(Theory, Culture & Society) Michel Maffesoli-The Time of the Tribes_ the Decline of Individualism in Mass Society-SAGE Publications (1996)

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THE TIME OF

THE TRIBES



Theory , Culture Society

Theory, Culture Society

ca t e r s fo r t he re s u rg enc e o f i n t e re s t i n cu l tu r e

w i t h i n c o n t e m p o r a r y s o c i a l s c i e n c e a n d t h e h u m a n i t i e s . B u i l d i n g o n t h e

he r i t age o f c l a s s i ca l soc i a l t heory , t he book se r i e s examines w ays i n

w h i c h t h i s t r a d i t i o n h a s b e e n r e s h a p e d b y a n e w g e n e r a t i o n o f t h e o r i s t s .

I t w i l l a l so pub l i sh t heore t i c a l l y i n fo rmed ana lyse s o f eve ryday l i f e ,

p o p u l a r c u l t u r e , a n d n e w i n t e l l e c t u a l m o v e m e n t s .

EDITOR:

M i k e F e a t h e r s t o n e ,

University of Teesside

SERIES EDITORIAL BOARD

R o y B o y n e ,

University of Teesside

M i k e H e p w o r t h ,

University of Aberdeen

S c o t t L a s h ,

University of Lanca ster

R o l a n d R o b e r t s o n ,

University of Pittsburgh

B r y a n S . T u r n e r ,

Deakin University

Recent volumes include:

The C onsuming Body

Pasi Falk

Cultural Identity and Global Process

Jonathan Friedman

The Establ i shed and the Outs iders

Norbert Elias and John L. Scotson

The Cinematic Soc ie ty

T h e V o y e u r ' s G a z e

Norman K. Denzin

Decentr ing Leisure

R e t h i n k i n g L e i s u r e T h e o r y

Chris Rojek

Global Moderni t ies

Mike Featherstone, Scott Lash and Roland Robertson

The Masque of Feminini ty

T h e P r e s e n t a t i o n o f W o m a n in E v e r y d a y L i fe

Efrat Tseelon

The Arena of Racism

Michel Wieviorka

U ndoing C ul tur e

G l o b a l i z a t i o n , P o s t m o d e r n i s m a n d I d e n t i t y

Mike Featherstone



THE

TIME

O F

THE

TRIBES

The Decline of Individualism

in Mass Society

Michel Maffesol i

Translated by Don Smith

SAGE Publications

L o n d o n · T h o u s a n d O a k s · N e w D e l h i



Eng l i sh trans lat ion © Sag e Pub l icat io ns 1996

Fore wor d © R ob S h i e l d s 1996

First published in English in 1996

Original ly publ i shed in French as Le Te mps des tribus b y

M eri d i en s K l i n ck s i eck , Par i s

© M e r i d i en s K l i n ck s i eck 1988

This trans lat ion i s publ i sh ed wi th f inancia l suppo rt from the

French Minis try of Cul ture

Al l r ights res erv ed . N o part of th i s publ ica t ion m ay be

rep r od u c ed , s tored i n a re tr i eva l s y s te m, t ran s m i t ted or

ut i l i zed in any form or by any means , e lectronic ,

m e c h a n i c a l , p h o t o c o p y i n g , r e c o r d i n g o r o t h e r w i s e , w i t h o u t

permiss ion in wri t ing from the Publ i shers .

S A G E P u b l ic a t i o ns L t d

6 Bonhi l l S treet

L o n d o n E C 2 A 4 P U

S A G E P u b l i c a ti o n s I n c

2455 T e l l er R oad

T h ou s an d O ak s , Ca l i forn i a 91320

S A G E Pu b l i ca t i on s I n d ia Pv t L td

3 2 , M -B l ock M ark et

Gr eate r Kai lash - I

N ew D el h i 110 048

Pub l i shed in assoc iat ion wi th

Theory, Culture Society,

S ch oo l o f H u man S tu d i es , Un i vers i ty o f T ees s i d e

Bri t i sh Library Cataloguing in Publ icat ion data

A ca talo gue re cord for th is bo ok i s avai lab le from th e

Bri t i sh Library.

I S B N 0 8 0 3 9 8 4 7 3 - 1

I S B N 0 8 0 3 9 8 4 7 4 - X ( p b k )

L i b rary o f Con gres s ca ta l og record ava i l ab l e

T y p e s e t b y P h o t o p r i n t , T o r q u a y , D e v o n .

Printed in Great Bri ta in by



C O N T E N T S

F o r e w o r d : M a s s e s o r T r i b e s ? ix

Rob Shields

B y W a y o f I n t r o d u c t i o n 1

1.

A few w or ds o f w a rn ing 1

2 . T h e q u o m o d o 4

3 .

O v e r t u r e 6

1.

T h e E m o t i o n a l C o m m u n i t y : R e s e a r c h A r g u m e n t s 9

1. T h e a e s t h e t i c a u r a 9

2 .

T h e e t h i c a l e x p e r i e n c e 1 5

3 .

C u s t o m 2 0

2 .

T h e U n d e r g r o u n d

Puissance

3 1

1. A s pe c t s o f v i t a l i sm 31

2 .

T h e soc i a l d iv ine 38

3 .

T h e a loofn ess o f t he pe op le 45

3 .

