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nternational Journals
THE RADICAL RIGHT AND LAND USE PLANNING: A POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF CONFLICTAuthor(s): CHARLES C. GEISLERSource: International Review of Modern Sociology, Vol. 12, No. 2 (Autumn 1982), pp. 211-228Published by: International JournalsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41421543.
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THE
RADICAL
RIGHT
AND LAND USE
PLANNING:
A
POLITICAL
ECOLOGY
OF
CONFLICT
CHARLES C. GEISLER
Cornell
niversity
International
eview
f Modern
ociology982,
ol.
12
Autumn):Pp211-228)
There re
many
ndicators
f
radical
right
esurgence
n
the
United
States
most
f
which
ccur n
conflict
ituations. uch
a
resurgence
signals
a
challenge
o
state
and
regional
initiatives
n
land
use
planning
given
the
radical
righs
commitment
o
unabridged
ri-
vate
property
ights
nd
decentralized
ocal
control
Research
on
radical
right
bstructionism
o
resource
lanning
was
conducted
n
Wisconsin
where
ecent
ailures
in
land
use
planning
have
been
attributed
o
right
wing
extremism.
ocal
control
was
positively
associatedwithmultiplemeasures fextremismbutextremismail-
ed
to
explainopposition
o
land use
planning
when
measure
of
political
ecology
and
other
background
ariables
were
controlled.
The
mplicationsor
public
policy
in
conflict-prone
reas such
as
land
use
planning
re
discussed
The lower
middle
class
the
small
manufacturer
the
shopkeeper9
the
rtisian
the
easant
all
these
fight gainst
the
bourgeoisie
to
save
from
extinction
heir
existence
as
fractionsof
the
middle
class. They re therefore otrevolutionarybut conservative. ay
more
they
re
reactionary.
.
Karl Marx
(. 9S9[1848]:332
There is considerable
vidence
that
what
Durkheim
1964)
referred o
as shared
normative
nderstandings'*
n
society
re,
in
the
contemporary
United
States,
no
longer
hared.
The
reemergence
f the
radical
right,
and
its
polarizing
ffects
n
such national
debates as
gun
control
nd
the
Panama Canal
Treaties,
abortion
and the
Equal
Rights
Amendment,
property
axes and
omnibus and
use
legislationendsupport o thisview.The liberal
Brookings
nstitute owhas its conservative
ounterpart,
he
American
Enterprise
nstitute,
nd
the Jewish
ommunity,
aving
pon-
sored
much
of the
original
research
n
the
radical
right
hrough
he Anti-
Defamation
League
(Lipset
and
Raab,
1978),
s
itself
urning
ight
n
both
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212
INTERNATIONAL
EVIEW F
MODERN
OCIOLOGY
Israel and theUnitedStates Rosenberg nd Howe, 1977). The title f a
recent
New
York Times
editorial,
The
Charge
of
the
Right Brigade ,
captures
he mood of
editorials
cross the
country.
The
scholarly
nterest
n
radical
right
xtremism
s
not
new.
It can
be
traced
to
William
Graham
Sumner's concern for the
forgotten
man
(1918),
to
Karl
Mannheim's
nvestigations
f
conservative
opposition
to
the
rise
of modern
rationalism
1927),
and to
Ortegay
Gasset's
classic,
The Revolt
of
the
Masses
(1932).
The mass
psychology
of
fascism and
the
chilling
effect
f the
McCarthyism
have
prompted
ntensive
ocial
science
research
on
extremism
during
and
after
World
War II
(e.g.,
Fromm,
1941;
Bettelheim,
1943;
Adorno,
t
al.,
1950;
Hofstadter,
955;
Kornhauser,
1959;
Upset,
1960;
Shils,
1961;
Reissman,
1971;
Coser and
Howe, 1977;
Steinfels,
9
79;
Hunter,
1980).
Certainreviews
f
scholarship
dealing
with
he
radical
right,
however,
suggest
that
conceptualization
behind
this
epithet
s
in
disarray.
The
studies re
marked
with nternal
inconsistencies
Abcarian
and
Stanage,
1965),
with
validity
problems
(Miller
and
Reissman,
1961;
Jackman,
1972;
Lipsitz,
1965),
and
with
conspicuous
neglect
of
structural
ircumstances
ngendering
eactionary
consciousness
Zeitlin,
1967).
Theobjectiventhe present esearchis to examinethe allegedlyright
wing
nature
f
local
resistence
o non-local
and use
regulation.
n the
one
hand,
there
s
compelling
ace
validity
n
the notion hat he
trident
all for
local
control
is motivated
by
a
political
onservatism
ostile
o
planning
in
general
nd
to
planning
which
bridges
property
ights
n
particular.
As
such,
right
wing
extremism
may
underlie he
perennial
onflict
etween
private
andownership
nd
this
expression
f
social
control. On
the other
hand,
the
ncoherency
f much
radical
right
xposition
eaves ts
influence
upon
local
belligerence
pen
to
question,
f
not to
alternative
nterpreta-
tions.
One
such
alternative
s
that
political ecology
a
structural
ondi-
tion delineates basic supportand oppositionforsuchplanning nd is
therefore
ssential
o
understanding
onflict
n this
strategic
olicy
area.
