No.77 (July-August 1993) 13

THE NEHRU HOUSEHOLD is the onlyone (to my knowledge) in which

three generations of womenpartici-pated in national political lifeduring the Independence struggle.Anand Bhawan (the Nehru home inAllahabad) became the central pointfor all nationalist activities, not onlyin Allahabad, but for the whole of UttarPradesh.

The Nehrus were SaraswatBrah-mins and hailed originally fromKash-mir. Besides being an elitehousehold, the Nehrus were “differentbecause the family was moreprogressive than others and our wayof living was foreign oriented.”(Pandit, 1979: 32), Motilal Nehru wasdrawn immensely towards the Britishway of living. As Vijaylakshmi remarks:“He mostly wore European clothesoutside the home, ... entertainedlavishly and gracefully. The guestswere carefully chosen, the dining tableset with Sevres, crystal and silver...”(Pandit, 1979: 36, 37). Motilal’s seconddaughter, commenting on theirlifestyle, said: “Six days a week weate in western style, wearing ourEnglish clothes and sitting in Victorianchairs... On Jhe seventh day, or onHindu festivals, we ate in the Hindumanner.” (Hutheesingh, 1967:7).

Swaruprani Thussu, Motilal’ssecond wife, also came from aKashmiri Brahmin family, but unlikeher hus-band or daughters, “Therehad been no western influence in herupbringing... She understood butspoke no English, yet this did notprevent her from doing her duties asa hostess at western style parties.”(Pandit, 1979: 38). Her orthodoxupbringing also influenced her ideastowards the upbringing of the secondgeneration, that is, her daughters.Krishna Nehru writes,”The personwho frustrated Miss Hooper most inher attempt to make me an Englishlady was my mother, who wanted to

make a good Hindu out of me [andwho] insisted on taking me to thetemple.” (Hutheesingh, 1967: 26).

Swaruprani was from the firstgeneration of women, but also theonly one from her generation in thatparticular household to haveparticipated in the nationalistmovement. Age, education, nature ofthe imme-diate influence (be it fromfather, brother or uncle) and socialconstraints of the time affected the

level of awareness and involvementin political work of individual women.Women did not take to nationalistactivities ‘naturally’. They wereridden with conflicts and ambiguitieswhich had to be resolved. For some,like Vijaylakshmi Pandit, domestic lifewas endangered, while for women likeSwaruprani, politics was a totally newactivity. Dilemmas had to be resolvedboth in the home and ‘in the streets’.

Swaruprani initially found itdifficult to fullycomprehend thechanging reality. Asher daughter writes:“Mother’s horizon didnot extend beyond thefamily. Her philosophyof life was simple andher mind unclutteredby doubts. Sheaccepted thebackground andtraditions that she hadinherited and wascontent to functionu n q u e s t i o n i n g l ywithin thatframework.” (Pandit,1979: 39). Thus it cameas no surprise whenSwaruprani objectedto both her husbandand her son’snationalist activities.She was a woman forwhom family life wasvery important.

The Nehru WomenConflicts and Stresses During the Freedom Movement

Suruchi Thapar

Nehru’s mother, Swaruprani

14 MANUSHI

Vijaylakshmi writes: “This was a timeof great domestic strain, and constantadjustments and compromises werecalled for. New thinking was necessaryfor new designs that would affect thenational destiny that now began totake shape. Mother felt acutelymiserable over all that was happening.The person she loved most, her son,was deeply disturbed and unhappy.He was obviously on the verge ofsome action that she would haveappreciated in a mythological figurebut not in one on whom her hopes ofhappiness on earth and her place inheaven depended. Then there was theserious situation developing betweenher husband and her son. What wasgoing to happen? How could she takesides or understand this new‘mahatma’ whose business, if anything, should have been to look afterpeople’s morals instead of meddlingin family matters? It was a ridiculousidea to fight a powerful governmentby getting oneself locked up in jail. Itwas wrong to abandon ones’sfamily.” (Pandit, 1967: 69).

On December 6,1921 Jawahar andMotilal were arrested due to theirinvolvement in non-cooperation. Thiswas the first time that they were beingput behind prison bars. Writing aboutthe stress and uncertaintyexperienced by individual members ofthe Nehru family, KrishnaNehrustates: “We did not know whathardships were in store for them. Itwas hardest of all for my mother towhom the past few months of constantchange had been a sort of nightmareshe had not quite fathomed. But shewas a brave wife and a still more bravemother. On no account would sheallow the others to see bow wretchedshe felt at that moment.”(Hutheesingh, 1944:25).

