast, for those with only resident alien cards or thosewho are undocumented, educational experience had no statisticallysignificant effect on the monthly log income. In other words, if resi-dents are Thai citizens, any educational background can raise their in-come. However, if they are not citizens, an improvement in educationis not reflected in their income level. The main question concerningthis research is whether improving educational opportunities for thelocal minority will improve their economic situation via ethnic tourism.The answer is that for people who are citizens, improving educationalopportunities will improve their economic situation. For those who arenot citizens, however, improving educational opportunities will not im-prove their economic situation. This result leads to the conclusion thatthe effect of education is limited and that educational background hasa positive effect only on those who are citizens.

Testing Age Effect—Model 2

If educational background is not a crucial factor in raising the incomelevel of the local minority people, then what is a significant factor? Thesecond objective of this analysis is to discover the factor that determinesthe income level of those residents participating in the tourism indus-try. Experimentation with several classification methods revealed thatincome differences were observed across age groups after dividing thetarget into legal status groups. The effect of age on income level foreach legal status group was then explored, as shown in Model 2. TheModel 2 results reveal the effects of age in the overall monthly log in-come. Age has negative implications for all target residents regardlessof legal status. This outcome differs from the educational effect, whichis beneficial only for those who are citizens, meaning that that the effectof age is more crucial for residents than the effect of education. At thispoint, various regression models revealed that a significant differenceexists among income reduction rates by legal status · gender. Model3 further investigates this point regarding gender differences.

Testing Gender Effect—Model 3

Thus far, the effects that legal status, education, and age differencehave on monthly income have been discussed. The next step is to imputegender effect into the analysis. Substantive conclusions can be drawn onthis point from Model 3, which shows how genders decrease in earningcapacity as age increases. First, when comparing the coefficients of males

20 30 40 50 60

Log monthly income

5.0

4.5

4.0

2.0

3.0

2.5

3.5

1.5

1.0

0.5

0

Nationality Male

Nationality female

Alien’s card male

Alien’s card female

Undocumented male

Undocumented female

Figure 1. Mean Monthly Income by Gender and Legal Status


and females within each legal status group, coefficients for males are al-ways larger than those of females, which means that regardless of legalstatus, a decrease in income due to age is more substantial for males thanfor females. Second, compared to citizens and resident aliens, undocu-mented residents show a larger gap between males and females. Thus,for undocumented couples (usually, the legal status of a couple is equal),women are more likely to gain a higher income than men. This gap growsmore obvious as ages increase. Furthermore, only the results of undocu-mented women are not statistically significant, meaning that examina-tions of the decrease in income that occurs as a woman ages show thatonly undocumented women are free from this decrease.

Figure 1 plots the monthly incomes for the target people dependingon legal status and gender based on Model 3. In this graph, normallines indicate the predicted monthly log income of citizens, brokenlines indicate resident aliens, and dotted lines indicate undocumentedresidents. In the same vein, for all local groups, dark-colored lines indi-cate male, while bright-colored lines indicate female. The results of theincome survey plotted in Figure 1 clearly indicate that earnings de-crease in inverse proportion to an increase in age for all the groups,and for all three groups of the target residents, the slope of incomereduction is steeper for men than women. Furthermore, it is also obvi-ous that a citizen’s average earnings are higher than those of residentaliens and that a resident alien’s average earnings are higher thanthose of undocumented residents. The earnings of an undocumentedmale are the lowest.


In conclusion, the results of the investigation demonstrate the fol-lowing points. First, educational background is effective in raisingmonthly income only for citizens because if residents do not havenationality, their income does not increase, even if they receive furthereducation. In other words, the education effect is limited to citizens.Second, the results suggest that for all the target groups, age affectsthe income level regardless of legal status, unlike the education effect,which is limited to a particular legal status group. Youth is one of thecrucial factors in increasing income earning potential and is more cru-cial than education. Third, considering gender x legal status differ-ences, income reduction proportionate to the age increase of womenis more moderate for men of all legal status groups, which means, inthis case, that being female is a crucial factor in securing higher in-come levels for the local minority people. Last, for both genders, it iscommon that a citizen’s income level is higher than that of a residentalien and that a resident alien’s income is higher than that of anundocumented resident. Legal status is a significant factor in securingbetter income. How are we to interpret these results? In the next sec-tion, we further analyze the mechanisms that produce them.

