The Principle of Direct Syntactic Encoding: All grammatical relation changes are lexical

The Principle of Direct Syntactic Encoding:

All grammatical relation changes are lexical

Two kinds of movement in transformational grammar:


"A' movement" (long-distance phenomena):

Disse kakene sa Petter [at Kari mente [ - var gode]]




"A-movement":

Rapporten skrives av sekretæren

XP

VP

V

NP

NP

Configurational analysis of passive




"A-movement":


XP

VP

V

NP

NP

Configurational analysis of passive Relational analysis of passive

active passiveR < x y > R < x y >

S O (OBL) S




"A-movement":


XP

NP VP

NP

V

( SUBJ)

( CF)

The seeming movement under passivization in Englishis simply a consequence of the configurational assignmentof GFs in that language:

CF = non-discourse argument functions

In a non-configurational language likeMalayalam there is no seeming movementunder passivization:

S

NPNP V

kutti aanaye aaraadiccuchild.NOM elephant.ACC worship.PAST

PRED 'worship<( SUBJ)( OBJ)>'

SUBJPRED 'child'CASE nom

OBJPRED 'elephant'CASE acc


S

NPNP V

kuttiyaal aana aaraadhikkappettuchild.INSTR elephant.NOM worship.PASS.PAST

S

NPNP V

kutti aanaye aaraadiccuchild.NOM elephant.ACC worship.PAST

PRED 'worship<( SUBJ)( OBJ)>'

SUBJPRED 'child'CASE nom

OBJPRED 'elephant'CASE acc

PRED 'worship<( OBLag)( SUBJ)>'

OBLagPRED 'child'CASE instr

SUBJPRED 'elephant'CASE nom


The classical LFG passive analysis:A lexical redundancy rule

A pattern in the lexicon

writes write < SUBJ OBJ >written write < OBLag/ SUBJ >

eats eat < SUBJ OBJ >eaten eat < OBLag/ SUBJ >

buys buy < SUBJ OBJ >bought buy < OBLag/ SUBJ >

...

The classical LFG passive analysis:A lexical redundancy rule

A pattern in the lexicon

writes write < SUBJ OBJ >written write < OBLag/ SUBJ >

eats eat < SUBJ OBJ >eaten eat < OBLag/ SUBJ >

buys buy < SUBJ OBJ >bought buy < OBLag/ SUBJ >

...

Abstracted as a lexical rule:

OBJ SUBJ⇒SUBJ OBLag⇒SUBJ ⇒

PASS (SCHEMATA) = { SCHEMATA ~(↑PASSIVE)=+ | SCHEMATA (↑PASSIVE)=c + { (↑OBJ) --> (↑SUBJ) | (↑OBL-TH) --> (↑SUBJ) | (↑OBJ-BEN) --> (↑SUBJ) | (↑COMP) --> (↑SUBJ) | (↑XCOMP) --> (↑SUBJ) } { (↑SUBJ) --> (↑OBL-AG) | (↑SUBJ) --> NULL } }.

Part of the passive template in a Norwegian computational LFG grammar:



P V @(PASS [(↑PRED)='P<(↑SUBJ)(↑OBJ)>'... ])

Template invocation in a lexical entry P:



http://iness.uib.no/xle-web

P V @(PASS [(↑PRED)='P<(↑SUBJ)(↑OBJ)>'... ])

Template invocation in a lexical entry P:


Grammatical Functions

TOP FOC SUBJ OBJ OBJ OBL COMPL ADJUNCT

non-a-fns non-a-fnsa-fns




d-fns




d-fns non-d-fns




d-fns non-d-fns

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D

Basic schema:

(Left-to-right order unspecified)

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D

Basic schema:

(Left-to-right order unspecified)

Specifier

Head Complement

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D L0: N, V, A, P

Basic schema: Lexical projections:

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

NP

N'

N0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D L0: N, V, A, P

Basic schema:

Cæsar's

conquest of Gallia

Lexical projections:

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

VP

V'

V0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D L0: N, V, A, P

Basic schema:

Cæsar

conquered Gallia


XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

VP

V0 ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D L0: N, V, A, P

Basic schema:

conquered Gallia


XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

AP

A0 ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D L0: N, V, A, P

Basic schema:

afraid of dogs


XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

P'