Elsewhere, KrishnaNehru writes:“The police swooped down on us atany hour of the day or night—tomake

an arrest or to cart away costly rugsor furniture in payment of small fines...From moment to moment we lived aconfused and unpredictable life, neverknowing what might happen next.”(Hutheesingh, 1969: 34).

I have described the tensions anduncertainties in the Nehru householdduring the early years of thenationalist movement because I thinkthey were crucial in shaping theconsciousness of the womenmembers, women who had beendependent on their menfolk (Jawaharand Motilal) not only emotionally butfor physical comforts too. KrishnaNehru writes: “Father had a strong,over-powering personality and akingliness which made him standapart... To as children and manyothers dependent Bpon tern, he wasa tower of strength. And I am afraidwe took full advantage of the fact.”(Hutheesingh, 1944: 70). And whenMotilal Nehru died (the oldest malemember), dependency was shifted onto Jawahar. There were many familymatters that hid to be looked Mo byJawahar, but had to be kept pendingdae to his absence. At that time all ofus needed his presence badly,

especially mother, who wascompletely broken. On Jawahar’sshoulders fell the entire burden of ourlittle family... soon he took his father’splace and we started to depend onhim more and more for every littlething. We still do so...” (Hutheesingh,1944: 74).

It was Swaruprani who had adifficult time both in adjusting to thechanging family situation and thevarious demands of the nationalistmovement which were threatening hertraditional orthodoxy and certain ofher fixed notions about Hinduwomanhood.

In the 1920s, the charkhaandkhadiwere seen as the cultural symbols ofnationalism and swaraj. Gandhi, whoencouraged spinning and weavingkhadi, saw it not only as a means ofself-reliance but also as a means ofpromoting the indigenous industries.He asked the nation to forsake foreigncloth and take to handspun cloth. Swaruprani was not appreciative aboutburning foreign cloth; nor was herelder daughter, Vijaylakshmi Pandit.The rest of the family was supportiveabout the boycott. VijaylakshmiPandit remarks: “However, in this, asin most other things, our family tookthe lead, with only mother protestingand I silently a betting her.” (Pandit,1979: 83).

Swaruprani’s resentment towardskhadi was apparent at her daughter,Vijaylakshasi’s wedding. Kashmiribrides usually wear pink cotton sarison their wedding, along with jewellery(given to them by their parents). Thiswas conveyed to Gandhiji, and teekcame a letter saying he could notapprove of this at all. I must weartoadtand fee was no question of jewelsbeing worn.” (Pandit, 1979:72).

Vijaylakshmi describes fcermother’s reaction: “Mother could nothave been more angry. She had, sofar, not accepted Gandhiji as a friend,

Motila Nehru

No.77 (July-August 1993) 15

conld not understand Ms politics andcertainly did not think he had the rightto advise the family on personalmatters.” (Pandit, 1979: 72). Swaruprani remarked: “If she must bedressed like a villager’s child, therewill be no wed-ding.” (Andrews, 1967:68). A com-promise was reachedbetween Motilal and Swaruprani thatthe khadi would be dyed shell pink!Similar anxiety was expressed atKrishna’s wedding by her mother. OnKrishna’s wedding, Sarojini Naidusent a letter to her in which one of thethings that was mentioned was that“I see that Swamp and Kamala are hereto get together a hurried trousseaufor you, and are complaining of thelimited choice that shudh khadi offersfor bridal raiment.” (Hutheesingh,1944).

Swaruprani’s consciousness,which had also to resolve the socialconstraints of her generation, couldnot foresee younger women(daughter and daughters-in-law)giving up their jewellery andother finery that they wereaccustomed to. In 1932, KamalaNehru visited Ramakrishna Mathat Belur to meet SwamiAbhayananda and also Jawahar,who was in Alipore jail. SwamiAbhayananda re-members oneoccasion when the mother-in-lawexpressed her anxiety at herdaughter-in-law leading anascetic life. “She ate very little,was absolutely indif-ferent todress, and had given up wearingjewellery totally,” saidSwaruprani. “Almost in tears,Swaruprani implored the swamito request Kamala to wear at leasta necklace and a pair of bangles.After all, she was in the prime oflife, and as befitted a Hindu wife,she should keep up her positionby dressing suitably. Accordingto Hindu custom, this was

neces-sary for the well being ofKamala’s husband.” (Kalhan, 1973:89).

