Dear Friends:

THE WASHINGTON OFFICE ON AFRICA 110 MARYLAND AVENUE, N.E.

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20002 PHONE (202) 546-7961 FAX (202) 546-1545

August 19, 1991

Last month, President Bush prematurely announced that he would abandon most U.S. sanctions against South Africa in his eagerness to reward South Africa's white minority regime. The move represented yet another indication of the Bush administration's disdain for civil rights and racial justice at home and abroad. Meanwhile, Congress has meekly accepted the President's regressive agenda. Last Fall, it failed to overturn Bush's veto of the Civil Rights Bill; last month, the repeal of sanctions was met with hardly a whimper from Capitol Hill.

It is time--indeed, it is past time--for us to speak out, to force social and economic justice issues to the top of the political agenda, and to reverse the momentum of President Bush's assault on the poor and on people of color.

On Saturday, August 31, thousands of people will converge on Washington, D.C. to voice demands for progressive policy on a broad range of domestic and international issues. The event, "Solidarity Day '91," is organized by the AFL-CIO and endorsed by over 150 national civil and human rights groups, religious denominations, social welfare agencies, and environmental and peace organizations -- including the Washington Off ice on Africa. We will march from the Washington Monument to the Capitol steps for a program of entertainment and addresses by prominent figures. Among the speakers will be John Gommomo, president of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), and Cunningham Ngcukana, general secretary of the National Council of Trade Unions (NACTU).

I urge you to join us for this historic day. If transportation is a difficulty for you, call the AFL-CIO's toll-free number, l-800-LABOR91, to find out if transportation is available from your area. Please refer to the enclosed flyer for further information on "Solidarity Day '91."

In addition, I am enclosing an update on recent developments in South Africa and U.S. policy in the region. It is imperative that we act quickly and vigorously to prevent further erosion of sanctions.

I look forward to seeing you in Washington on August 31st.

Sincerely,

Imani Countess Acting Director

SPONSORS OF THE WASHINGTON OFFICE ON AFRICA: AFRICAN METHODIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH• AMALGAMATED CLOTHING AND TEXTILE WORKERS UNION• THE AMERICAN COMMITTEE ON AFRICA • CHRISTIAN CHURCH (DISCIPLES OF CHRIST) • CHURCH OF THE BRETHREN • EPISCOPAL CHURCH, COALITION FOR HUMAN NEEDS AND PUBLIC AFFAIRS OFFICE, EXECUTIVE COUNCIL AND THE WASHINGTON OFFICE• EVANGELICAL LUTHERAN CHURCH IN AMERICA• MARYKNOLL FATHERS AND BROTHERS • MISSIONARIES OF AFRICA • PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH (USA) • PROGRESSIVE NATIONAL BAPTIST CONVENTION, HOME MISSION BOARD• THE REFORMED CHURCH IN AMERICA• SACRED HEART FATHERS• SOCIETY FOR AFRICAN MISSIONS (S.M.A. FATHERS)• UNITED AUTOMOBILE, AEROSPACE AND AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENT WORKERS OF AMERICA, UAW• UNITED CHURCH OF CHRIST, BOARD FOR WORLD MINISTRIES, OFFICE FOR CHURCH IN SOCIETY, AND COMMISSION FOR RACIAL JUSTICE • UNITED METHODIST CHURCH, BOARD OF GLOBAL MINISTRIES AFRICA OFFICE AND WOMEN'S DIVISION • UNITED

STEELWORKERS OF AMERICA. -~21

AFSCME

~ARITY · ·DAY191

AUGUST 31 · WASHINGTON, D.C.

Saturday • August 31 • Washington, D.C.

MARCH WITH AFSCME: THE PEOPLE SHALL BE HEARD

The D.C. area is hurting, and hurting badly.

Some of us are out of work or facing layoffs. Some of us are sick but lack health insurance to be treated. Some of us are only one paycheck away from losing the roof over our heads.

But it seems like the Bush administration and Congress are out of touch with peo­ple who urgently need the government's help.

It's time for new federal priorities: Our domestic needs must be addressed by our national government-NOW.

LET YOUR VOICE BE HEARD WITH AFSCME AUG. 31 AFSCME will lead the huge labor demonstration Saturday, August 31, here in the nation's capitol. We urge you and your family and friends to join us as thousands of union members march by the White House and onto the doorstep of Congress.

COME TO THE AFSCME ASSEMBLY AREA

17th & E Streets, N .W. [Look for the "WASHINGTON AREA AFSCME" sign

on the Ellipse.]

9 a.m.

For more information, call (202) 429-5097

ACTION ALERT! INFORMATION FOR ACTION ON SOUTHERN AFRICA ISSUES

August 19 , 1991

STOP PRETORIA'S SECRET WAR ~GAINST 'l'.!fE A~j:J_

In the past month, new evidence has verified the ANC's long-standing charge that the South African government is playing a central role in instigating and orchestrating political conflict. Through the perpetuation of this conflict, the government hopes to weaken the ANC, to promote rival black organizations, and, ultimately, to extend white political control beyond the abolition of apartheid laws.

Covert political contributions Nine days after Bush lifted sanctions, Johannesburg's Weekly Nail reported that

the South African government gave nearly $100 , 000 to Chief Buthelezi's Inkatha Freedom Party in 1989-90. The money was intended to increase the visibility of Inkatha's anti­sanctions stance and to enhance its ability to compete with the ANC. The government also paid $525,000 to build up the Inkatha-aligned United Workers Union of South Africa (UWUSA) as a rival to the more popular Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) . UWUSA's formation was accompanied by a series of attacks on COSATU members. According to press reports, some of the government money was used to hire vigilantes to intimidate other union activists.