DISCUSSION

Limited Effect of Education

Why are people without nationality unable to increase their incomeeven though they acquire higher education? The reasons are compli-cated, although some are inapplicable to this research. First, target res-idents are limited to certain jobs, and only citizens are able to securethe jobs that provide a secure and stable income. According to the res-idents, those employed as hotel staff or hamburger shop clerks, occu-pations that provide a secure and stable income regardless ofseasonal tourist trends, need to provide a diploma from at least a pri-mary school, which proves their basic skill in the Thai language.According to Thai law, schools must award diplomas to anyone whosuccessfully completes the curriculum, including those who are not cit-izens. At the time of investigation, those without nationality could studyat schools, but few possessed diplomas. In other words, despite legalregulations prohibiting such action, there was, in fact, still a multicol-linearity between nationality status and education. Consequently,opportunities to gain stable employment are limited to citizens.

In addition, one of the high-income occupations among the targetresidents is becoming a souvenir wholesaler, selling materials fromnorthern Thailand in Bangkok or in the southern resort areas, whichrequires frequent travel. For people without nationality, traveling out-side districts where they are registered is restricted. Even resident aliens,who are allowed to travel outside their residential district, need to applyfor permission each time they leave their district, and this takes timeand effort. It is almost impossible for them to gain permission to travelregularly. Therefore, to become a high-earning wholesaler, one needs


nationality. Although the reasons for the income difference betweencitizens and non-citizens are now clear, the income difference betweenresident aliens and undocumented residents is unclear. When examin-ing the reasons for the income differences between resident aliens andundocumented residents, even for marginalized occupations such assouvenir vending or day labor at construction sites, it is clear that undoc-umented workers are in a very disadvantageous situation. For example,research on souvenir vendors revealed that each souvenir vendor has amonthly contract with landowners where they operate their vendingstands and that these landowners explained that every tenant must havesome kind of identification card, such as a nationality or resident aliencard.

Thus, for undocumented residents, the only way to be a vendor is tobe a ‘‘walking’’ vendor, and this occupation has the smallest incomelevel compared to those who sell souvenirs on mats spread out onthe pavement. Respondents also explained that day laborers at thesame construction site earn different rates depending on nationalitystatus. For example, citizens can earn a good income abiding by na-tional regulations. Resident aliens can earn regular income, albeitnot as high as what citizens earn. Undocumented residents, though, re-ceive the smallest payment or sometimes no payment at all. Further-more, undocumented residents cannot protest to their employers forfear of being reported to the police because they are illegal residents.As a result, undocumented residents are still deprived of incomeopportunities, even niche occupations at the bottom of the local tour-ism industry. Thus, the income level of undocumented residents iseven lower than that of resident aliens. Young undocumented resi-dents can still find a way to gain a higher income in the service sector,although this is impossible for senior undocumented residents.

The Advantage of Youth and Femininity

When the target residents are young, there is not that great of a gapin income levels based on gender or legal status. However, as the resi-dents age, the gap grows exponentially. For every group, income de-clines proportionally as age increases. The rate at which incomedeclines is greater for resident aliens than for citizens, and it is greaterstill for undocumented residents. At the same time, this rate of declineis more severe for men than women for each legal status group. Whatcan explain these results? Although this question cannot be answeredcompletely, some causes can be ruled out. Ethnic tourism, as previousresearch indicates, relies on stereotypical images of the ethnic minorityas unspoiled, timeless, primitive, natural, and exotic (Cohen, 2001, pp.43–54; Nepal, 2005, pp. 124–125), images that often relate to gender(Yang, Wall, & Smith, 2008, p. 761). As a result, the most abundantjob opportunities for ethnic minority residents are souvenir vending,waiting tables, or working within the service industry, including jobsin the sex industry, which are usually given only to women or youngboys, with the largest labor market being young women. Simply put,


most of the income opportunities that capitalize on ‘‘hill tribeness’’ aregiven mainly to women. As a result, in the research target, minoritymen in their 40s or above are generally not employable. Those tour-ism-related occupations that are open to senior men, such as souvenirwholesaling or tour operations, are limited in number and availableonly to people who meet certain requirements, such as being citizensand/or having a sufficiently good education. In other words, it is quitedifficult for senior minority males to find a job in ethnic tourism, whichfavors females and the young in the name of exoticism.