In the capacity of a mother-in-law,she had certain fixed ideas — a closereflection of her orthodox upbringingand theprevailing social ideology. Forexample, Swaruprani’s idea of havingonly grandsons. Krishna Nehrunarrates an episode: “After whatseemed an age to me, the doctorscame out. The Scottish doctor whodeliv-ered Kamala announced to mybrother: ‘It’s a bonny lassie, sir’. Mymother blurted out: ‘Oh! But it shouldhave been a boy’. She had wanted ason for her only son, and the womenfolk around her pulled long faces insympathy. Father, irritated, chided her:‘Have we made any differencebetween our son and daughters intheir upbringing? Do you not lovethem equally?” (Hutheesingh, 1969:18).

What then finally madeSwaruprani come out on the streets

and participate requires moreresearch. Swaruprani was involved ina number of activities and carried onwith them even after the death of herhusband. The fact that her husbandwas dead and by January 1932, themain leaders, Jawahar, Gandhiji andVallabhbhai, were arrested, might havegiven sufficient cause to Swarupranito participate and keep the movementgoing. Krishna Nehru writes: “Manyof us who had not taken a very activepart in the previous movements, nowthrew ourselves with all the strengthand enthusiasm at our command intothe struggle. My mother, aged anddelicate though she was, did not lagbehind. She went about addressingmeetings both in the towns andadjoining villages. She was aconstant source of surprise to us. Allher life she had been more or less aninvalid, but suddenly she seemed tohave gained strength and greatdeter-mination from some highersources.” (Hutheesingh, 1944: 77).

Her activities ranged frombreak-ing the salt laws to appealsto other women to participate.Presiding over a meeting inAllahabad, she said: “If you aretrue to the motherland, then youshould start manufacturing saltin every home.” (The Leader,April 20, 1930; p. 10). When shewas not occu-pied with heractivities, she was visiting herchildren in the jail, “parted bygrim prison walls from those sheloved best.” (Hutheesingh, 1944:126). As a mother, she alsowanted to experience the jailconditions. Swami Abhayanandamentions one in-cident: “It wasan unusually hot day when Iwent to call on the two ladies. Tomy great surprise I found that theceiling fan in their room was notworking and Swaruprani lookedas if she was boiling in the heat.

Vijayalakshmi Pandit

16 MANUSHI

Kamala quietly told me the reason.They had visited Jawahar’s cell inthe jail on the previous day. It wasnot provided with a fan and he wasfeeling the heat intensely.. Themother’s heart was touched, and,henceforth, she refused to enjoythe comfort of an electric fan whileher son rotted in the hot prisoncell.” (Kalhan, 1973:91). A feelingof guilt after her husband’s deathand her seeing Jawahar as the onlysurviving link between herhusband and her could alsoexplain Swaruprani’s suddenactivities in the nationalistmovement. Swaruprani’sparticipation can possibly be seenas involving more a factor ofpolitical and emotional support toher family than a keenness towardspolitical life. What Krishna Nehruhas to say about her mother couldperhaps explain more. “The yearsthat followed were more difficultfor her. Yet we never heard one wordof complaint or regret at the changethat had taken place so late in her life,breaking its ordered routine ofsecurity and peace into uncertaintyand hardships. After father’s death,she was completely broken. Beingvery orthodox at heart, she believedthat she must have committed someterrible sin in a previous birth to haveher husband taken away from her inthis life. Besides, she had always beenthe weak and ailing one and hadalways imagined that she would diefirst, as was the right and proper thingfor a Hindu wife to do... Father hadnever known aday’s illness. It was jaillife with all its privations that broughthim to a premature end... mothercontinued to exist but only for herchildren, especially Jawahar.”(Hutheesingh, 1944: 127).

The second generation of Kamala(born 1899), Vijaylakshmi (born 1900),Krishna (1907), Uma (1884) and

Rameshwari were active partici-pantsin the nationalist movement.Rameshwari Nehru; wife of BrijlalNehru, and cousin of Krishna Nehru,was more inclined towards socialre-form work. She was the editor of aHindi magazine from Allahabad, StreeDarpan, and in 1909, she started thePrayag Mahila Samiti. She advocatedwomen’s rights and linked women’sfreedom with national freedom.“Swaraj cannot be attained by peoplewhose other halves are stricken byparalysis. The process of curing thatparalysis, of shaking the sleepypart-ner out of her inertia, by infusinglife into her, cannot but bring strengthto the whole nation. The battle ofswaraj has to be fought by men andwomen alike. The women of India,who are suffering from innumerabledisabilities and are the victims of badcustoms and unjust laws, areincapable of performing the duty offighting for swaraj in any largenumbers.” (Nehru, 1950:12)

For Rameshwari Nehru, “home”was important not only “in the lifeof an individual but also in the lifeof a nation.” She argued that “areconciliation has to be broughtaboutbetween the family and theoutside world and both have to besaved and conserved as both areequally needed by the individual.”“I would make a few suggestionsbelow which, if carried outfaithfully, would en-able everyyoung housewife to serve thecountry effectively withoutinterfering with her householdduties.” “A determi-nation shouldbe made (1) to make exclusive useof Swadeshi with preference tokhadi. (2) to spin the charkharegularly for half-an-hour’ a day.”(Nehru, 1950: 60-70).