The
Radical
Right
nd
Land
U se
Planning
To
many
and use
planners,
ightwing
extremism
as
been
the
bete
noire
of
their
attempts
o
rationalize
balkanized,
nconsistent,
nd en-
vironmentally
njurious
roperty
ystem.
Nationally,
he
Farm
Bureau,
the
National
Association
of
Manufacturers,
he
U.S.
Chamber
of
Commerce
and
still
more conservative
roups,
uch as
the
Liberty Lobby,
have
led
successful
offensives
gainst
national and
use
planning egislation
n
the1970s
Reilly,
1977;
Popper,
1981).1 Reports
on state land use
planning
lSeveral
onservative
oundations,
uch
as
the
Sabre
n Wisconsin
nd
the
Heritage
oundation
n
Washington,
rovide
esearchnd
documentation
or
uch
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THE
RADICAL IGHT
AND
LAND
USE
PLANNING
213
initiativesn suchstates s New York, California,Utah,Vermont, lorida,
and
Wisconsin
suggest
resistance
by
a
vociferous
adical
right
s
do,
in
their
wn
fashion,
he
Sagebrush
and
Tundra rebellions n the
western
states
and Alaska.2
Invariably,
the
central ssues are
the
unfettered
ur-
suit
of
happiness
hrough
rivate
roperty
ights
n
the
one
hand
and
the
encroachments
f
federal,
tate
or
regionalgovernments
n
local
urisdic-
tional
domains
on
the other
(Agger
et
al.,
1964;
Newby
et
al.,
1978;
Geisler,
1979).
An
example
s the ocal
opposition
to
regional
land use
planning
in
Pennsylvania's randywine
iver
Basin.
Some
observers educe
this
oppo-sition o McCarthyism ;hardened conservatisms attributed o
oppo-
nents' status
as
farmers
and
blue collar
workers ,
to
their
lack
of
refinement
burly
and
rough poken )
and to
their
mpotence
to
prevent
past
government
ntervention'1
Strong, 957:7).
Similar
portrayals
re
made
of
n-holding roperty
wner
associations
in
Yosemite
and Yellowstone
National
Parks
and
in New York
State's
AdirondackPark.
In
Wisconsin,
a
statewide
ystem
f
regional
planning
ommissions
as been
challenged
in
recent
years
by
the
withdrawal
f some 350 local
government
nits;
at
least
one
faction
instrumental
n
this
dismantling rocess
has been
des-
cribedas rightwing vigilantes Hoffman, 977:2).
An
alluring
question
about
the
opposition
to
centralized land use
planning
efforts
s whether
ts
alleged
radical
right
haracter
manates
from
trictly
deological
sources
or from
nticipated
material
eopardy
and
economic
insecurity
mong
property
wners
hould such
regulation
ake
effect.3
nterestingly,
he
radical
right
as
been viewedas
dispossessed
(Bell
,1962),
but
with
respect
o
loss
of
status,
power
nd cultural
dentity
rather
than
material
dispossession.
n
other
words,
xtremism
ends
to
be
viewedas
a
social
pathology
r
psychological yndrome
hared
by
socially
alienated
individuals.
The
social
pathologists ,
as
C.
Wright
Mills
efforts
see
Sabre,
972
nd
Stitch,
974).
One of
the
better
osition apers xpress-
ing
the
conservative
pposition
o
national
and use
planning
s
by
McLaughry
(1975).
2The
agebrush
nd
Tundra
ebellions
efero
widespreadupport
n
theWest nd
in
Alaska
ar he
onversion
ffederal
overnment
ands-
ome
0
percent
f which
lie
n
the ar
Western
tates
to
private
omain
ubject
omarket
orces. onservative
Senator
rrin
atch
R-Utah' champion
f
the
ause,
has
called for a second
Americ:n
evolution
n
theWest
which ould
ccomplish
his
conversion
Webb,
1981).
3Readers
amiliar
ith
and
use
planning
ontroversies
ill
ecognize
his
s the
taking ssue that s, thesentimentmong ropertywners, suallyormulated
in
egal
hallenges
o land
use
regulations,
hat
uch
egulation
mounts
o confisca-
tion
of
property
ights
arred
by
the
Fifth
nd Fourteenth
mendments
f
the
Constitution.
or further
laboration,
ee
Bosseimen
t
al.,
1972).
he
expropriation
threat
s
mentioned
n
passing
yStrong
1975:7)
nd
Agger
t.ah,
1964:557-8),
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214
INTERNATIONAL
EVIEW
F
MODERNOCIOLOGY
(1943:170)noted a generation go, tendto slippaststructureo focuson
isolated
ituations ,
hus,
eeingproblems
s
problems
f
individuals .
The
argument
eveloped
n the
present
research
is one
of
political
ecology.
Extreme
opposition
to
social
control
over
propertyrights
s
construed as
a
structural
ilemma direct
r indirect
ccupational
depen-
dence
on
a viable
private
roperty
ystem-
rather han
as social
pathology.
What is
a
transfer
f
property ights
o a
professional
and
use
planner
s
perceived
s
dispossession
nd
deprivation
y
the title
holder;
this
sense
of
dispossession
is
a
seriously
nderestimated
orce
behind
strident ocal
control
nd
reactionary esponses
o social control.
The notable force
behind the
rejection
f and use
regulation
s, in otherwords,thematerial
alienation f
property
ights
rather
than a
generalized
social
alienation
loosely
referred
o as
right
wing
extremism.