P0 ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D L0: N, V, A, P

Basic schema:

past the border


PP

YP

three miles

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

PP

P0 ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D L0: N, V, A, P

Basic schema:

on the table


XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax

X0: N, V, A, P, C, I, D L0: N, V, A, P F0: C, I, D

Basic schema: Functional projections:Lexical projections:

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

CP

C0 ZP

X'-syntax


Basic schema:

that Mary left

Lexical projections: Functional projections:

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

IP

I'

I0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax


Basic schema:

may leave John

Mary


XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

DP

D0 ZP

X'-syntax


Basic schema:

this theory


XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax


Adjunction:

Lexical projections: Functional projections:XP

WP

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax


Basic schema: Lexical projections: Functional projections:

Lexical integrity:"Morphological complete words are leaves of the c-structure treeand each leaf corresponds to one and only one c-structure node."

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax


Basic schema: Lexical projections: Functional projections:

Economy of Expression:"All syntactic phrase structure nodes are optional and are not usedunless required by independent principles (completeness, coherence,semantic expressivity)."

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax


Basic schema: Example of optionality: Functional projections:


VP

V0 NPconquered Gallia

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax




VP

NPGallia

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP

X'-syntax




VP

NPGallia

XP

XYP

A

CB

Two kinds of 'heads'

c-structure heads(according to X' theory):

f-structure heads:

XP

YPX

A

CB

A

CB

XP

X'

X0

YP

ZP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP

The Mapping Principles


LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP



a. C-structure heads are f-structure heads.

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP



a. C-structure heads are f-structure heads.b. Specifiers of functional categories are the grammaticalized discourse functions DF.

( DF)

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

IP

I'

I0

NP

VP



a. C-structure heads are f-structure heads.b. Specifiers of functional categories are the grammaticalized discourse functions DF.

( SUBJ)

Example([SPEC, IP] as SUBJ):

may leave John

Mary

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP



a. C-structure heads are f-structure heads.b. Specifiers of functional categories are the grammaticalized discourse functions DF.c. Complements of functional categories are f-structure co-heads.

( DF)

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP




IP

I'

I0

NP

VP

( SUBJ)

may leave John

Mary

Example 1(VP as co-head with I):

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP




DP

D0 NP

this theory

Example 2(NP as co-head with D):

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP



a. C-structure heads are f-structure heads.b. Specifiers of functional categories are the grammaticalized discourse functions DF.c. Complements of functional categories are f-structure co-heads.d. Complements of lexical categories are the nondiscourse argument functions CF.

( CF)

( DF)

PP

P'

P0

YP

DP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP




( OBJ)

( DF)

past the border

three miles

Example 1(DP as OBJ of P):

VP

V0 CP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP




( COMP)

( DF)

said that John left

Example 2(CP as COMP of V):

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

FP

F'

F0

YP

ZP



a. C-structure heads are f-structure heads.b. Specifiers of functional categories are the grammaticalized discourse functions DF.c. Complements of functional categories are f-structure co-heads.d. Complements of lexical categories are the nondiscourse argument functions CF.e. Constituents adjoined to phrasal constituents are nonargument functions AF

or not annotated.

( AF)

( DF)

LP

WP

( DF)

( AF)

FP

WP

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

IP

I'

I0

NP

VP




or not annotated.

( AF)

( DF)

LP

WP

( SUBJ)

IP

AP

Example 1 (preposed adjunct):

( ADJUNCT)

unfortunately

Mary

will leave John

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

IP

I'

I0

NP

VP




or not annotated.

( AF)

( DF)

LP

WP

( SUBJ)

IP

NP

Example 2 (topicalized object):

( TOP)

John

Mary

will leave

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

IP

IP

DP

DP

I




or not annotated.

( AF)

( DF)

LP

WP

( SUBJ)

CP

C

Example 3 (scrambling in German;GF unannotated by syntax):

daß

das Buch

der Mann liest

LP

L'

L0

YP

ZP

IP

IP

DP

DP

I




or not annotated.

( AF)

( DF)

LP

WP

( SUBJ)

CP

C

Example 3 (scrambling in German;GF unannotated by syntax):

daß

das Buch

der Mann liest

OBJ function assignedlexocentrically, conditionedby case.