It can be argued thatRameshwari Nehru adjusted well tothe political demands of the period.As has been said for her: “She

started her earthly career with the birthof the Indian National Congress” andafter marriage, “found her publiccareer linked up with that of the familyof Pandit Motilal and JawaharlalNehru.” (Nehru, 1950: 3). For womenactivists like Kamala and Vijaylakshmi,the nationalist period was trying. Theneeds and de-mands of their personallives, their am-biguities and conflictswere brought to the forefront and hadto be resolved. Kamala Nehrubelonged to a tradi-tional orthodoxHindu home. Purdah was observedwhen the family was on a visit toanother place. “She was given firminstructions to stay indoors like therest of the women folk of the family.”(Kalhan, 1973:3). However,”She founda way out. Donning her brother’sclothes, her long hair tucked inside asmall turban, she would sneak out toplay with them.” (Ibid). True to herchildhood nature, Kamala’s ‘way out’from the suffocating joint family set

Kamala Nehru

No.77 (July-August 1993) 17

up after her marriage, was ‘politics.’But before that she had to first adjustto the westernised lifestyle that shewas wed-ded to. Jawaharlal remarked:“Except for a little schooling, she hadno formal education; her mind had notgone through the educationalprocess. She came to us anunsophisticated girl...” (Nehru, 1946:40). Motilal Nehru himself took on thetask of educating Kamala. “Besides,he wanted her to acquire some of theaccomplishments necessary for onewho was to become a member of ahouse well known for its lavishhospitality and the wife of a... welleducated... young man.” (Kalhan,1973: 8).

“The English governess of theNehru sisters was given an additionalcharge, that of grooming Kamala.”(Kalhan, 1973: 8). On one occasion,Motilal, in one of his attempts to“educate” Kamala, wrote toJawaharlal: “As a necessary part ofthe treatment, I have cancelled theorder about writing shortde-scriptive essays or letters.Her headache was chiefly, if noten-tirely, due to the constantnag-ging to which I subjectedher by insisting on her writingsomething.” (Kalhan, 1917: 127).

The dividing line foradjust-ments had yet to bedrawn. Adjustments wererequired with twocontemporaries, Vijaylakshmiand Krishna, sisters ofJawaharlal Nehru. Thedifferences with the latter weremainly over their En-glisheducation and westernisedliving. KrishnaNehru writes: “Atfirst Kamala was completelyconfused and uncomfortable ina place so different from herhome. The big dinners withcrystal and china on the longtable and rows of wine glasses

... at everyone’s place, the strangefood, and most of all perhaps, thequick loud voices of our many Britishguests, made her feel lost and lonely.”

(Hutheesingh, 1967: 9). “Mysister, Nan, who was almost exactlyher age, felt the usual complicatedsister-in-law feelings for her.” (Ibid).

Jawaharlal also remarked: “Wewere attracted to each other and goton well enough, but our backgroundswere different and there was a wantof ad-justment.” Ironically, Jawahar’sclear cut disposition changed toambiguity, later on, after Kamala’sdeath, when he expressed: “What wasKamala? Did I know her? Understandher real self? Did she know orunderstand me? For I too was anabnormal person with mystery andunplumbed depths within me, which Icould not myself fathom. I had been,and was, a most unsatisfactory persontp marry.” (Nehru, 1946: 44). Coupledwith the maladjustments of married lifewas the fact that Kamala was

financially dependent on her in-laws.Jawahar himself, except for the smallsum that he received as dividend fromshares, was totally dependent on hisfather. Financial insecurity and longseparations from her hus-band, it canbe argued, worked on Kamala’s mindand made her more determined tomake her life more meaningful andpurposeful. Jawaharlal makes thepicture more clear when he says:“Neither of us could live a hum-drumdomestic life, accepting things as theywere. There could either be completeunderstanding, a perfect union ofminds, or difficulties.” (Nehru, 1946:44).