Hypotheses
Radical
right
extremism s
a
hydra-headed
notion,
the
underlying
dimensions
f
which
have
been enumerated
and
categorized
in
various
ways
e.g.,
Wolfinger
t
al.
1964;
Abcarian
and
Stanage,
1965;
Lipset
and
Raab,
1970).
It is
an
ethos,
ll-definednd
abstract.
or
some,
t
s
an
exag-
gerated private regarding syndromewhose adherentsdisregard he
greater
ublic
nterest;
or
others,
it
is a
broad
cognitive
estalt
nifying
many
fragments
f
middle
America
nto
a
controversial
social
move-
ment. Whatever ts
true
nature,
those
exhibiting
ne
right
wing
charac-
teristic
are
frequently
iewed
as
subscribers
o
the
whole
cloth
of
right
wing
extremism.
hus,
it
often
s
said
that
detractors
f
centralized
and
use
planning
re
characterized
y
a
range
of
traditional
beliefs,
lack
of
sophist
ation,
working
lass
status,
owerlessness,
nd
even
authoritarian
personalities.
Failure to
differentiate
his
supposed
family
of radical
right
harac-
teristicsmay blur the social dynamics f land use conflictmore than t
illuminates hem.
Not
only
does
it
bring
crude
nd
potentially
nreliable
unity
o
what
are
often
uite
disparate
ocial
dimensions,
ut t
can
divert
analytic
ttention
rom
material
asis
of
local
protectionism-
he
confis-
catory potential
f
certain
and use
planningpolicies.
The
first
ypothesis
to
be
tested,
herefore,
uestionst
e
coherency
f
characteristicsttributed
to
the
ultra-right.
pecifically,
e
hypothesize
hat
the
supposedly
nitary
radical
right
onceptualization
nstead
consists
of
multiple
imensions
dimensionswhichbear
little
r no
relationship
o each
other.
The
second
hypothesis
undertakes
closer look
at
the
association
between xtremismnd local control before and after the influencef
background
haracteristics
s held
constant.
These characteristics
nclude
property wnership
nd
a measure
of
political
cology.
The
expectation
is
that,
ivep
these
controls,
here
remains
ittle
or
no
positive
ssociation
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THE
RADICAL
IGHT NDLAND
USE
PLANNING
215
tetween ocalism ndradicalright alienation . Evidence in support f
this
xpectation
ould
suggest
spuriousrelationship
nd
heighten
nterest
in
the
contribution
f
political ecology
to the
rejection
of
land
use
regu-
lation. The
third
nd
final
hypothesis
lluminates
he
following
question:
What
s
the
relative
mpact
of
right
wing
xtremism
n
resistance o land
use
planning
fter
ccupational
reliance n a
minimally egulated
roperty
system
has
been
taken
into
account?
It
is
expected
that
where
this
reliance
is
high
resistance
will be
greatest,
nd that
an
affirmative
est
of
material
lienation
versus ocial
alienationwill be
possible.4
Data andMeasures Used
Wisconsin
s
well suited
for
study
f
the
possible
ffect
f
right-wing
extremismn
aggressive
and
use
planning.5
he
statehas two
well-known
mutually
repelling
political
traditions.On the one
hand,
there is an
acknowledged Progressive
ineage
extending
back
to
the
early
1900s
(Caine, 1970). Alternatively,
isconsin
s the
birthplace
f the
Republican
Party.
And,
only
a
generation
go,
Wisconsinvoters lected nd
reelected
Joseph
McCarthy
to
the
Senate.
Subsequently,
variety
f
studies
have
been
completed
n
right-wing
xtremism
s
a source of
public
policy
con-
flictn the state Adrian,1967; Rogin,1966).6 t is noteworthyhat the
plaintiffs
n
the
andmarkJust
vs. Marinette
case
testing
the
legality
f
Wisconsin's shoreland
zoning
law
were
members
f a
local
John
Birch
Society.7
In
order o test
he first
ypothesis uestioning
he
unity
of
the
radical
4These
orms
f
alienation
eednot be
mutually
xclusive.
ee,
for
xample,
Torrence
1977).
5In
1923,
he
tate
upreme
ourt
upheld
municipal
oning
rdinance,
reda-
ting
by
three
years
he
classic
1926
arallel uling
y
he
U.S.
Supreme
ourt n
Euclid s Amblereality.Rural oning,ow cceptedymost tates, ad tsoriginsinWisconsinnthe ate1920s. he tate
ioneered
ndifferential
use-value)
axation
of land
with
ts
Forest
rop
Law
1927).
n the
930s,
he tate
egislation
egan
he
purchase
f scenic
easements,
formal
eparation
f
ownership
rom ontrol
f
property,
program
hat
was
greatly xpanded
n
the 1960s.Wisconsin
assed
its
Water
uality
ct
n
1965,
model
horeland
rotection
egislation
hallenged
s
unconstitutional
n
1972
see below).
Considerable
adical
ight
esearch
as
been
done
n the
topic
of
fluoridation,
supposedly
iewed
by
the
right
s an anti-
merican
onspiracy
Riessman,
971).
