THE ‘WINE WAR’ BETWEEN FRANCE A N D

PECTS OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY ITALY: ETHNO-ANTRHOPOLOGICAL AS-

CHRISTIAN GIORDANO‘

INTRODUCTION

Wine is on of the peasants’ favourite topics of conversation in Mediterranean societies. When investigating the importance of wine in past and present Sicilian society, therefore, it is logical to view it not merely as a material resource, but as a symbolic resource as well.

The Mediterranean regions have rarely been identified as areas traditio- nally characterized by viniculture. Braudel cites geographers for whom the ‘true’ Mediterranean, especially the European part, is the land of the olive-tree. O n the other hand, Wolf, a representative of ‘cultural eco- logy’, emphasizes that the Mediterranean eco-system historically is one of grain-growing and goat or sheep breeding, with wine being of only secondary importance (Wolf 1966). This description corresponds with Wallerstein’s characterisation of this region as semi-peripheral. Since the 16th century, as part of the ’world-economy’, the Mediterranean provi- ded the North European metropolitan centres with food stuffs, primarily cereals, as well as with raw materials for the manufacturing of textiles (Wallerstein 1974). The Hungarian ethnographer Hoffmann shares this view. While pointing out the economic importance of grain-growing and cattle-breeding, he writes in regards to wine: ‘Its old species were drought resistant but produced only few grapes. Also, the peasants of the Mediterranean basin (who until recently had not been very concerned with viniculture) had for long been content with planting only small vineyards with few grape vines in between their cultivated fields’ (Hoff- mann, 1981: 316). The case of Sicily in particular seems to confirm the statements of these authors. The American anthropologists J. and P. Schneider have attempted to verify the theoretical approach of Wallerstein

* Instirut fur Kulturanrhropologie und Europaische Ethnologie, Universitat Frankfurt am Main, Bundesrepublik Deutschland

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by showing the marginal role of viniculture on the island (Schneider & Schneider 1976). These observations are a good antidote against certain stereotypes prevalent in the northern countries. Moreover, according to ethno-historical sources, wine was more of a scarce good than a surplus good in traditional Mediterranean societies. This is not to diminish the importance of wine as a resource of economy and commerce; the ethno- graphic accounts on Sicily are clear in this matter (PitrC 1978). However, I want to emphasize that wine also occupies a prominent place in the symbolic universe and in the imagination of these people. It is therefore a matter of analyzing, in Godelier’s words, ‘la part idCelle du riel’ (Gode- her 1984).

WINE AS SYMBOLIC RESOURCE

To investigate certain aspects of ‘l’idiel du vin’, I begin with the hypothe- sis that for the Mediterranean peasant and for the Sicilian contudino, ‘wine is something else than simply a beverage or an ordinary product of the soil’ (Arrouye, 1983: 363). According to popular traditions of the Mezzogiorno, ‘the good wine makes good blood’. It possesses charisma- tic qualities and gives men energy and health. Wine, procuded naturally by ‘combined action of the four prime elements, water and earth, air and fire’, is defined by the collective representations as the means through which the ‘dormant forces of nature are transmitted to man, who, in turn, makes the soil productive by his work’ (Arrouye, 1983: 364). At the core of these representations there is probably a cosmic vision of the world where man as part of a natural cycle exchanges energy with the earth (Friedmann 1969). Wine, as a product of nature with charismatic powers giving strength and health which are necessary to cultivate the soil, is normally reserved for men. Drinking wine belongs exclusively to the male universe. One should add that in the traditional Mediterranean societies the polarity of social gender roles is also transmitted by the oppositions of wine and water, as water belongs to women. So Mistral emphasized that ‘wine is reserved for men’ while ‘women should drink water which makes them pretty’ (Mistral 1906).

This observation of the poet from the Provence corresponds with research done on Pantelleria, an island in the middle of the Sicilian Chan- nel, where viniculture is a tradition of many centuries. When the male members of a family or a contra& meet to decide on important matters, or to respond to the questions of a researcher, they sit down at a table placed in the centre of the best and most spacious room of the dumrnwso (typical peasant house), while the women are seated against the walls of the room. Usually there are glasses and bottles of wine on the table which are reserved exclusively for the men. Drinking wine is forbidden to the women who take part actively in the discussion. Wine is also seen as an

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adviser that helps to establish the most appropriate type of behaviour. But, like all charismatic things, wine has two faces: the power to fascinate people as well as to frighten them (Otto 1936). Because it is a dangerous and treacherous product, it has to be drunk with caution. Moderation is especially important, and to drink wine excessively brings social stigma enforced by severe sanctions.

