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THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY The Tibetan Struggle IT is not widely realised that the religious and political boun- daries of Tibet are not identical. Within the 580.000 square miles of the area of Tibet controlled by the Dalai Lama and his governors, there are almost certainly fewer than two million Tibetans and pro- bably not many more than one mil- lion. But if one includes those fol- lowers of the lamaist faith living outside the present boundaries of Tibet in Bhutan, Sikkim, Kashmir and the Chinese provinces of Shi- kang, ShinKiang and Mongolia who owe religious allegiance to the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, then the number of the faithful is probably nearer four million. The majority of supporters of the lamaist faith therefore live outside the boundaries of modern Tibet under the political control of' other countries, especially China. It is thus of importance to the Dalai Lama as a religious leader to have good relations with China as the majority of his "subjects' live outside the boundaries of his poli- tical domain. This explains why the Tibetans were prepared to sign a treaty with China after the inva- sion of Tibet, which appeared to be so unequal to the outside world. The principal feature of the lamaist religion is the establishment of monasteries to which a certain proportion of local villagers are admitted as monks. The monas- teries are also important as a store of foodgrains against bad seasons, as a military establishment in which villagers can take shelter in time of war and as centres of learning through which villagers can attain high rank in the State and in reli- gion. Little administrative control is exercised by any one monastery on another and the success or failure of the monastery depends upon the character of the monks and the degree of local support for the order. There are as many lamaist monasteries outside the boundaries of Tibet as within it The followers of the faith inside and outside Tibet are linked toge- ther by a common spiritual allegi- ance to the Panchen Lama and to the Dalai Lama. The relative im- portance of these two dignataries has varied in different periods of Tibe- tan history but at the present time William H Newell the power of the Panchen Lama is probably weaker as he has been brought up by the Chinese on Chin- ese territory and has no political power to accompany his spiritual eminence. Although the religious leaders of Tibetan Buddhism wish for political power to accompany their spiritual power, their success or failure as religious leaders does not depend on their control of the State. The nearest parallel is per- haps the Pope, whose importance does not rest on the area of land he controls in the Vatican. Political Relationship with China The Chinese attitude towards Tibet is a clear one. This is that Tibet is politically part of China as result of military conquest in the past and that it is only because of the difficulties that China had to go through in the last fifty years that Tibet has become independent. This independence has been en- couraged by imperialist intrigues, especially by Britain. This view is held as much by the Kuomintang .in Taiwan as by the Communists The Tibetan attitude is that large numbers of supporters of the lamaist faith live in the confines of the Chinese empire and that it is of importance to the supremacy of Lhasa as a religious centre that there should always be peaceful relations between the celestial em- pire and the Dalai Lama. Thus as long as the Dalai Lama's spiritual integrity remains unaffected the Chinese and Tibetans may co- operate. This integrity was threat- ened by his reported attempted ar- rest by the Chinese. To look upon the present difficulties of the Chinese Government in Tibet as merely the difficulties of controlling a back- ward people would be to oversim- plify the situation. It is essentially a religious problem. The political relationships between Tibet and China have a long his- tory. There are recorded instances of Sino-Tibetan relationships prior to the 3rd contury BC, but it was during the Tang and Sung dynas- ties (7th to 13th centuries A D) that the Tibetans (who were then known as the Turfans) became so powerful that they invaded China. At that time their empire stretched from the Kansu-Shensi border in the north, to India in the south and to the Tatu river on the Shikang- Szechuan border in the east. This was the period of the Tibetans' greatest spread and during the eleventh century they invaded and sacked Chengtu, the capital of Szeehuan. But almost immediately afterwards they began to sink in importance threatened by the new NanChao empire in the east and the ShiHsia Empire in Kansu and Shensi (983-1277). Long Hlstory of War During the Chinese Mongol Yuan dynasty they retained their inde- pendence (as the Yuan rulers were lamaist by religion) although they were loosely included within the Mongol dominions. After the col- lapse of the Yuan dynasty in China the Mongols still retained control over the western region. In 1643 the Mongol, Gusri, organised a lamaist state with four separate regions, Kokonor (ChingHah. Bul- kam (Shikan'g), Wei (Western Tibet) and Tsang (Eastern Tibet). Remnants of this administrative organisation remained up to the nineteenth century. In 1637 after the conquest of ChigHai, Gusri sent a messenger and tribute to the new Manchu ruler of China. In 1653, after the total conquest of Tibet, the Manchu ruler officially appointed Gusri as the governor for the Chinese court. He died three years later. This period of history is important in order to understard how the Manchus laid claim to rule Tibet. The conqueror of Tibet, Gusri, became also the liege of the Manchu Emperor. Thus it is argued Tibet also became a province of China. This is why when in 1719 the Manchu Emperor, KanHsi ordered a Mongolian general to enter Ching- Hai with 25,000 men to quell a. Tibetan rebellion organised by the Dalai Lama, the Emperor of China considered that this was not a war between two sovereign states but a rebellion by contumacious subjects. From 1719 to 1792 the history of Sino-Tibetan relations became no- thing but a series of wars. Battles or wars were fought in 1700, 1719-20, 1723, 1728, 1730, 1745. 1776, 1778 and 1791. The zenith of Chinese imperial power over the Tibetan government 513