However, Kamala Nehru, in duecourse, was to find it much easier toadapt to the changing nationalistde-mands. Used to a simple lifestyle,she had no difficulty in forsakingjewellery and taking to khadi (asopposed to her sisters-in-law).Ironically, the change of lifestyle ofthe Nehru household, from

extravagance to simplicity,brought about moreunderstanding between Kamalaand Jawaharlal Nehru. “Thechange in their mode of life fromone of luxury to the simple andaustere, was to Kamala’s liking.The veneer of westernisationchipped off the Nehru family andthalis and Indian food took theplace of cut glass and floweredchina. The change in their way ofliving also brought Kamala andJawahar closer together.Unfortunately, it also broughtwith it long spells of separationbecause of Jawahar’s frequentterms of im-prisonment.” (Kalhan,1973: 19). Another factor thatfacilitated Kamala’s adjustmentwith the changing politicalscenario was her strong sense ofindividuality and independence.About his wife, Jawahar remarks:

Krishna Nehru Hutheesingh

18 MANUSHI

“With her inordinate pride andsensi-tiveness she did not want tocome to me to ask for help, although Icould have given her that help morethan anyone else. She wanted to playher own part in the national struggleand not be merely a hanger on and ashadow of her husband.” (Nehru,1946: 41). Krishna Nehru adds: “Livingas she did, over-shadowed by strongpersonalities like her husband’s andfather-in-law’s, she still made a placefor herself in politics. She wasnaturally overshadowed by Jawaharto some extent, but not entirely so,for she had a personality of her own.”(Hutheesingh, 1944: 117).

Thus, there were two sides to thepicture. On the one hand, Kamala,because of her traditional background,felt like a misfit, but on the other hand,the new demands of the politicalmovement (like simplicity) made herfeel more at ease with herself. Thatstill leaves an important questionun-answered. What factorsprecipitated Kamala’s involvementwith politics? An opinion could beformed from the letter that Kamala sentto Jawahar: “Jawahar! I have yourletter. I was waiting for it. The days ofyour release are nearing. But I havelittle hope of your remaining free. Ifperchance you are set free, you willbe re-arrested. I do not worry aboutthis because I am prepared for alleventualities. There are many thingsI want to talk to you about but I donot always get an oppor-tunity to doso and things remain un-said in myheart. The sort of things happeninghere require of you in fair-ness to beacquainted with both sides of thepicture. At the moment you know onlywhat Ranjit and Swarup tell you. It is,therefore, becoming difficult for me towork here.

“I wish each day that somehow Iand Uma Bhabi (Uma Nehru) shouldbe arrested. That would be a good

thing. Those who think that we areafraid of going to jail are in factthemselves impeding work.

“All summer have they beensitting comfortably indoors, behindkhas chiks (sun blinds), under the coolbreeze of a fan. They have not stirredout in the heat to work. On the otherhand, we are being blamed for makingup stories. I do not wish to write allthis because I am learning self-sacrifice. But I am unhappy that somepeople talk irresponsibly and they arebe-lieved. I do wish to be arrested andsent to jail before you are released,but I have scant hope of thishappening. My dedication, with a littleluck, I hope to be rewarded withimprison-ment.” (Kalhan, 1973: 27).

Two things come out clearly fromthis letter. Firstly, she was a keensupporter of Jawahar’s activities.Kamala’s daughter, Indira, later wasto testify to this fact. Indira said: “She[Kamala] was a very intense person,and whenever she took up anything,she felt very strongly about it. Firstly,when my father came into the politicalscene, there was a certain amount ofopposition from the family. They didnot want him to go to that extent, tosubmerge himself, and I think that wasthe time when my mother’s influencecounted and she supported him fully.”(Interview with Indira Gandhi onNo-vember 29, 1972: Kalhan, 1973;134).

Secondly, it is quite apparent thatKamala wanted to get away from thecritical comments and differences withthe joint family. And the only way outwas through politics which, besideskeeping her involved, would alsoas-sist her in a closer interaction withJawahar because, all said and done,she remained a strong traditionalistand a devoted wife to Jawaharthroughout: “Mein apnepatikecharan chinhon par chalte hueapaar prasannta ka anubhav kar

rahi hoon.” (Swatantrata Sangramki Sainik).

Since lack of formal education ofKamala had become an issue and pointof difference with Vijaylakshmi andKrishna, this directed Kamala’scon-sciousness towards persuadingother women to educate themselves.In a letter she sentfrom London, shestated: “We have degraded ourselvesbeyond limits. Women are even lessenlightened than men due to lack ofeduca-tion. When I think of the plightof my sisters, my heart bleeds for theyare indifferent to the question of theirown rights. Day by day I am gettingmore and more determined that on myreturn home, I shall take my sistersalong with me, I shall urge them toplace their trust in God and fight fortheir own freedom, educate theirdaughters so that they are not introuble like us.” (Kalhan, 1973: 34).