The biblical anecdote of Noah’s drunkenness, rebuked by his sons, is well known. Significant also is the example of the picuros, those ‘beggars without honour’ who constitute ‘an exemplary counter-value in the social universe . , . which is governed by the rules of honra’ (Mimoso- Ruiz, 1983: 264) - they are habitual drinkers. The picaresque sinver- gwenzu often are the children of alcoholic parents or else have been raised by an alcoholic nurse. For instance, both the father and the uncle of Quevedo’s ‘Buscon’ are heavy drinkers.

Thus it is hardly surprising that in the Mezzogiorno and also in Sicily, to ‘be drunk’ is a state to be avoided, as it endangers the individual’s ‘dignity’ and, as a consequence, also the ‘honour’ of the family. In Sicily, ‘the man who drinks a lot of wine is not worth a penny’ (Martello, 1981: 38). In this context there is an obvious contrast to the societies of Central and Northern Europe, where the collective attitude towards excessive drinking is much more ambivalent. Here the social sanctions against ‘primitive hedonists’ (Jellinek 1962) are much weaker. Miihlmann and Llaryora are right in emphasizing that in Sicily the alcoholic belongs to a ‘stigmatized elite’and that his social status is comparable with that of the ‘shameless’.

However, there are additional symbolic functions of wine. In the collective representations of the Mediterranean, wine not only prevents, but also heals illness. In the Sicilian agro-towns one can observe even today how, near the end of September, each family is making the mosto cotto in the street. This product, obtained by bringing grape juice to boil in a cauldron, forms the basis of folk medicine. It is considered a remedy against pulmonary diseases and, in general, against all respiratory diseases. The therapeutic function reflects the purifying effect of wine.

Wine not only provides physical and intellectual force, guarantees health and heals diseases, but because of its natural purity it also eliminates the moral defects of men, it obliterates their sins. As Van Gennep put it, from the point of view of an ethno-anthropologist, death is a rite of passage from one state into another. In order to enjoy the privileges of the new state, the individual has to cleanse himself from the contaminations which polluted his existence. Thus, in traditional Mediterranean societies, the dead are often immediately washed. Habitually this is done with wine, as according to popular beliefs, its purifying effect is particularly strong. The wine ‘erases the sins’: this is what the inhabitants of a small Greek village told Handmann during her research. One should also discuss the

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symbolic functions of wine in religious and magic practices, but the casuistry involved is so rich that it is impossible to deal with this subject here, merely to note that all authors emphasize the importance of wine in the symbolism of the Judeo-Christian tradition, and its symbolic func- tion is also not unknown in the ‘mixed cultures’ of the Islamic Mediter- ranean (Milner & Chatelain 1983).

As a concluding remark on the symbolic dimension of wine I would like to point out the importance of wine in the rituals of conviviality, hospitality, and communication. In order to be accepted by the inhabi- tants of a contruda, the stranger or newcomer has to submit himself to a kind of test. One of the most important members of the community invites him to spend the evening in a damrnmo where in front of a number of families he has to prove that he can stand the wine. Similarly, a researcher cannot start his ethno-anthropological inquiry on Pantelleria without being sure of his ability to ‘hold his liquor well’. While the men drink wine with the stranger, the women look on attentively and make comments on his behaviour in the local dialect. If the newcomer passes this test to their satisfaction, he is considered a respectable member of the community, a ‘man of honour’. To drink wine is in this case linked with a ritual of integration: what Gibson and Weinberg (1980) call: ‘in vino communitas’.

THE EXTENSIVE COMMERCIALIZATION OF WINE

In Italy, and especially in the Mezzogiorno, the establishment of the nation state and, in the following century, the creation of the Common Market have progressively been integrating the traditional economy of this region into the national and international market-place. The econo- mic implications of this unification process on the national level have been studied by ‘meridionalists’ as well as by contemporary sociologists. O n this subject, there seem to be conflicting opinions, as side by side with the official manner of speaking which tends to present the achievements in an idealized light, critical voices are making themselves heard.