( CASE)=ACC ( OBJ)=

Example:Annotations constrainedby the mapping principles.

IP

NP VP

( SUBJ)

IP

AP

( ADJUNCT)

unfortunately

I

John

CP

IP

NP

C

I'

( COMP)V

believe

that

Mary

leave

VP

NPV

( OBJ)

Iwill

( SUBJ)

IP

NP VP

( SUBJ)

IP

AP

( ADJUNCT)

unfortunately

I

John

CP

IP

NP

C

I'

( COMP)V

believe

that

Mary

leave

VP

NPV

( OBJ)

Iwill

( SUBJ)

Example:Annotations constrainedby the mapping principles.In this structure the auxiliaryand the main verb are membersof the same functional domain.

IP

NP VP

( SUBJ)

IP

AP

( ADJUNCT)

unfortunately

I

John

CP

IP

NP

C

I'

( COMP)V

believe

that

Mary

leave

VP

NPV

( OBJ)

Iwill

( SUBJ)

Example:Annotations constrainedby the mapping principles.In this structure the auxiliaryand the main verb are membersof the same functional domain.Hence only one of them can have a PRED.

PRED 'leave<( SUBJ)( OBJ)>'

( PRED)='leave<( SUBJ)( OBJ)>'

COMP

...

...

...

John

IP

NP I'

Mary

leave

VP

NPV

( OBJ)

Iwill

( SUBJ)

In English, auxiliaries are in I, and main verbs always in V

IP

NP I'

Mary

not

VP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

Iwill

( SUBJ)

Johnleave

VP

NPV

( OBJ)

In English, auxiliaries are in I, and main verbs always in VNegation is always before the main verb –

IP

NP I'

Mary

not

VP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

Idoes

( SUBJ)

Johnleave

VP

NPV

( OBJ)

In English, auxiliaries are in I, and main verbs always in VNegation is always before the main verb –even when there is no semantically required auxiliary.

IP

NPMary

( SUBJ)

Johnleaves

VP

NPV

( OBJ)

In English, auxiliaries are in I, and main verbs always in VNegation is always before the main verb –even when there is no semantically required auxiliary.Hence there is no need to assume that finite main verbs are outside VP.

IP

I S

VP

NP

Welsh: a verb-initial language. (Bresnan, after Sproat)

( SUBJ)

IP

I S

VP

NP


( SUBJ)

• No specifier of IP, which dominates I and its complement directly.

IP

I S

VP

NP


( SUBJ)

• No specifier of IP, which dominates I and its complement directly.• The complement of I is S (not VP), an exocentric phrase.

IP

I S gwnaeth'do-3.SG.PAST'

weld'see'

VP

V

NP

Siôn'John'

draig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

IP

I S gwelodd'see-3.SG.PAST'

VP

NP

Siôn'John'

ddraig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

( SUBJ)

( SUBJ)


Auxiliary or main verb may be in I.

IP


weld'see'

VP

V

NP

Siôn'John'

draig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

IP


VP

NP

Siôn'John'

ddraig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

( SUBJ)

( SUBJ)


Auxiliary or main verb may be in I.In the latter case, the VP doesn't dominate any V head.

IP


weld'see'

VP

V

NP

Siôn'John'

draig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

IP


VP

NP

Siôn'John'

ddraig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

( SUBJ)

( SUBJ)


Extended Head (Bresnan, Jar, Zaenen, Kaplan):Given a c-structure containing nodes N, C, and c- to f-structure mapping ,N is an extended head of C if N is the minimal node in Cthat c-commands C without dominating C.

(A c-commands B if every node properly dominating A also dominates B.)

IP


weld'see'

VP

V

NP

Siôn'John'

draig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

IP


VP

NP

Siôn'John'

ddraig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

( SUBJ)

( SUBJ)




VP

IP


weld'see'

VP

V

NP

Siôn'John'

draig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

IP


VP

NP

Siôn'John'

ddraig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

( SUBJ)

( SUBJ)




VP

IP


weld'see'

VP

V

NP

Siôn'John'

draig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

IP


VP

NP

Siôn'John'

ddraig'dragon'

NP

( OBJ)

( SUBJ)

( SUBJ)




VP

Norwegian: a V2 language.