According
o
Adrian
1967),
Wisconsin's
ity
f
Antigo
bandonedluoridationn
1960
as
a result
f
a
conservative
ampaign,
nly
o
restoret
five
ears
ater
when
stale
health
epartment
tudy
showed
ooth
decay
mong
Antigo
kindergartners
ad
increasedy92percentn the nterveningears.
7Based
n
conversation
ith
irector
f
Northeast
isconsin
egional
lanning
Commission,
pril ,1978,
he
Wisconsin
upreme
ourt
uled
n
1972
in
favor
of
the
tate's
uthority
o
regulate
wetland
esources
nder
ections
9.71
and
144.26
of
the
tate
tatutes,
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216 INTERNATIONAL
EVIEW
F MODERN
OCIOLOGY
right estalt, review f the iteraturewas undertakenand producedthe
following
ltra-conservative
traits :
Nativism:
Extremists f
the
right
re
believed
o
focus
nostalgically
n
preindustrial,
rontier
merica.
This
accountsfor
heir
presumed
reli-
ance on
simple
conventional
wisdom
and
contract n
preference
o
sophisticated,
ighly
ationalized
xplanations
nd
exchanges
Abcarian,
197
P.
Nativism
thus
conveys
a
romantic
onging
ora
social
order
marked
y
natural
unity
f human
will,
n
essence,
the
gemeinschaft
conceived
f
by
Ferdinand
Tonnies
a
centuryago.
It is
a
rejection
r
phobic
response
to an America hathas fallen from
grace
(Riessman,
1971).
Agrarianism:
erhaps
no
association is
more
widely
hared
by
analysts
of
all
disciplines
nd
persuasions
han
the notion thatrural
nhabitants
are
rustic,
conservative,
nd
provincial.
Lipset
(1960)
bolsters
his
argument
hat
ower
classes are
authoritarian
y citing
cross-national
survey
ata that ndicate
armers
re
reactionary.
Converse
1964)
cites
Nazi
appeal
in rural
Germany;
others
argue
that,
where he
agrarian
myth ersists
n
America,
so
too is
there
onformity
nd
intolerance
towards nnovation, ven where thewell-beingfsociety s concerned
(Cooper,
1970;
Haer,
1952).
Similar hidebound conservative
tereo-
types
are
frequently
sed
in
depicting
ural
and
small
town
residents
(e.g.,
Bertrand
nd
Corty,
1962;
Taylor
and
Jones,
1964;
Knoke
and
Henry,
1977).
Anti-ocialism:
Fear
and
loathing
of
depersonalized
overnment
re
perhaps
hallmarks of
the radical
right
(Trow,
1958;
Abcarian
nd
Stanage,
1965).
Big government
onnotes
bureaucracy,
regimented
lifestyles,
ependency
n
welfare
statism,
and
planning,
ll of
which
are
ruinous
to
rugged
individualism. hese
alleged
osses
n
privacy
and self-reliance re indignitiesmany Americans associate with
collectivism.
Conservatism
Political
ffiliation,
articularly
ith
known
right wing
organizations
uch as
the
Young
Americans
or
Freedom,
he
Christian
Anti-Communist
rusade,
the
Minutemen,
he
American
Party,
he
Liberty
obby,
or with
racial
supremacy
groups
s
commonly
ccepted
as
emblematic
of the
Right
(Abcarian
and
Stanage,
1965).
More
commonly,
ffiliation
ith
he
Republican
Party
is
taken as
a
general
measure
of
conservatism
e.g.,
Koenig
1975).
Fundamentalism:
he
extreme
right
takes a
puritanical pproach
to
work,welfare,ndreligionDanzig, 1971;Miller, 1968;
Hunter,
1980).
Thus,
the
radical
right
message
s
mingled
with
undamentalist
octrines
usually
f a
Christian
variety.
Big
government,
articularly
n
its
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8/19
THE
RADICAL
IGHT
ND
LAND
USE
PLANNING
217
extreme ormcommunism),mbodies hesinister orces fanti-Christ.
Furthermore,
udo-Christian
recepts,
as recorded
in the
Bible,
en-
courage
ndividual
ppropriation
f
the
and
and its
bounty,
ndividual
wisdom
ufficing
o
prevent
esource xhaustion.
Alienation
two
meanings):
The theme
of
social-psychological
lienation
runs
throughout
he
radical
right
iterature,
ften
reflecting
ivergent
uses of
the
term.
Riessman
1971)
sees alienation
s
impotency
efore
a
changing
ociety,
n
impotency
ofstadter
1955)
identifies
s
leading
to a
pseudo-conservative
evolt.
Lipset (1960)
takes
this
powerlessness
to mean
a lack
of
community
nd
occupational integration.
Others
construe lienation o meanisolationfrom
politically
meaningful
arti-
cipation
(Wolfinger
et
al.,
1964)
and
from
he
power
of elites more
generally Wright,
976).
It follows
hat
non-centrist
overnment
nd
localism
are viewed as means
of
retaining
r
reclaiming
ower
over
one's life
Horton
and
Thompson,
1962;
Miller,
1968).
Authoritarianism:
eople
exhibiting
authoritarian
personalities
ave
proved
vulnerable to
the
demagogu
ry
of fascism
Adorno,
1950;
Fromm, 1941;
and
Shils,
1961)
and
McCarthyism
(Trow,
1958;
Wilkinson,
972).