The Tibetan Struggle - epw.in · the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, then the number of the faithful is probably nearer four million. The majority of supporters of the lamaist faith

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Page 1: The Tibetan Struggle - epw.in · the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama, then the number of the faithful is probably nearer four million. The majority of supporters of the lamaist faith

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

The Tibetan Struggle

IT is not widely real ised t h a t the rel igious and pol i t ica l boun­

daries of T ibet are not ident ica l . W i t h i n the 580.000 square miles of the area of T ibet cont ro l led by the Da la i L a m a and his governors, there are a lmost cer ta in ly fewer t han two mi l l i on T ibetans and pro­bab ly not m a n y more t h a n one m i l ­l ion . Bu t i f one includes those fo l ­lowers of the lamais t f a i t h l i v ing outside the present boundaries of T ibet in Bhu tan , S i k k i m , Kashm i r and the Chinese provinces of Shi-kang, Sh inK iang and Mongol ia who owe rel igious al legiance to the Da la i L a m a and the Panchen L a m a , then the number of the f a i t h f u l is probably nearer four mi l l ion . The m a j o r i t y of supporters of the lamais t f a i t h therefore l ive outside the boundaries of modern Tibet under the pol i t ical cont ro l of' other countr ies, especially China. I t is thus of impor tance to the Da la i L a m a as a rel igious leader to have good relat ions w i t h China as the m a j o r i t y of his "sub jec ts ' l ive outside the boundaries of his pol i ­t i ca l domain. Th is explains w h y the Tibetans were prepared to sign a t rea ty w i t h China af ter the inva­sion of T ibet , wh ich appeared to be so unequal to the outside wo r l d .

The pr inc ipa l feature of the lamais t rel ig ion is the establ ishment of monasteries to wh ich a cer ta in propor t ion of local v i l lagers are admi t ted as monks . The monas­teries are also impor tan t as a store of foodgra ins against bad seasons, as a m i l i t a r y establ ishment in which v i l lagers can take shelter in t ime of wa r and as centres of learn ing th rough wh i ch v i l lagers can a t ta in h igh r a n k in the State and in re l i ­g ion. L i t t l e admin is t ra t i ve cont ro l is exercised by any one monastery on another and the success or fa i lu re of the monastery depends upon the character of the monks and the degree of local support fo r the order. There are as m a n y lamais t monaster ies outside the boundaries o f T ibet as w i t h i n i t The fo l lowers of the f a i t h inside and outside T ibet are l inked toge­ther by a common sp i r i tua l a l leg i ­ance to the Panchen L a m a and to the Da la i L a m a . The re lat ive i m ­portance of these two d ignatar ies has var ied in d i f ferent periods of T ibe­tan h is to ry but a t the present t ime

William H Newell

the power of the Panchen L a m a is probably weaker as he has been b rough t up by the Chinese on Ch in ­ese t e r r i t o r y and has no pol i t ica l power to accompany his sp i r i tua l eminence. A l though the rel igious leaders of T ibe tan Buddh ism wish fo r pol i t ica l power to accompany the i r sp i r i tua l power, the i r success or fa i lure as rel igious leaders does not depend on thei r cont ro l of the State. The nearest para l le l is per­haps the Pope, whose impor tance does not rest on the area of land he contro ls in the Va t i can .

Political Relationship with China

The Chinese a t t i tude towards Tibet is a clear one. Th is is tha t T ibet is po l i t i ca l ly par t of Ch ina as result of m i l i t a r y conquest in the past and that it is only because of the diff icult ies tha t China had to go th rough in the last f i f t y years tha t Tibet has become independent. Th is independence has been en­couraged by imper ia l is t in t r igues, especially by B r i t a i n . This v iew is held as much by the K u o m i n t a n g

. in Ta iwan as by the C o m m u n i s t s The T ibetan at t i tude is tha t large numbers of supporters of the lamaist f a i t h l ive in the confines of the Chinese empire and tha t it is of impor tance to the supremacy of Lhasa as a rel igious centre tha t there should a lways be peaceful re lat ions between the celestial em­pire and the Dala i L a m a . Thus as long as the Dala i Lama 's sp i r i tua l in tegr i t y remains unaffected the Chinese and Tibetans may co­operate. Th is in tegr i t y was threat ­ened by his reported at tempted ar­rest by the Chinese. To look upon the present dif f icult ies of the Chinese Government in T ibet as merely the dif f icult ies of con t ro l l i ng a back­w a r d people wou ld be to overs im­p l i f y the s i tuat ion. I t is essential ly a rel igious problem.