Main declarative clauses:

Deltagerne ville lære syntaksHeldigvis ville deltagerne lære syntaksSyntaks ville deltagerne læreDeltagerne ville ikke lære syntaksDeltagerne lærer ikke syntaks




• There is a position before the finite verb (unlike Welsh).




• There is a position before the finite verb (unlike Welsh).• There is only one position before the finite verb: No adjunction of adverbs or topics (unlike English).




• There is a position before the finite verb (unlike Welsh).• There is only one position before the finite verb: No adjunction of adverbs or topics (unlike English).• There is a subject position after the finite verb (unlike English).




• There is a position before the finite verb (unlike Welsh).• There is only one position before the finite verb: No adjunction of adverbs or topics (unlike English).• There is a subject position after the finite verb (unlike English).• The finite verb – main or auxiliary – is always in the leftmost verbal position, before negation (unlike English).





Subordinate clauses:

at deltagerne ikke ville lære syntaksat deltagerne ikke lærer syntaks







• Negation and other sentence adverbs occur before the finite verb – main or auxiliary.







• Negation and other sentence adverbs occur before the finite verb – main or auxiliary.• The subject can only occur before the finite verb.







• Negation and other sentence adverbs occur before the finite verb – main or auxiliary.• The subject can only occur before the finite verb.• Hence the finite verb is always adjacent to its complements: subordinate clauses are not V2.







• Negation and other sentence adverbs occur before the finite verb – main or auxiliary.• The subject can only occur before the finite verb.• Hence the finite verb is always adjacent to its complements: subordinate clauses are not V2.

Furthermore:

• Auxiliaries are fully-fledged, complement taking verbs (unlike English modals).

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

dessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

Example

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

dessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

• Finite verbs (V[fin]) as head of IP

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

dessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

• Finite verbs (V[fin]) as head of IP• S, dominating a SUBJ, as complement of IP

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

dessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

• Finite verbs (V[fin]) as head of IP• S, dominating a SUBJ, as complement of IP• Since the auxiliary is a complement-taking verb, it (extendedly) heads its own VP.

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

dessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

PRED 'ville<( SUBJ)( XCOMP)>'

SUBJ

ADJUNCT

PRED 'dessverre'

PRED 'ikke'

PRED 'deltager'1

• Finite verbs (V[fin]) as head of IP• S, dominating a SUBJ, as complement of IP• Since the auxiliary is a complement-taking verb, it (extendedly) heads its own VP.

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

dessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

PRED 'lære<( SUBJ)( OBJ)>'

XCOMP SUBJ


OBJ

SUBJ

ADJUNCT

PRED 'dessverre'

PRED 'ikke'

PRED 'deltager'

PRED 'syntaks'

1

1

• Finite verbs (V[fin]) as head of IP• S, dominating a SUBJ, as complement of IP• Since the auxiliary is a complement-taking verb, it (extendedly) heads its own VP.• The main verb heads the embedded XCOMP.

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADVdessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

( ADJUNCT)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADVdessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

• SPEC of IP can also host the subject.

( ADJUNCT)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADVdessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

• SPEC of IP can also host the subject.• Hence two rules in the same functional domain introduce subjects:

( ADJUNCT)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

dessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

• SPEC of IP can also host the subject.• Hence two rules in the same functional domain introduce subjects:

( SUBJ)

( ADJUNCT)...

IP XP I'

S XP ADV* VP'

( SUBJ)

( ADJUNCT)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

dessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

• SPEC of IP can also host the subject.• Hence two rules in the same functional domain introduce subjects:• Functional uniqueness prevents the occurrence of subjects in both positions at once.

( SUBJ)

( ADJUNCT)...

IP XP I'

S XP ADV* VP'

( SUBJ)

( ADJUNCT)

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADVdessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

( ADJUNCT)

Subordinate clausesThe differing constituent order can becaptured based on the same S subtreeas in main clauses.

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ADVdessverre

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

( ADJUNCT)

Subordinate clauses

S

( SUBJ)VPNP

deltagerne

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

CP

C

( SUBJ)

IP

ADVdessverre

atfordihvis...VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

( ADJUNCT)

Subordinate clauses

S

( SUBJ)VPNP

deltagerne

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

V[fin] Sville

I’

No IP in subordinate clauses:CP takes S as complement.