Lipset
1960)
has
popularized
he
notion
of
working
class authoritarianismttributableo low education, ow organizational
participation,
solated
primary
ector
occupations,
conomic
nsecurity,
and
authoritarian
amily
atterns
which
are
transmitted
uring
hild-
hood.
By
this atter
ogic,
if
a
person's
parents
xhibit
uch
charac-
teristics
what
is
necessary
and what
is
sufficient
s
not
clear),
an
intergenerational
ransfer
f extremist
r
authoritarian
ersonality
s
predictable.
Data
for the
present
analysis
were
collected
by
the Wisconsin
urvey
Research
Laboratory
n a 1974
statewide
urvey.
The
sampling
echnique
wasa multi-stagerobability ample,following heKish (1949) procedure
for
electing
espondents
y
household
unit
within
26 selected
ounties
of
the state. These
548
respondents
onsisted
of
adults
18
years
of
age
or
older
housing
units
on
military
eservations
nd
institutional
r
group
quarters
were
excluded).
Survey
uestions
ncluded
many
opinion
variables
expressive
f the
right
wing
attitudes
ust
identified.
wenty
uch
items
are
included
in
the
present
analysis
and
appear
with
heir
means
and
standarddeviations
n
Table
1.
Respondents
were
given
he
opportunity
to
agree,
disagree,
or to defer
nswering
or ack
of
knowledge.
These
don't know responses,along
with
missingdata,
were
recorded
o the
statistical
mean;
and
high
scores
( agree )
indicateconcurrencewith
right
wing
perspective.
These
twenty
ndicators
have been
factor
analyzed
according
to
a
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9/19
218
INTERNATIONAL
EVIEW F
MODERN
OCIOLOGY
Table 1 : Meansand StandardDeviations fRadical Right
Items elected
for
Varimax
actor Analysis.
ITEM
M
S.D
(1)
TheAmerican
ay
s as
close
s we can
get
o a
perfect
ociety.
2.49 .99
(2) Agrarian
ife
s thenatural
ife
or
man.
2.73
.92
(3)
Children
hould
pend
art
f
their
hildhoodn
a
farm. 2.58
*98
(4)
The
farms
an ideal
place
o
raise
family.
2.48
.97
(5)
Federal
egulation
s
bringing
he
ountry
lose o
socialism. 2.74 .87
(6)
Government
lanning
esults
n the oss
of
essen-
tial ibertiesnd freedoms. 2.78 .88
(7)
Self dentification
f
political
hilosophy.
4.05
1.14
(8)
The
Bible
s God's
message
o
man ndall
it
says
is
true.
2.22
1.00
(9)
All
miracles
appened
ust
s the
Bible
ays they
did.
2.68
1.10
(10)
Religious
ruths
higher
han
ny
other
orm
of
truth.
2.28
1.08
(11)
It
is
wishful
hinking
o believe
hat
ne can
in-
fluence hat
appens
n
society.
3.17 1.03
(12) Theworld s run by a fewpeople ndtheres
little hat an
be done
bout
t.
2.72 1.17
(13)
I
cannot
rotect
y ersonal
nterests
hen
they
conflict
ith
hose
f
strong ressure
roups.
2.82
1.00
(14)
I
feel ree
o
drop y
nd
visitwith
most
people
in the
neighborhood.
2.20
.92
(15)
I
feel
at
home almost
nywhere
n this om-
munity.
2.25
.95
(16)
I
know
he
people
round
ere
uite
well.
2.43
1.00
(17)
I
don't
feel like
a
member
f
this
ommunity
(reversed).
2.17
.84
(18) Father'sducationtotalyears). 9.21 3.43
(19)
Father's
ccupation.
- -
(20)
Respondent
lace
ofresidencet
age
18.
-
-
varimax
procedure
in
Table
28.
Six
independent
factors
merge,
and
factor
labels selected
from
the
previous
iscussion
re
assigned.
In
the
case
of
variables ne
( The
American
way
s as
close
as
we
can
come to
a
perfect
society )
and
seven
(respondents'
self-identified
political
^Factor
nalysis
s
a statistical
anipulation
hich
rovides
esearchersmeans
of mposingtructurendata ccordingo various riteria. he varimax riterion
maximizes
he variance
f
squared
oadings
f
factors
nder
he
rthogonality
restriction.
he
factors
r
dimensions
hich esult
have
eigenvalues
f at
least
1.0,
he
um
f he
quaredoadings.
he
eigenvalue
s
equivalent
othe otal ariance
explained
y
hefactor.
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THERADICAL
IGHT
ANDLANDUSE
PLANNING
219
philosophy), here s no evident lustering ith thervariables n thefactor
analysis.
Thus,
the
overall
pattern
which
merges
s one
of
heterogeneity
and
diversity.
olicy
prescriptions
mong
land
use
planners
and
other
resource
managers
which
assume a
unidimensional
adical
right
may
therefore verreact
r
improperly
iagnose
the nature
f
local
resistance
to
their nitiatives.
Table
2:
Varimax
otation
Procedure f
Principal
Components
Factor Analysis
orRadical
Right
tems.