The pol i t ica l re lat ionships between T ibet a n d China have a long his-to ry . There are recorded instances of S ino-Tibetan relat ionships p r io r to the 3rd contury BC, but i t was d u r i n g the T a n g and Sung dynas­ties (7 th to 13th centuries A D) t h a t the Tibetans (who were then k n o w n as the Tu r fans ) became so power fu l t h a t they invaded China. A t t h a t t ime the i r empire stretched f r o m the Kansu-Shensi border in

the nor th , to Ind ia in the south and to the T a t u r i ver on the Sh ikang-Szechuan border in the east. Th is was the period of the T ibetans ' greatest spread and du r i ng the eleventh century they invaded and sacked Chengtu, the capi ta l of Szeehuan. Bu t a lmost immediate ly a f te rwards they began to s ink in importance threatened by the new NanChao empire in the east and the ShiHsia Empi re in Kansu and Shensi (983-1277).

Long Hlstory of War

D u r i n g the Chinese Mongo l Yuan dynasty they retained thei r inde­pendence (as the Yuan rulers were lamais t by re l ig ion) a l though they were loosely included w i th in the Mongol dominions. A f t e r the col­lapse of the Yuan dynasty in China the Mongols st i l l retained contro l over the western region. In 1643 the Mongol , Gusr i , organised a lamais t state w i t h four separate regions, Kokonor ( C h i n g H a h . Bu l -k a m (Shikan'g), Wei (Western T ibet ) and Tsang (Eastern T ibe t ) . Remnants of this admin is t ra t i ve organisat ion remained up to the nineteenth century. In 1637 af ter the conquest of C h i g H a i , Gusri sent a messenger and t r ibu te to the new Manchu ruler of China. In 1653, a f te r the to ta l conquest of Tibet, the Manchu ruler off ic ial ly appointed Gusr i as the governor for the Chinese court . He died three years later. This period of h is tory is impor tan t in order to unders ta rd how the Manchus la id c la im to rule Tibet . The conqueror of Tibet, Gusr i , became also the liege of the Manchu Emperor . Thus i t is argued Tibet also became a province of China.

This is w h y when in 1719 the Manchu Emperor , K a n H s i ordered a Mongol ian general to enter Ch ing-H a i w i t h 25,000 men to quell a. T ibetan rebell ion organised by the Da la i L a m a , the Emperor o f China considered tha t th is was not a w a r between two sovereign states but a rebel l ion by contumacious subjects. F r o m 1719 to 1792 the h is tory of Sino-Tibetan relat ions became no­t h i n g but a series of wars. Bat t les or wars were fought in 1700, 1719-20, 1723, 1728, 1730, 1745. 1776, 1778 and 1791. The zenith of Chinese imper ia l power over the T ibetan government

513

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THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

at Lhasa was reached in the per iod 1792 to 1894 when a v iceroy took up imper ia l residence a t L h a s a and consul ted w i t h the D a l a i L a m a about admin i s t ra t i ve appointments. The f ina l choice was made by the imper ia l court . (There are detai ls about h o w th is system operated in M Hue's 'Trave ls in T a r t a r y , Th ibet and China ' , London , 1856.) It is perhaps i m p o r t a n t to observe that even d u r i n g th is period the Chinese government d id not t r y to remove the Da la i L a m a complete ly because of his rel ig ious importance but t r ied to cont ro l h im. A new Da la i L a m a could not become re incarnated in to a new body w i thou t the permission of Ch ina and in any case relat ives or the previous Da la i L a m a were excluded f r o m the succession.

Counter-offensive by Lhasa W i t h the g r o w i n g weakness o f

Ch ina towards the end of the last century the power of the Chinese to cont ro l the T ibe tan government also became weaker. The Chinese took over the complete admin is t ra ­t ive cont ro l of Sh ikang p lac ing Chinese off icials in cont ro l instead of the previous K h a m b a chief ta ins. The Lhasa government t r ied to dr ive the Chinese completely out of Sh i kang and recover i ts admin is ­t r a t i on and wars or batt les were fought in 1894, 1905, 1906, 190S, 1909, 1910, 1911, 1918, 1930 and 1932 w i t hou t any m a r k e d success.