CP

C

( SUBJ)

IP

ADVdessverre

atfordihvis...VPNP

deltagerne

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

( ADJUNCT)

Subordinate clauses

S

( SUBJ)VPNP

deltagerne

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

V[fin] Sville

I’

No IP in subordinate clauses:CP takes S as complement.Consequence: There is no higherhead for the VP, and this forces theoccurrence of a dominated V head.

NP

N

V

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

VP

( XCOMP)

CP

C

( SUBJ)

IP

ADVdessverre

atfordihvis...VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

( ADJUNCT)

Subordinate clauses

S

( SUBJ)VPNP

deltagerne

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

V[fin] Sville

I’

No IP in subordinate clauses:CP takes S as complement.Consequence: There is no higherhead for the VP, and this forces theoccurrence of a dominated V head.

NP

N

V

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

VP

( XCOMP)V[fin]ville

S in main and subordinate clauses have similar scrambling possibilities:

Main:Dessverre vil [S deltagerne ikke [VP [VP lære syntaks]]]Dessverre vil [S ikke deltagerne [VP [VP lære syntaks]]]

Subordinate:hvis [S deltagerne ikke [VP vil [VP lære syntaks]]]hvis [S ikke deltagerne [VP vil [VP lære syntaks]]]

Main clause word order is also possible in subordinate clauses:

Kari sa at hun var ikke syk



Hence CP can alternatively take IP as complement:

CP

C IP




However, this is difficult unless the speaker can be taken to endorsethe proposition expressed by the clause:

?? Jeg tviler på at Kari var ikke sykOK Jeg tviler på at Kari ikke var syk

CP

C IP




However, this is difficult unless the speaker can be taken to endorsethe proposition expressed by the clause:

?? Jeg tviler på at Kari var ikke sykOK Jeg tviler på at Kari ikke var syk

This emphasizes the semantic import of the IP domain:IP is the modal core of the sentence;this is where the speech act "happens".

CP

C IP

Long-distance dependenciesand Functional Uncertainty

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

The annotation on [SPEC, IP]should be replaced with a set of alternativesto handle topicalization

( SUBJ)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

( SUBJ)

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

NPdeltagerne

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

The annotation on [SPEC, IP]should be replaced with a set of alternativesto handle topicalization.Let us topicalize the object as illustration.

( SUBJ)

Topicalization

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne

The annotation on [SPEC, IP]should be replaced with a set of alternativesto handle topicalization.Let us topicalize the object as illustration.

( SUBJ)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne

The annotation on [SPEC, IP]should be replaced with a set of alternativesto handle topicalization.Let us topicalize the object as illustration.Will these equations do?

( SUBJ)

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


XCOMP SUBJ


OBJ

SUBJ

ADJUNCT PRED 'ikke'

PRED 'deltager'

PRED 'syntaks'

1

1

2

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

2TOPIC

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


XCOMP SUBJ


OBJ

SUBJ

ADJUNCT PRED 'ikke'

PRED 'deltager'

PRED 'syntaks'

1

1

2

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

2TOPIC

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


XCOMP SUBJ


OBJ

SUBJ

ADJUNCT PRED 'ikke'

PRED 'deltager'

PRED 'syntaks'

1

1

2

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

2TOPIC

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


XCOMP SUBJ


OBJ

SUBJ

ADJUNCT PRED 'ikke'

PRED 'deltager'

PRED 'syntaks'

1

1

2

2

TOPIC

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


XCOMP SUBJ


OBJ

SUBJ

ADJUNCT PRED 'ikke'

PRED 'deltager'

PRED 'syntaks'

1

1

2

2

TOPIC

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

The equations work for thissentence. But what aboutthe following?

[Syntaks lærte deltagerne]

[Syntaks sa Kari [at deltagerne ikke lærte]]

[Syntaks ville deltagerne [prøve [å lære]]]

[Syntaks må da deltagerne [ha [kunnet [ville lære]]]]

[Syntaks vil Kari [ha [sagt [at deltagerne ikke kan [ha [villet lære]]]]]]



Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne

What should we have instead of(↑ XCOMP OBJ)=↓, then?A disjunction?