Variable
Numbers
(from)
FACTORS
Table
(I) (2) (3)
(4)
(5)
(6)_
1 .23 .00 .35
.30
-.12
-.25
2
.07 .71
.21
.00
.04
-.10
3 -.09 .78
-.03
.04
.14
.17
4 .13
.65
.19
-.26
-.02
.21
5 .08
.21
.79
.09
.07
.06
6 .06
.43
.73
.00
.16
-
.01
7 -.17 .05
.16
.22
.29
-.12
8 .87 .15 .03 .10 - .04 .00
9
.84
-
.12
.41
.01
.09
.16
10 .77 .04
-.11
-.03
.26
-.36
11 .04 .21
.10
.56
.08
.04
12
.07
.21 .02
.58
-.07
.14
13
-.20
-
.04
.18
.57
.00
.15
14
.07 .09
.
31
.4i
.81
.03
15
-.12
.18
.04
-.03
.80
.30
16
-.15 -.16
-.05
-.20
.76
.19
17
-
.06 .09
-.06
.14
.73
-.16
18
.15 .21
.00
.18
.12
.50
19 .04 .22
.10
-.12
.04
.71
20 .16 .00 .12 .06 -.01 .
8/10/2019 THE RADICAL RIGHT AND LAND USE PLANNING (A POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF CONFLICT).pdf
11/19
220
INTERNATIONAL
EVIEW F
MODERN
OCIOLOGY
Table 3: Zero-OrderndPartial Correlations etween ocalism
and
Measures
f
Radical
Right.
Radical
Right
Correlations
Measures
Zero-Order
Partial
Nativism
.127*
.082*
Agrarianism
.143*
.112*
Anti-Socialism .120*
.151**
Individualism
.163* .100*
Conservatism
.111*
.073
Fundamentalism .115* .081Powerlessness .017 .006
Isolation
.156*
.099*
Authoritarianism .038
.044
Controlling
or
ge,
Education,
enter-Periphery
nd
Property
*Sgnificant
t
a
=
.05 evel
Significant
t
a=.01
level,
r
greater
control
nd
extremism
n
the
right.
he
results,
hown n
Table
3,
suggest
that
a
positive
relationship,
n
fact,
exists
t both
he
zero
and
higher
order correlations.Here,radical rights measured using the results f
the factor
nalysis
in
Table 2.
Note that
the
first
nd
seventh
ariables
now
appear
as
separate
dimensions of
extremism nd
that
the
anti-
socialism
factor
(a
combination
of
variables
four
nd five n
Table
2)
is
broken
nto
ts
component
parts
for
closer observation
n the
testing
f
hypotheses
wo
and
three.
Seven
of the
nine measures
of
right
wing
extremism
re
significantly
related
o
localism t
or
below the
criterionevel of .05 and in a
posi-
tive
direction.
This
pattern
is
not
seriously
ltered
n
the
accompanying
partial
correlations,
where
five
out of
seven
of
the
measures
retain
statistical ignificance. he control variables inthis secondanalysis re
age,
education,
real
property
ownership,
nd
a
measure
of
political
ecology
explained
below. To
summarize,
he more
a
respondent
s
identi-
fied
as
ultra-conservative,
he
more he
or
she
tends
to
oppose
non-local
land
use
planning.
The
highest
partial
correlation
s
with the
anti-
socialism
measure,
as
might
be
expected
in an
analysis
featuring
he
opposing
political
pectrum.
The
lowest
correlation,
n the
other
hand,
is
a measure of alienation
(powerlessness).
But
for
this
finding,
he
results
f
Table
3
do
not
support
the
prediction
that
the
relationship
between ocal control
nd
rightwing
xtremism
s
spurious.
The Political
Ecology
of Conflict
Until
this
point,
he
roots
of
resistance
o
non-local
and
use
planning
have
been
examined
only
ndirectly,
sing
a
composite
measureof
local
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12/19
THE
RADICAL
IGHT
ND
LANDUSE
PLANNING
22
1
controlwhich incorporates question on the preferred evelof such
regulation.
n
the nterest
f
testing
adical
right
nfluence
on land
use
planning
more
directly,
scale
of
eight
and
use
control tems
overing
broad
range
of
land use
management
nitiatives n
Wisconsin
was cons-
tructed
nd
appears
in
Appendix
.
Respondents
were asked
to state
thir
upport
r
opposition
for
each
policy.
These
responses
were stan-
dardized
to
equalize
the
dissimilar
response
ategories
ffered
n the
survey.
Missing
data weretreated s
zero,
the
standardized
mean,
and
the
Cronback's
Alpha
measure
of
internal
consistency
for
the
scale
createdfrom hese
measureswas .62.
Attitudes owardAssorted
and
Use Planning
olicies
in
Wisconsin,
974
Respondent
isposition
Land
Us*
Policies
Favor
r
Oppose
Agree
Neutral
or
Dis
(
N
agree
Do
you
hinkhat
motorcycles
nd similar
(%)
(%)
(%)
vehicles
hould r should
ot
be
kept
ut
of recreationreas instate ndnational
parks?
57
15
28
(530)
How
bout
nowmobiles
.
.
should
they
be
banned rom ecreationreas
or
not?
45
22
33
(530)
The tate
nd
federal
overnments
hould
createmore
arks
n Wisconsin
ith
n
emphasis
n
preserving
and
n
ts natural
state.
72
15
13
(539)
Howdo
you
eel bout
assing
aws
which
prohibit
gricultural
ands from
being
convertedo other
ses?
50
15
35
(530)
The nformationalue of highway ill-
boards
oes
not
utweigh
he
blight hey
put
n
the
andscape.