As a member of the group of critical or sceptical meridionahti, Nitti has attempted to show that the economic integration of Southern Italy into the nation state has destroyed rather than increased the opportunities for developing the Mezzogiorno. This thesis has been taken up by socio- logists with a Marxist tendency such as Pizzorno and Libertini (Nitti 1972, Pizzorno 1976). For instance, in his critique of Banfield’s interpreta- tions of ‘amoral familism’ in Mediterranean society, Pizzorno asserts that the process causing the historical marginality of the Mezzogiorno was set in motion by the incorporation of the traditional economy into the national capitalist system. I do not want to deal with the details of this discussion. Rather, I would like to point out that the introduction of the

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Mezzogiorno into the national economy has led to the emergence of the ‘Southern question’, that is the discovery by politicians and researchers of the under-development of these regions, By the same token, however, it has been emphasized that the measures taken by the government aimed at decreasing the economic dualism between the South and the North of the country have been transforming the traditional agriculture of the Mezzo- giorno, which had been characterized by the seminativo, to a great extent. Land reform and post-war agricultural policies radically changed the landscape of many regions.

This kind of transformation typifies the province of Trapani where I conducted research. Until the fifties this province was distinguished by its great estates and extensive cultivation of wheat. It was a classical example of what Wolf calls ‘Eurasian grain farming’. During the sixties viniculture was progressively replacing the cultivation of grain to a point where specialization on one crop was being replaced by specialization on ano- ther (Table 1).

TABLE 1. Area under cultivation: wheat and grapes in Sicily (1972)

Province Wheat (hectares) Grapes (hectares)

Agrigento Caltanissetta Catania Enna Messina Palermo Ragusa Siracusa Trapani

Sicily

86 700 78 600 88 300 87 000 31 490

140 470 35 980 25 000 53 050

626 590

20 638 5 005

15 660 2 535 7214

21 266 5 512 8 049

70 444

156 323 -

Presently, Trapani province is an excellent example for the strategy of economic development in Sicily. According to experts, the Mediterranean regions will have to follow this example. The general development plan for Sicily’s agriculture which was established in 1974 is explicit on this subject, prescribing a reduction of 200,000 hectares in wheat cultivation within six years, while expressing a preference for reforestation, for the cultivation of orange trees, and especially for viniculture. The experts believe that the Sicilian viniculture has a ‘great’ future, and it is considered an almost unique opportunity for developing the Mezzogiorno and Sicily in particular. There is a certain element of irony in the fact that this plan promoting the

expansion of Sicilian viniculture as a remedy to miseria and ‘the poor life

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without hope’ was made public only a few months before the ‘wine war’ between France and Italy erupted (the blockade of the port of S2te by wine-growers of the Midi started in March 1975). I will turn to this topic later. For now, I will restrict myself to observing that the changes in the Mediterranean landscape and particularly in the province of Trapani have increased the importance of wine as an economic and commercial re- source. Also, wine has become a surplus good which can no longer be absorbed by the national market. Opinions on this are unanimous. The most important daily newspaper on the island, summed up the position: ‘If before the blockade of the French port of Site there were shadows over the market prospects for Sicilian wine, now it is plunged into darkest night. In this sector, there is a despondency not seen for many years. The French market, which at this point seems to be the only opportunity, is no longer accessible.’ (Giornale di Sicilia, April 3, 1975).

Anthropological inquiry does not focus on the functioning of economic mechanisms; rather, the anthropologist is more interested in analyzing the cultural responses to the economic system. To investigate the circumstan- ces of the incorporation of viniculture in the Mezzogiorno into the national and European markets is not my primary goal. The moderniza- tion of agriculture and the fact that wine has become commercialized to a great extent is meaningful to the anthropologist mainly in terms of the specific impact on the structure of social relations, and above all on collective consciousness. It is therefore legitimate to ask whether this economic evolution has been succeeded by a weakening of the charismatic powers and thus by a decrease in the symbolic functions of wine. If this was the case, Max Weber would speak of ‘secularisation’ (Weber 1956).