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


{ ( OBJ)=↓

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


{ ( OBJ)=↓| (↑ XCOMP OBJ)=↓

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


{ ( OBJ)=↓| (↑ XCOMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ COMP OBJ)=↓

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


{ ( OBJ)=↓| (↑ XCOMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ COMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ XCOMP COMP OBJ)=↓

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


{ ( OBJ)=↓| (↑ XCOMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ COMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ XCOMP COMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ COMP XCOMP OBJ)=↓

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

V

lære

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPsyntaks

( SUBJ)NP

deltagerne


{ ( OBJ)=↓| (↑ XCOMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ COMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ XCOMP COMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ COMP XCOMP OBJ)=↓| (↑ XCOMP XCOMP COMP OBJ)=↓| ... }

{ ( SUBJ)

| ( XCOMP OBJ)

( TOPIC)

We are faced with an infinite number of alternative strings;

OBJXCOMP OBJCOMP OBJXCOMP COMP OBJCOMP XCOMP OBJXCOMP XCOMP COMP OBJ...



SUBJXCOMP SUBJCOMP SUBJXCOMP COMP SUBJCOMP XCOMP SUBJXCOMP XCOMP COMP SUBJ...



SUBJXCOMP SUBJCOMP SUBJXCOMP COMP SUBJCOMP XCOMP SUBJXCOMP XCOMP COMP SUBJ...

In other words, we are faced with a language

This language is very simple: it consists of all strings that begin withany number og COMPs and XCOMPs (including zero) in any order, and endswith either SUBJ or OBJ.

.


It can be captured by a Regular Expression:

{ COMP | XCOMP }* {SUBJ | OBJ }

.




This means that it is a Finite State Language, which can be parsed veryefficiently.





Allowing regular expressions in constraint equations, enables them tospecify sets of attribute paths rather than single paths:

(↑{ COMP | XCOMP }* {SUBJ | OBJ }) =↓





Allowing regular expressions in constraint equations, enables them tospecify sets of attribute paths rather than single paths:

(↑{ COMP | XCOMP }* {SUBJ | OBJ }) =↓

This constraint equation is satisfied if there is at least one path in the setwhich maks it true.

We can define syntactic variables:

COMPFN = {COMP | XCOMP}TERMFN = {SUBJ | OBJ | OBJ| ...}

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPdeltagerne



Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPdeltagerne

( TOP)( COMPFN* TERMFN)



This simplifies the equations

Topicalization

I’

V[fin] S

IP

ville

VP

NP

N

V

lære

syntaks

( OBJ)

ADV

( ADJUNCT)

ikke

VP

( XCOMP)

NPdeltagerne


F-structures and Dependency Structures

From the PROIEL Project:

A sentence from the Gothic Bible (Mark 1.8):

From the PROIEL Project:

A sentence from the Gothic Bible (Mark 1.8):

Norwegian translation:

For jeg døper dere i vann, men han døper dere i hellig ånd.

‘PREDs only’ version:

PRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

The f-structure as a directed graph

PRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

Label the root of each subgraph with the value of its PRED (if any),and remove the PRED arcs:

'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED

PRED

PRED

PRED


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

PRED

PRED

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED

PRED

PRED

PRED


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

PRED

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED

PRED

PRED

PRED


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED

PRED

PRED

PRED


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED

PRED

PRED

PRED


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED

PRED

PRED


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED

PRED


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PREDPRED


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

PRED


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

PRED

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'


'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd''men'

CO

OR

D-FO

RM

'han'

'dere'

'i'

Label still unlabeled roots with the value of COORD-FORM (if any):

'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

ADJUNCTADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd'

'men'

'han'

'dere'

'i'

Label still unlabeled roots with the value of COORD-FORM (if any):

'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

ADJUNCTADJUNCT

ADJUNCT

SUBJ

SUBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ

OBJ'døpe'

'døpe'

'jeg'

'dere'

'i'

'vann'

'hellig'

'ånd'

'men'

'han'

'dere'

'i'

'for'

DISCCOORD-F

ORM

Turn it 90 degrees...

Turn it 90 degrees...

and compare:

Documents

The Principle of Direct Syntactic Encoding: All grammatical relation changes are lexical