Kamala served as president of theAllahabad district Congress andmoved about the city to preparepeople for the Civil Disobediencemovement. Jawaharlal was tocomment later: “In this upheaval,Kamala had played a brave andnotable part and on her inexperiencedshoulders fell the task of organisingour work in the city of Allahabadwhen every known worker was inprison.” (Nehru, 1946:42).

Kamala was actively involved invarious nationalist activities. Shehelped in the breaking of the salt lawat Handia, a tehsil about 20 miles eastof Allahabad. (The Leader,April9,1930, p. 11). A newspaperreport added: “Over 10,000 peoplecollected to witness the inaugurationof the satyagraha campaign atAllahabad. Today’s volunteers wereMrs Jawaharlal Nehru, Miss KrishnaNehru, Mrs Motilal Nehru and BabuPurushottam Das Tandon. While inpreparation, Mrs K. Nehru picked upfuel, put it into the furnace and lighted

No.77 (July-August 1993) 19

a fire.” (The Leader, 1930: April12, p. 10).

She also picketed foreigncloth shops and liquor shops.It was said: “48 volunteers werethere including 15 from the firstbatch of volunteers. They keptwalking in front of the clothshops, looking for peoplebuying. Mrs Kamala Nehrucaught sight of a Muslimgentleman purchasing foreigncloth. He was so impressedwith her reasons that there andthen he set fire to the cloth.”(The Leader, May 1, 1930, p.ll).

For KamalaNehru, thetransition from simpletraditional living to a‘westernised’ joint family set upcaused her anxiety and stress,so much so that politics wasseen by her as a way out of this.However, as explained earlier,she was well equipped with thepolitical prerequisites of theearly nationalist period, forexample, nationalist stress onaustere living, stress on ver-nacularas opposed to English education, andboycott of everything foreign.

For the Nehru household,particularly Vijaylakshmi and Krishna,it was a trying period. Not only didthey have to give up their‘westernised’ life and resort to simplerthings; the nationalist movementandits needs and demands completelytransformed their lives. The daughterswho, till now, were used to an Englisheducation and an English governess,had to give that up. As Krishna Nehruwrites: “One of the items of themovement was the boycott of Britishschools. I had been so absorbed withmy studies and my own little worldthat I had hardly noticed the incomingstorm or the changes that were takingplace around me in my own home. Soit came as rather a blow when father

sent for me one day and havingexplained the situation, told me that Imust leave school. The idea of givingit up made me unhappy for a while,though I realised that was the onlyright thing to do.”(Hutheesingh, 1944:21).

Their day to day existence alsochanged from one of splendour to asimple one. “The first thing father didwas to sell his horses and carriages.Then we had to dismiss quite a few ofthe army of servants we had andcurtail expenses in every direction.Father sold most of mother’s jewelswith her consent and bhai soldKamala’s.” (Hutheesingh, 1967: 48).“From that time forth, we all worekhadi...” (Hutheesingh, 1967:48).

The changes must have been themost trying for the head of the family,Motilal Nehru, who not only had to

give up his practice but had todiscourage his British cli-entsfrom visiting Anand Bhawan.Krishna Nehru narrates: “Bychance I happened to be in aroom when the finalconfron-tation betweenGandhiji and my father tookplace. In a reasonable tone, myfather said: ‘You have taken myson but I have a great lawpractice in the British courts.If you will permit me tocontinue it, I will pour greatsums of the money I make intoyour movement. Your causewill prof it far more than if Igive it up to follow you’. ‘No’,Gandhiji said. ‘No. I don’t wantmoney. I want you — andevery mem-ber of your family’.’.(Hutheesingh, 1967:34). Thesmall problems, minoraltercations and conflicts thatarose, had more of an economicbasis to it. The confusion anddilemmas were yet to arisewhen the question of

understanding the Gandhianmovement arose. Who was Gandhi?What did he want? And what was ‘our’contribution? Of the two sisters, itseems that Krishna faced moredilemmas coupled with insecuritiesthan Vijaylakshmi. The only reason Ican think of that might ex-plain this isthat Krishna was the youngest in thefamily and was isolated once herfather and brother joined politics andVijaylakshmi got married in 1921.