This hypothesis seems to be confirmed by the statements of my respon- dents. To my mind, the observation of a Sicilian ‘Gastarbeiter’ who told me during the ‘Sizilianische Woche’ of Sindelfingen (and there was a certain sadness in his comment), ‘The wine has become like water’, is an excellent example. Another piece of evidence for this process of seculari- sation or of a superimposition of the ‘matiriel’ over the ‘idiel’ could be seen in the indifferent attitude of private wine-growers as well as coopera- tives in Sicily towards adultering wine. For the collective consciousness, wine is no longer a product brought about by a process determined by the cosmic order of nature; rather, it is simply ‘manufactured’ by man. In Sicily, a complete set of myths has evolved around this subject (perhaps it would be more fitting to speak of ‘speleology’ than of ‘mythology’, as in the collective representations the ‘manufacturers of wine’ are reputed to own subterranean caves). This mythology betrays a certain ‘charisma of sophistication’. However, the importance of this secularisation of wine should not be overestimated. Otherwise, there is a risk of succumbing to ethno-nostalgia. Even though the symbolic functions of wine have been disappearing to some extent, there is no doubt that wine, because of the

’

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‘war’ between France and Italy, and also as a consequence of the agricul- tural policy put forward by the E.E.C. is evolving into a new source of identity in Sicily which is used by the people to define their group membership.

WINE AS A FACTOR OF IDENTITY

The ‘wine war’ between France and Italy which took place in the port of Site caused strong repercussions in Sicily. The Giornale di Sicilia repor- ted: ‘Almost 60,000 wine-growers from all over Sicily assembled today in Marsala to protest against the French blockade against imported Sicilian wine. Alle the communities of the provinces of Palerrno, Agrigento, and Trapani were represented by their winegrowers, mayors, and public administrators. In the great Piazzale della Vittoria near Porta Nuova there was an immense crowd which had arrived there after an impressive protest march along the Corso Calatafimi, the Via Roma and the VIA XI Maggio . . . The town is in complete solidarity with the Winegrowers. Marsala has practically come to a stop today, and a wave of people like one has never seen before had advanced towards Porta Nuova.’ As the newspaper pointed out, there had not been comparable mass demonstrations since the revolt of the F h c i at the end of the last century and since the ‘struggle for land’ after World War 11.

As with most manifestations of mass protest, this ‘montke aux extrt- mes’ (Baechler 1970) was followed by a less dramatic period during which the sentiments of collective disappointment were expressed. The ‘wine war’ seems to confirm Michelet’s statement that the history of Sicily is an interminable series of frustrated hopes (De Stefan0 1977). I do not know if it is possible to find objective evidence proving this as a historical process, but this ‘topos’ could certainly be observed in the collective representa- tions regarding the ‘wine war’ and the agricultural policies of the E.E.C.

On this subject, my systematic research is not yet complete, but so far, the opinions of my respondents are unanimous in regards to the Common Agricultural Policy. They consider the E.E.C. a ‘foreign’ and ‘distant’ power which is comparable to the organs of the state which are always ‘weak with the strong, and strong with the weak’. Another widespread attitude is that the ‘E.E.C. is useless’ and that it affords privileges solely to the ‘rich’ farmers of the North. The most moderate papers present the ‘wine war’ as the result of Common Market policies. In Sicily, this attitude is being reinforced by the collective representations of the people. In an article published by the Giornale di Sicilia in March of 1975, the primary assertion is that the ‘spirit’ of the Community is merely an ‘ornement ithique’ (Michels 1970) or an ideology in the Marxist sense of the word.

In the representations of the E.E.C., of the agricultural policies and of

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the ‘wine war’ in Sicily, one can also observe the existence of a ‘topos’ of traditional knowledge which can be found both in the collective memory of the Sicilians and in the reflections of many meridionalists. According to this view, the past and the present are nothing but a ‘great swindle’. The Sicilians feel themselves objects rather than subjects of their history; they are victims of the E.E.C. The following statements made by a journalist and by a representative of the regional government illustrate this view in the context of the wine war: ‘This is an old story which goes back before the Common market itself. Because at the core of the issue is this: The Common Market has proven to be an ideal institution for the great swindlers and for the fraudulent transactions of the multi-national corpo- rations’ (Giornale di Sicilia, May 22, 1975). ‘This is a very severe thing which cannot remain hidden, because Mediterranean viniculture and particularly the viniculture of Sicily had great hopes for more liberal exchange relations within the E.E.C., and now once more they have to pay the price for decisions made by the politicians’ (Giornale di Sicilia, July 3, 1975).