The grants to Inkatha and UWUSA came out of a "Secret Services Account", set up to finance political "dirty tricks." Over the past five years, the government channeled more than $500 million through the account to sympathetic groups, most of which remain unidentified. Although President de Klerk tried to distance himself from the scandal, he is clearly implicated. He was among the government officials who signed documents authorizing the payments. Moreover, expenditures on secret projects increased under his administration as Pretoria waged a clandestine war against the ANC.

Beyond propaganda: The security forces intensify the violence The South African security forces are integral to this secret war. Township

residents and independent monitoring groups have accused the military and police of routinely siding with vigilantes or Inkatha members in attacks on political opponents. Major Nico Basson and other defectors from the South African intelligence services have stated that the South African government provided arms and training to Inkatha in an effort to intensify the violence. Pretoria insists that it has only trained Inkatha members to act as bodyguards for party officials. However, former Inkatha members recently stated that they were trained by the SADF in urban and guerrilla warfare. They were later directed to assassinate anti-apartheid activists.

Military personnel also appear to have been directly involved in instigating attacks. A former SADF sergeant revealed that members of the notorious Five Reconnaissance Regiment (5 Reece) executed indiscriminate attacks on township residents, including last September's assault on a Soweto commuter train which left 26 dead and 137 wounded. Five Reece is one of a number of semi-clandestine units formerly deployed in South Africa's brutal war of destabilization against the Front Line States. According to Captain Dirk Coetzee, the former security branch officer who blew the whistle on government-sponsored death squads two years ago, these returning troops, in a loose affiliation with the "dirty tricks" departments of the SADF and police, make up the core of a "third force" working to demoralize the ANC and . to obstruct negotiations .

The Washington Office on Africa 110 Maryland Avenue, N.E., Suite 112

Washington , D.C. 20002 (202) 546-7961

De Klerk's "total strategy" This war is an essential component of a sophisticated strategy to protect the

long-term interests of South Africa's white minority. De Klerk' s earlier (and now virtually forgotten) position in the conservative wing of the National Party, and his decision to retain the major cabinet ministers from the Botha administration, confirm the view that he has undergone a change of style, rather than a change of heart. He remains dedicated to defending white privilege but realizes that, to do so, he must accommodate some black demands. By making concessions on political issues , he hopes to defuse or to suppress economic demands which more directly threaten white interests.

The de Klerk government formulated its plan for a "new" South Africa in late 1989, following an assessment of a $35 million covert effort to manipulate Namibian elections. The strategy envisions the creation of an electoral alliance--including Inkatha and other black political parties--in which the National Party would be the most influential (but probably least visible) member. However, in order for such a coalition to win a non-racial general election, the government must weaken its leading opponent, the ANC. The continuing violence furthers this objective by intimidating political activists, encouraging ethnic divisions, and discrediting black leadership.

These revelations contradict de Klerk's professions of good faith and demonstrate that his government cannot be trusted to play a neutral role in the process of reform. If de Klerk is genuinely committed to democratization, he must negotiate with the ANC and other popular organizations to form an interim government capable of overseeing the drafting and implementation of a new constitution. Only then should the U.S. consider relaxing sanctions further.

Present U.S. policy In his eagerness to reward de Klerk, President Bush prematurely lifted the

sanctions imposed by Congress under the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 (CAAA) on July 10. These included the ban on new U.S. loans to and investment in South Africa, trade restrictions, and the withdrawal of landing rights for South African air lines. However, several key sanctions, independent of the CAAA, continue to ban:

* U.S. support for the extension of International Monetary Fund credit facilities to "any country engaging in apartheid;"

* Export-Import Bank financing for trade with South Africa; * All exports to the South African police and military; * Arms trade with South Africa; and * cooperation or intelligence-sharing between U.S. and S.A. intelligence agencies.

In addition, many state, county, and municipal governments have imposed their own restrictions on transactions with companies doing business in South Africa. These were not directly affected by the President's move, although the administration hinted that it may initiate legal action to nullify local sanctions.

What YOU can do 1. All but the last of the five federal sanctions can be repealed by Executive

action, without Congressional approval. Some observers believe that the President may lift restrictions on IMF and Export-Import Bank loans as early as October. Col}~~~~r Representative and Senators NOW to demand that they introduce legislation to prevent President Bush from terminatil}g these vit~l sanctions. Write to them at U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, D.C. 20515 and U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C. 20510. Or call the House switchboard at (202) 225-3121 and the Senate switchboard at 224-3121.

2. Build local sanctions. Find out what sanctions apply in your area and co_!ltact the appropriate government officials to expr~_y_gur s~rt for t~~re!_~.!!.!_!o~~f th~se measures until South Africa has adopti=d a democratic and non-racial constitution.

3. Raise awareness locally. :Write a letter tg_J:_h_~gitgr__or ap_~j._aj._g~~QJ um_ll for your local paper. Draw attention to the South African government's role in

political violence and call for the continuation of remaj_ni_D.g__hS~I}-~tions_.!_ If you need further information, contact the Washington Office on Africa for a media kit containing recent press clips and tips on preparing an article.