Krishna writes about her firstreaction to Gandhi: “Is this the manwho is changing all our lives?” “Isthis insignificant person going tomake every-body go to prison andoverthrow the British?” “One thing Iunderstood even at that age. To followGandhi’s idealistic way meant givingup all the pleasant thingsof life.”(Hutheesingh, 1967:34). From

Jawaharlal, Kamala and Indira

20 MANUSHI

Krishna’s reactions it seems that herprimary motivation for joining thenationalist movement wastoexper iencesomething’new’,something to change the monotonyof day to day existence. “Somethingnew happened everyday to changemy once dull and monotonous life ofstrict routine into an ever changingand exciting day, never knowing whatwas going to happen next.”Otherwise, she was finding it verydifficult, at every step, to change inaccordance with the new demands. “Idid not enjoy the changes satyagrahamade in my life, though I acceptedthem with growing ardor.”(Hutheesingh, 1967: 49). “At first Iresented having to wear the coarse,handspun, handwoven khadi, butafter a while it seemed the commonsense thing to do. Somehow, the newmode of life, with its austerities, casta spell on us.” (Hutheesingh, 1969:40).

Though Krishna Nehruparticipated in the movement, she didnot have very strong politicalconvictions. Coupled withexperiencing something ‘new’,Krishna could not resist the generalenthusiasm generated by theresistance. The final straw was thedeath of Motilal, which pushed Ka-mala into the movement. “Myenthu-siasm for satyagraha was but apale reflection of the tide of emotionthat was sweeping India.”(Hutheesingh, 1967:50). “Afterfather’s death I threw myself into themovement recklessly. Something vitalhad gone and for the time beingnothing seemed to matter.”(Hutheesingh, 1963: 12).

Krishna Nehru, along with otherNehru women, participated inboycotts, foreign cloth bonfires andpicketing. “I was secretary of theYouth League and had the honour ofbeing the first to be arrested on thedistaff side of our family.”(Hutheesingh, 1969: 55).

The situation was morecomplicated for Vijaylakshmi Pandit,who had to resolve not only herindividual dilemmas but had also tocome around to the viewpoint of herhusband, Ranjit. Vijaylakshmi’s initialconfrontation with Gandhi was on theissue of ‘chastity’. She describes herexperi-ence with Gandhi when, aftermarriage, they went to take hisblessing. Talking about Gandhi, shesays: “Then he looked very grave andbegan to talk of our duty to thecountry at this time — the strengthrequired could only come from purityof the highest order. Chastity inmarried life was difficult, he knew, butso was the great struggle for freedomupon which we had entered and whichdemanded every sacrifice. Suddenly,the Nehru spirit asserted itself. Ilooked at Bapu and said halt-ingly:‘Why did you give your per-missionto our marriage if you thought it waswrong for us to live together ashusband and wife’? There was nore-sponse.” (Pandit, 1979: 73).

The emerging problem now washow to respond to the call of Gandhito participate. Vijaylakshmi writes:“The problem was whether Ranjitshould respond to Gandhij i’ s call and

suspend his practice. Practice at thebar was not easy to suspend andwould also mean lossof prestige. Theconflict continued for some weeksbut, finally, the call of Gandh iji couldnot be denied.” (Pandit, 1979: 79).

Vijaylakshmi herself initially didnot understand the significance andsymbolism of bonfires and boycotts.“Great bonfires of British cloth hadtaken place in every town in India.This was a great shock to me. I didnot understand the symbolism, and itseemed wicked that mountains ofclothing should be publicly burnedwhen all around one there wasnakedness.”

The uncertainty of life, traumas ofpalling while serving sentences of lifeimprisonment, took a toll. ThoughVijaylakshmi participated in thena-tionalist movement and also laterserved as ambassador to the UnitedStates, she could not reconcile to theupheavals that the nationalistmove-ment brought in herpersonallife. Even before her husband died,Vijaylakshmi wrote of him: “Ranjit isnot meant for the rough and tumbleof Indian politics. With his wealth andlearning and fastidious scholarship,his love of art and all of those finer

Anand Bhawan, the Nehrus’ famous house, which has been given to thenation and is now called Swaraj Bhawan

No.77 (July-August 1993) 21

aspects of life ... prison life is breakinghim down physically. It is a slow dailysacrifice which can be so much moredeadly than some big heroic gesturemade in the moment of emotionalupheaval.” (Hutheesingh, 1967: 169).