These discourses on the ‘great swindle’ are all too familiar to anthropo- logists, because they are part of the identity experienced by members of Sicilian society. However, when I mention wine as an identity factor in response to the policies of the Common Market, I am certainly not thinking of the phenomenon ‘ethnicity’. It would be very difficult indeed to prove that the wine war has been encouraging regionalist or separatist tendencies in Sicily. But it would be equally difficult to deny that the agricultural policies of the Common Market have not reinforced certain traits that the inhabitants of the island call sicilianitd. Especially during the ‘war’ between France and Italy, wine came to symbolize the character of the Sicilian: he is ‘glorious, splendid, strong, virile, robust’. The Sicilian wine is the victim of the ‘wine of the others’, like the Sicilians are the victims of the ‘great swindle’ organized by ‘the others’. The others are the wine-growers of the Midi who support tightened import regulations; they are the Bulgarian, Greek, and Algerian ‘adulterers’ of wine; they are the wine-growers of the ‘North’ who are doctoring their ‘poor’ wine with Sicilian wine, as well as France itself which is seen as an ‘enormous lab producing artificial wine’.

But the real others, those truly responsible for the wine war are the bureaucrats, especially the ‘eurocrats’ and the central government. ‘In the measures taken by the E.E.C., there is one severe flaw, a fundamental flaw, which the eurocrats not used to looking beyond the valley of the Po River repeat over and over again when it is necessary to establish agricul- tural norms’ (Giornale di Sicilia, July 31, 1975).

The classic theme of a mentality of antagonism towards the state makes its reappearance here. It has been studied by the meridionalists and especially by Turiello at the end of the last century (Turiello 1882,

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Giordano 1982, Tullio-Altan 1986). The Common Market with its agri- cultural policy and its conflicts is interpreted according to a template of thinking which is typical for the Sicilian identity. At the core of it there is the precarious co-existence of what is considered legal institutionally and what is considered legitimate according to ethno-cultural values. In this context, the politicians, the statesmen, and of course the bureaucrats too are seen as mere politicos whose actions are not based on the ethics of principles and responsibility (Max Weber’s Gesinnungsethik and Verant- wortungsethik). They only think of their own personal interests and those of their clients. The professions of the politician and the bureaucrat are activities which therefore are regarded as almost disgraceful even though economically profitable. Many social scientists have attempted to explain this mentality of antagonism against the state among the Sicilians through ethnobiological theories. Niceforo, for instance, is a firm believer in the existence of a Mediterranean race which has a biological predisposition towards violence, deviant behavior, and crime. Cognitive anthropology attempts to prove that the contrary is true, and tries to relate these phenomena to history. According to the theoretical approach of cognitive anthropology, history is never simply a series of objective events, but events that are also experienced, internalized, and transmitted. History always means me‘moire, ordre conqu according to Lhi-Strauss. Objecti- vely speaking, and even more so according to the collective memory, the history of the Mezzogiorno and particularly that of Sicily is a long series of ethno-cultural, political, economic, and technological superimposi- tions. ‘The replacement of the elites’ has been especially rapid and drama- tic. Without exception, the foreign rulers seem to have made use of the state and of the government as instruments of oppression. One can probably speak of a mentality determined by this process of successive superimpositions. Those sociologists whose outlook is shaped by indus- trial society prefer to label this mentality as traditional, immobile, archaic, unsocial, amoral, etc. They rarely inquire into the rationality of these collective representations that I have described. But when considering history in terms of both events and memory, different interpretations are emerging for Sicily. Then, the antagonism against the state implies a realistic interpretation of the ‘historical destiny of Sicilian society’.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, an additional observation poses a disturbing question. The happenings of the E.E.C. and especially the ‘wine war’ seem to confirm the hypothesis of Muhlmann who claims that the ‘ethnic factor’ is much more persistent than ‘class solidarity’, and this is why the integration of ‘small groups’ is more stable than that of ‘great structures’ (Muhlmann 1962). Is the agricultural policy of the E.E.C. with its ideal of standardisa-

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tion destined to cause nothing but ‘disintegrating integration’ based on schismatic tendencies? The proliferation of ‘agricultural wars’ which are far from being solely economic phenomena does not contradict this question. And this is exactly where an ethno-anthropological inquiry into the E.E.C. should commence.

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