57 13
30
(533)
Do
you
avor
r
oppose zoning
for
the
separation
f
single
family
omes
from
apartment
wellings?
60
7
30
(530)
Do
you
avor r
oppose
zoning
for
the
separation
f
mobile
homes
rom
ther
types
f
housing?
79
4 17
(538)
Do
you
favor
r
oppose
more
oning
res-
trictions
n
private
akes
and
riverfront
property?
56
9 35
(484)
Political
ecology,
as
used
here,
refers
to
the
politically
ignificant
relationship
f human
populations
o
the
resourcebase
from
which
they
make
their
living.
Conservatism,
by
this
ogic, depends
at least
in
part
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13/19
222
INTERNATIONAL
EVIEW F MODERN
OCIOLOGY
on a respondent's rincipal ustenance ctivity- heway a person pro-
vides for
basic
needs and
reproduces
heir
amily
nd
larger
community.
Threats
o
basis sustenance
ctivities
may
ead,
as
the
quotation
at
the
outsetof the
paper
suggests,
o
reaction
that
is,
to ultra-conservatism.
Where social controls
ver
private
roperty
hreaten o
reduce
an
owner's
income
opportunities
y
restricting
ale or
use
options,
concerted
oppo-
sition
may
be
expected.
This is
particularly
rue
when
social
controls
are
nonlocal
n
origin,
in
which
case
the influenceof local
property
ownersover
variances
and other
xemptions
re
greatly
educed.
In
the
present nalysis, oliticalecology
s
operationalizedby separat-
ing
the
twenty
ixcounties
sampled
n Wisconsininto two
subregions.
The
first
Periphery )
ncludes
hose counties
which,
according
to the
U.S.
Department
of
Commerce,
ave
a
high proportion
average
25
per-
cent)
of
self-employed
ersons
n
their abor
force.
It
is
this
constituency
who,
as
proprietors,
0
willbe
keenly
ware
of the
economic
consequen-
ces
of
curtailing
ropertyrights
and
who would
be
expected
o
resist
land
use
planning
n
principle.
The
second
subregion
Center ) groups
those
counties
which
have
a
lower
average
proportion
11
percent)
of
self-employed
n
their
labor
force.
The
inhabitants
of the
center,
by
similar ogic, aremore ikely o conform o basic modifications n their
propertyrights.
ndeed,
people
employed
in
manufacturing,
ervices,
and
the
high
technology
sectors have far less
at stake
occupationally
from
earrangements
n real
property
ights
han
do
the
self-employed.
The relative
impacts
of
center-periphery,
ocalism,
property,
and
background
variables
on
the
comprehensive
and
use
scale
are
compared
through
he
use of
standardized
egression
oefficientsn
Table
4.
Pro-
perty
wnership,
hile
consistently
egative
n
its
influence,
s
expected,
is
of
little
tatistical
onsequence.
In all
but
one
instance
individualism),
the measures
of
right
wing
extremism
make
negligible
contributions
o
themodel and are erraticn theirdirection f influence.This ambiguous
showing
by
measures of
social
alienation
tandsmuch n
contrast
o
the
performance
f
center-periphery
entered
n
the
regression
s
a
dummy
variable,
with
enter=0,
periphery=l).
As
proposed,
the
direction
of
this
formulation
f
political
cology
s
consistently
egative.
The
magni-
tude
of
the
measure,
moreover,
s
in
general
arger
han
other
coefficients
throughout
the
table,
including
those
of
age11
and
education.
Thus,
10Self-employment
nd
proprietorship
re
roughly
quivalent,
hough
s
Wright
and
Singleman
1978)
roperly
arn,
he
quivalence
s
imperfect
n
so for
s
various
categoriesfprofessionalse.g., doctors nd lawyers) re self-employedithout
having
n
occupational
take
n
unaltered
ropertyights.
Though
ge
and
educationre
nversely
orrelated
r
=
-.
415)
well
stabli-
shed
attern,
ge
s
positively
elated
o the
and
use
planning
cale n
each
set
of
regression
oefficients
isplayed.
he fact
that
age
is
positively
ssociated ith
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THE
RADICAL IGHT
ND
LAND
USE
PLANNING
223
Table 4: Standardized egressionoefficientsf LandUsePlanning
Scale
on
Radical
Right
tems
nd Other
ndependent
ariables.
Dependent
Variable
Independent
ariables
CONTROLS
Center
Age
Educa Pro-
Local-
Radical
Right
ndicator
Peri
tion
perty
ism
phery
LandUse
Planning
Scale (Nativism) .006 .226** .183** .202** -.010 .082*
(Agrarianism)
.023
.221** .184** .196**
-.010
.085*
(Anti-Socialism)
.039 .228**
.190** .199**
-
.037
.086*
(Individualism)
.086*
.227**
.189**
.199**
-.007
.095*
(Conservatism)
.052
.225** .197** .200**
-.005
.086*
,, (Fundamental-
ism)
-.017
.225**
.187**
.197**
-.009
.084*
(Powerlessness)
009
.226** .185** .204**
-.010
.082*
(Isolation)
-.046
.229**
.196**
.205**
-.003
.087*
,,
(Authoritari-
anism
)
.048
.218** .184** .182**
-.005
.081*
*Significantta=.05 Level
**Significant
t
a
=
.01
Level,
r
greater
whereas
little
support
was
found for the
second
hypothesis
f
interest
when
an indirect
measureof social
control
was
employed,
trong
vidence
is
apparent
here
on behalf
of
the
third
hypothesis
where
direct
measure
is
present.