Of the third generation, one knowsthe least, but the picture that comesthrough is one of alarming clarity andperception. The third generation didnot experience any major upheavalsin their day to day existence as didthe other two. Primarily, this wasbecause they were born into politics,heard and thought of politics at earlystages of their lives. KrishnaHutheesingh had two sons, Ajit andHarsha, whose involvement in politicshas not come into the limelight.Vijaylakshmi Pandit had threedaughters: Chandralekha (Chand),Rita and Nayantara (Tara). Of thethree, Lekha was quite active in thenationalist movement initially, butthere is no evidence of her politicalactivities (like her mother’s) later on.Amongst all the cousins, Indira,daughter of KamalaNehru, maintaineda steady momentum and inclinationtowards politics. It has been said forIndu: “From the time she was three orfour, she heard nothing but talk ofpolitics. Instead of playing childishgames, she would line up servants andmake political speeches to them.”(Hutheesingh, 1967: 54). “Theatmosphere of politics that pervadedour home put unusual ideas intoIndira’s head. She put Congress flagsof paper into the hands of dolls andthen lectured the assemblage... Callingupon her satyagrahis to march andkeep the Congress flag flying, sheasked them not to fear the might ofthe govern-ment...” (Hutheesingh,1969). When she was eight years old,she is sup-posed to have said: “I amgoing to lead my people to freedomjust as Joan of Arc.” (ibid: 55).

In the nationalist movement, thethird generation (when they were

eight-thirteen years old) formed the‘vanar sena’ (monkey brigade) andtook out processions. It is said thaton the arrest of Purushottam DasTandon, “Little children under theleadership of Miss Indu Nehru andMiss Chand Pandit took out aprocession.” (The Leader, 1930, June27, p.6).

From this brief mention of the thirdgeneration, attention can be focusedon two points. Firstly, from the thirdgeneration, Indira deserves specialattention, as one who continuedworking for the nation and, secondly,within the third generation, politicalinclinations and commitments variedfrom individual to individual — childto child.

ConclusionThe nationalist movement period

was very stressful for the Nehruhousehold. Unlike the suggestions inhistorical tracts, the Nehru women didnot take to nationalist activities‘natu-rally’. It was a period of greattransition and upheaval in theirpersonal lives. While, for women likeKrishna and Vijaylakshmi, it was anadjustment from a ‘westernised’lifestyle to an ‘austere’ way of life, forwomen like Kamala politics was a wayout from the ‘westernised’ joint familyto participation in activities withwhich she was more comfortable, andthat also gave her a way to be moreclose to her husband, Jawahar.

Thus, before any concretestatements arc made about women’sna-tionalist activities, one shouldanalyse the process through whichthey passed, whether it was resolvingpersonal con-flicts or understandingwhat the na-tional movement stoodfor.

BibliographyAndrews, Robert Hardy (1967), A Lamp

for India: The Story ofMadame Pandit,Baker,Britain.

Hutheesingh, Krishna Nehru (1944), WithNo Regrets: An Autobiography, Pearl,Bombay.

Hutheesingh, Krishna Nehru (1963),Nehru’s Letters to His Sister, Faber,London.

Hutheesingh, Krishna Nehru (1967), WeNehrus, Pearl, Bombay.

Hutheesingh, Krishna Nehru (1969), Dearto Behold: An Intimate PortraitofIndiraGandhi,Macmillan, London,1969.

Kalhan, Promilla (1973), An Intimate Bi-ography: Kamala Nehru, Vikas, Delhi.

Nehru, Jawaharlal (1946), The Discoveryof India, Signet, Calcutta.

Nehru, Rameshwari (1950), Gandhi is MyStar, Pustaka Bhandar, Patna.

Pandit, Vijaylakshmi (1979), The Scopeof Happiness: A Personal Memoir,Vikas, Delhi.

22 MANUSHI

Rape AfterOne detail sticks in my mindfrom the New York Times articletitled “Rape After Rape After Rape”A young woman has been internedalong with hundreds of otherwomen, children, and old menin a Croatian town. One day it is her turnin the crowded room where they all stayto be pulled to the middle by Serbian soldiersand raped, while the others look on.She casts a glance at her babywho sits nearby on the floor during the rapeand cries loudly.When the rape is over, a soldiergoes to the child, cuts off its head,and hands it to the mother.I am thinking aboutthe computer I plan to apply forwith funds newly made availableby the university, despite the presentbudget crunch, ft will have a built-inhard disk, and if they let me keep the old one,I can have a system at home too.Will the funds allow fora new printer? I’m framing the requestin my mind: my research, how sad it isthat my computer is so small and old

compared to my colleagues’.I’m picturingthe application form, black instructions,white spaces, boxes,I’m imaginingthe new, odourless keyboardI want to get my hands on, the clean plasticcase,the everyday, fabulous powerof circuitry I don’t need to understandto use, the swish and hum of my printer,the almost friendly bing of the bellwhen the box goes on.Threading through these imageslike flickers of a poor filmor almost unremembered dreamare others—dirty white wooden floorboards,metal beds, shadowy female figures, someonewith a large chest and unkempt uniform,a baby’s head on ivory-whitecomputer keys.

Linda Hess