Th is counter-of fensive by the Lhasa government was made possi­ble by a new fac to r on the scene, the g r o w i n g interest of the B r i t i s h Government in I nd i a in T ibe tan af fa i rs . In 1871 a Russian Colonel cal led Pre jeva lsky entered T ibet by i ts eastern border t h rough K h a m and reached w i t h i n 500 mi les of Lhasa, He was forced to re tu rn the w a y he had come but the B r i ­t i sh government a t th is t ime were very concerned about a possible i n ­vasion of I nd i a by Russia. In 1906 they sent an expedit ion under Younghusband whose a i m wag to discover whether there was any route by wh i ch the Russians could invade Ind ia . The T ibetans, how­ever, considered th is to be an inva­sion and the Da la i L a m a f l ed f r o m Lhasa f o r safety. I n the l ong run , however, th is invas ion proved to be a blessing in disguise to the T ibe­tans because they were able to p lay off the B r i t i s h aga ins t the Chinese to the i r o w n advantage. I t i s per-haps w o r t h no t i ng however t h a t th is has been the on ly Impo r tan t Invasion

in to T ibe t ever to have t a k e n place f r o m the sou th ( i f one excludes t h e invas ion o f L a d a k h by the S ikhs i n the n ineteenth century and the Nepal i invasions) and t h a t i t i s Ch ina wh ich has been the T ibetan 's t r ad i t i ona l enemy. I n d i a has been the t r ad i t i ona l exporter of re l ig ious ideas to T ibe t ; Ch ina the exporter o f po l i t ica l con t ro l . The s t reng th ­ening of the government of Ch ina and the change of a t t i tude by the government o f I nd i a has resulted in the re tu rn o f T ibe t to the s i tuat ion as it was pr io r to 1894.

'Great Han Chauvinism'

The m a j o r i t y o f fore ign v is i tors to T ibet have taken a s t rong ly a n t i -Chinese a t t i tude when they have expressed any opin ion. The Abbe The, F o r d , the rad io officer who was captured by the Chinese on the invas ion of T ibet , and Bel l , the B r i ­t i sh Consul in Lhasa, are three a m o n g many . The only extreme supporter of the Chinese pol icy to­wards T ibet was the F rench woman , Mme. A lexand ra Dav id-Neel . I n her t w o Penguin books and in some of her subsequent books publ ished in France, she considers t h a t Ch ina had a du ty to completely r e f o r m the ant iquated T ibe tan po l i t i ca l system. She fe l t t ha t the m a i n reason why th is was not accom­plished ear l ier was the pol icy of B r i t i sh in I n d i a in seal ing off the T ibe tan f ron t ie rs and t h a t i f only T ibet had been opened up ear l ier by China, much of the present d i f f i ­cult ies could have been avoided. Speaking as a B u d d h i s t she c la imed t h a t remova l o f Lhasa 's po l i t ica l power could do no th ing but good to the sp i r i t o f t rue lama is t Buddh ism. I f th is were rea l ly the case, then one wou ld have expected t h a t those T ibetans w h o were sincere Buddhis ts wou ld have welcomed the a r r i v a l o f the i r Chinese co-rel ig ionists even in a Communis t guise. Bu t f a r f r o m th is be ing the case, the Chinese Commun is t Government seems to have fa i led to ga in the al legiance of even the m i n i m u m number of T ibetans necessary to set up a semi-autonomous republ ic as they have succeeded in do ing in other par ts of Ch ina w i t h the i r minor i t ies . There is no ment ion of T ibet in the last f ive year p lan publ ished by the Chinese last year o ther t h a n a s tate­ment t h a t no th i ng is to be done w i t h i n those f ive years;

The t r u t h o f the m a t t e r appears to be t h a t in spite of the s t r ong economic t ies j o i n i n g T ibet to

Ch ina (See Chen H a n Seng's study of the tea t rade between C h i n a and T ibe t ) , the character is t ics of the Chinese and T ibetans are ve ry much opposed, Rober t K E k v a l l , the son of a miss ionary a m o n g T ibetans, who spoke perfect T ibe tan and Chinese f r o m b i r t h a n d who inter­vened as a peace-maker in many disputes between the two races, gives m a n y examples of the dif ference in a t t i tude in his 'T ibetan Skyl ines' (London, Gollanez, 1952) and in his ear l ier works . Wh i le the Chinese despise the T ibetans f o r the i r bar­bar i sm and disorganised habi ts , the T ibetans in the i r t u r n resent the i n ­tolerance and the super ior i ty of the Chinese about the i r own c iv i l i sa t ion . 'Great H a n chauv in ism' as Mao Tse- tung cal ls i t , does not die out jus t because the Chinese become Communis t .

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THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

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