Interpretation of Ethnic Division of Labor in a Socioeconomic Context

Van den Berghe (1992) argues that ethnic tourism creates a tripar-tite division of labor: tourists, ‘‘tourees,’’ and middlemen (Van denBerghe, 1992, p. 236). In most cases, this is an ethnic division of labor(Van den Berghe, 1992, p. 236). Tourists are privileged people whocome from various ethnic groups (Van den Berghe, 1992, p. 236),while tourees are predominantly Fourth-World peoples, often belong-ing to the poorest and most isolated of the underdeveloped countries(Van den Berghe, 1992, p. 237). Middlemen generally belong to thedominant ethnic group or groups that control the polity and economyof the host country (Van den Berghe, 1992, p. 237). In addition to theethnic division of labor indicated by Van den Berghe, this study showsthat among Fourth-World people that have been marginalized ethni-cally and culturally by dominant citizens, there exists a further divisionof labor, based on predetermined residency status categories: citizens,resident aliens, and undocumented residents. Those people who be-long to an ethnically marginalized group and have nationality can earna relatively higher income than those without nationality. In otherwords, this study’s findings indicate the existence of a nesting doublemarginalization structure by ethnicity and nationality.

Gender Complementarity and Power Dimensions of Gender Roles

Swain argues that in minority societies engaged in tourism, womenoften lead in the production and sale of ethnic goods (Swain, 1993,p. 35). This gendered artisan production can rarely support an entirefamily, but it is, nonetheless, a source of income that is much more sig-nificant for ethnic identity than other forms of work in the state society(Swain, 1993, p. 44). The success of women’s sales of textile art pro-motes women’s economic self-sufficiency and thus changes genderdynamics within the group (Swain, 1993, p. 46). However, at the ethnicgroup level, women are not empowered because most women conformto cultural ideas of male and female roles within their own local andstate societies (Swain, 1993, p. 48). This socioeconomic situation in-duces gender antagonism within the household. Patriarchal rule ischallenged by the gender division of household labor in which womenare now the main household income provider, but cultural ideology


continues to reproduce social forms of ethnic identity (Swain, 1993, p.42). In the target Akha community, minority men traditionally workedas the head of the household; however, many have now become depen-dent on the income that women and young children provide. This newgender division of labor in the household income structure conflictswith patriarchal gender complementarity. This ‘‘contradiction’’ and‘‘stigma for men’’ sometimes leads to alcohol and narcotic abuseamong the community’s men. According to the nesting double mar-ginalization structure, the role of kin-based household economies tostrengthen ethnic identity and gender roles is threatened.

CONCLUSION

This article has examined how the economic benefits of ethnic tour-ism for tribal households affect the division of labor and genderdynamics in the local minority community engaged in the tourismindustry. It has examined the income from ethnic tourism as proxyfor economic benefits, and a sample of inner-city Akha residents, ofwhom many work in the tourism industry, was tested. The resultsclearly showed that among the minority people investigated, the youngand women were the highest income earners. A mature man earns theleast, although culturally, he is expected to be the head of the house-hold under traditional patriarchy. This situation threatens the ability ofkin-based household economies to strengthen ethnic identity and gen-der roles. Patriarchy is challenged by the new gender division of house-hold labor in which women and the young now earn the mainhousehold income, but cultural ideology continues to reproduce socialforms of ethnic identity based on patriarchal gender roles (Swain,1993, p. 42). This socioeconomic situation induces gender antagonismwithin the household. This study supports Swain’s argument that wo-men earning income via commoditization of ethnicity are not empow-ering themselves to change their societies through this process (Swain,1993, p. 48).

Perhaps an even more important finding of this analysis is thatundocumented people are even more marginalized within an alreadyethnically marginalized group. This study shows that among theFourth-World people who are ethnically and culturally marginalized bydominant citizens, there is a further division of labor based on prede-termined residency status categories: citizens, resident aliens, andundocumented residents, which we refer to as the legal-status divisionof labor. Multiple nesting marginalization structures exist, and thiscomplicated socioeconomic situation, induced by participation in eth-nic tourism, results in the limited empowerment of women and alsoalcohol and narcotic abuse among men in the community. In conclu-sion, this case is one of the examples that demonstrates how merelypromoting education or ‘‘economic income’’ can improve neitherthe marginalized situation of the minority community within the statenor the power imbalance of gender roles or legal status within theminority society. The findings of this research concerning the Akha


community will contribute to tourism planning and local policy-mak-ing in other regions to secure a social mechanism that enables to haveeasier access to nationality.

Acknowledgements—This research was possible due to a grant received from the Japan Societyfor the Promotion of Science [No. 18251005, Principal Investigator: Nobukiyo Eguchi]. Thisresearch is also an output of ‘‘Culture of the Poor and Tourism’’ and ‘‘Tourism Developmentin Asia at Global Era,’’ research projects supported by Graduate School of Human science,Ritsumeikan University. This research was also made possible thanks to cooperation of TheVolunteers for Children Development Foundation, in Chiang Mai, Thailand.

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