Not
only
s
spatial
context a
proxy
for
occupational
cluster-
ing
important
n
shaping
public
attitudes
towards and
use
planning,
but
t
would
appear
to
override the
importance
of
social
pathology
as
expressedn measuresofrightwing xtremism.
Table
4
offers
n anomalous
finding
worthy
of
note.
Localism
relates
positively
o
land use
planning
and retains tatistical
ignificance
ven
after
ll other
ndependent
variables
are
controlled.
Despite
the
coun-
terintuitive
ature
of
this
finding,
given
the
prior ogic
of
the
analysis
and
the
depiction
of
local
control as a
force
directed
gainst
and use
regulation,
vidence
an be
adduced
showing
hat ocial control nd local
control
re
not
n
all
instances
ntagonistic
Geisler
nd
Martinson,
1976;
Geisler,
1979).
At
another
evel,
the reader
may
wish
to know
f
what s
termed
center
and
periphery
n
the
present
nalysis
s
merely
size-
of-place gradientopen to other interpretationshan theone provided.
property
wnershipr =.291)
may
xplain
hy
he
nfluence
f
property
s
severely
diminished
n the
and
use
planning
cale.
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224
INTERNATIONAL
EVIEW F MODERNOCIOLOGY
Thebivariate orrelationbetween center-peripherynd size-of-placeof
residence
which
was
asked of each Wisconsin
espondent)
s
.505,
lending
initial
upport
o
such concerns. The
correlationsof
each variable
with
the
land
use
planning
scale
relay
different
message,
however.
As
is
shown
n
Table
5,
center-periphery
aintains
he
stronger
ssociation
at
both
the
bivariate
nd
higher
rderof
correlation.
In the second
set
of
partais
presented,
where the
variables
re
concurrently
ssociated
with
the
and
use
planning
cale,
place-of-residence
s
no
longer
statistically
significant
whereas
center-periphery
s.
Hence,
there
is littlereason
to
assume
that
the
atter
ariable
s
merely
reworked
ensitygradient.
Table
5
Correlation
oefficients
etween
and
Use Planning
cale
and
1)
Place-of-Residence
nd
2)
Center-Periphery.
Association
With
Independent
ariables
LandUse
Place
of
Residence
Center-Periphery
Planning
cale
Zero-Order
Correlation
.179*
.211**
Partial
Correlation
l)a
.179** .214**
Partial
Correlation
2)b
.081
.143**
**
X
2
significant
t
>
+
001
Controlling
and
wnership,
ge,
education,
nd
family
ncome.
Controlling
ll
variables
n
a),
above,
lus
enter-periphery,
r
place-of-residence,
as
appropriate.
Conclusion
This
paper
examines
the
empirical support
for
the
proposition
hat
extremism,n the
right,
ngendersopposition to extra-local control of
land
resources.
Not
only
are there
pparent
frailties
n
the
global
radical
right
onstruct
tself,
ut
the
separate
radical
right
ndicators show
little
net
influence
on
social control. Radical
right
ssociation
with
ocal con-
trol
is
clearly positive.
Yet,
its
effect
on
social
control
may
well
be
spurious,
argely
ttributable
o
background
factors and to a
political
ecology
context
bearing
on
one's
property
nterests.
Reticence
nd
reac-
tion
to
land
use
planning
ppear
to be matters f
vested
property
rights,
most
salient
n
the
periphery.
What, if anything, s the relevance oftheforegoingnalysisfor he
management
f
land-userelated onflict It is
one
thing
o contend
that
right
wing
extremism,
f such
can be
unambiguously
efined,
ccentuates
localism.
It is
quite
another
o assume that
opposition
o
land use
plan-
ning
comes
exclusively
or even
principally
rom
he
politicalright.
This
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THERADICAL
IGHT
NDLAND
USEPLANNING
225
particular extension of conventional adicalright heorizing allswithin
what Richard
Hamilton
1976)
has
termed
restraining
myths,
i,e.,
the
persistence
f
a
theory
resting
on unfounded
laims.
Policies based on
such
theory
perpetuate
these
myths
nd
may
very
well
prolong
he
con-
flicts
manating
rom hem.
Radicals,
on
the
right,
nd
grass
roots
oppo-
nents to land
use
planning
are
not,
based on
the
evidence
t
hand,
interchangeable.
From
a
conflict
management
tandpoint,
esource
managers
wishing
to
know
n advance
where
ocal
resistance o land
use
planning
is
likely
to
occur
might
consult the
same
Department
of
Commerce
mploymentdata
employed
n the
present
nalysis.
It existsfor ll states and is
regu-
larly updated.
A
political
ecology
imilar o
that
developed
here
can be
approximated
n
states
other
han Wisconsin
s
one
step
in an effort o
identify
otential
onflict
ones.
It is
felt hat
uch
an exercise
will
prove
to
be
a
more reliable
han
comparable
fforts
o
map
social
pathology
and
will,
in
the
process,
better
acquaint
land use
planners
with
he
essence
of conflict
n
their
profession.
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