Soc ial i ty vs . th e Socia l 56

1.

B ey on d po l i t i c s 56

2 .

A na tu r a l ' f am i l i a r i sm ' 64

4 .

T r i b a l i s m 7 2

1.

T h e a f fec tua l ne bu la 72

2 .

T h e ' u n d i r e c t e d ' b e i n g - t o g e t h e r 7 9

3 .

T h e ' r e l i g i o u s ' m o d e l 8 2

4 .

El ec t ive soc ia l i ty 86

5 .

T h e law of sec recy 90

6. M ass es an d l i fes ty les 96

5 .

P o l y c u l t u r a l i s m 1 04

1.

O f t r i p l i c i t y 1 04

2 .

P r e s e n c e a n d e s t r a n g e m e n t 1 06

3 .

T he po ly th e i sm of t he pe op le , o r t he d ive rs i t y o f G o d 110

4 .

T h e o r g a n i c b a l a n c e 1 14



vi

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

6. Of Proxem ics 123

1. Th e comm un it y of destiny 123

2 . Genius loci 129

3 .

Trib es and netw ork s 139

4 . Th e net wor k of ne two rks 145

App end ix: The Thi nki ng of the Public Sq ua re 152

1. Th e two cu ltu res 152

2 . Fo r the pe op le 's happine ss 154

3 .

Th e or de r within 157

4 . Exp eri enc e, proxemic s and organic knowl edge 160

Index 166



For Raphaele, Sarah-Marie

and Emmanuelle





F O R E W O R D : MASSES O R

TRIBES?

E a r l i e r in t h i s c e n t u r y , H e r m a n S c h m a l e n b a c h u s e d T ö n n i e s a n d S i m m e l s

p reoccupa t ion w i th t he fo rms o f soc i a l i n t e rac t ion to c r i t i que the d iv i s ion

o f u r b a n a n d r u r a l o r t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y . B r e a k i n g a p a r t t h e d u a l i s m o f

G eme inscha f t and G ese l l scha f t , Schma lenbach no ted the endurance o f ne t

w orks o f a cqua in t ances and c i rc l e s o f f r i ends w hich s t ab i l i z ed the soc i a l

w o r l d s o f i n d i v i d u a l s w h o e x p e r i e n c e d t h e t r a u m a o f r a p i d u r b a n i z a t i o n i n

n i n e t e e n t h - c e n t u r y E u r o p e . A s i m i l a r i m p o r t a n c e o f t h e s e

bunde\

S c h m a l e n b a c h a r g u e d , w o u l d m a r k a n y d e c l i n e i n t h e r e l i a b i l i t y a n d

cen t ra l ro l e o f a soc i e ty domina t ed by soc i a l i t y a s soc i a t ed w i th l abour

c o n t r a c t s a n d j o b - b a s e d s o c ia l i n t e r a c t i o n . T h e s e e l e c t i v e a ff in it y g r o u p s

( W e b e r ) f o r m a t r a n s v e r s a l s t r u c t u r e l a r g e l y i g n o r e d b y t h e c l a s s - o r i e n t e d

c a t e g o r i e s of m o d e r n i s t s o c i o l o g y . W h i l e M a f f e s o li i s i n t e n s e l y c o n c e r n e d

w i t h i n t e r a c t i o n i n p u b l i c , h e t r a n s c e n d s G o f f m a n s f o c u s o n t h e i n t e r

pe rsona l t o cons ide r t he soc io log ica l impl i ca t i ons o f t he p l e thora o f sma l l

g r o u p s a n d o f t e m p o r a r y g r o u p i n g s w h i c h w e a r e m e m b e r s o f a t d i f f e r e n t

t i m e s d u r i n g o u r d a y . B e t w e e n t h e t i m e o n e m i g h t l e a v e o n e s f a m i l y

o r i n t i m a t e s i n t h e m o r n i n g a n d t h e t i m e w h e n o n e r e t u r n s , e a c h p e r s o n

e n t e r s i n t o a s e r i e s o f g r o u p s i t u a t i o n s e a c h o f w h i c h h a s s o m e d e g r e e

o f s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s a n d s t a b i l i t y . W h i l e t h e p a s s e n g e r s o f a c o m m u t e r

b u s a r e h a r d l y a g r o u p , t h e r e g u l a r s k n o w a n d m a y w el l s a l u t e e a c h

o the r a s w e l l a s t he regu la r d r ive r . Spor t s c lubs , f r i ends a t t he o f f i c e ,

co f fee k l a t c he s , a s so c i a t i on s o f ho bb y i s t s , t h e c ro w d o f fans a t a spo r t s

m a t c h , t h e l o c al l e v e l o f a p o l i ti c a l p a r t y , N e i g h b o u r h o o d W a t c h

c o m m u n i t y p o l i c i n g , a n d s i n g l e - i s s u e p r e s s u r e g r o u p s a r e a l l e x a m p l e s o f

n e o - t r i b e s .

M a f f e s o li d e v e l o p s t h e c o n c e p t o f n e o - t r i b a l i s m b e y o n d S c h m a l e n b a c h s

'bund'.

T h e

tribus

a r e m o re t ha n a re s id ua l c a t ego ry of soc i a l l if e . T he y a re

the cen t ra l f e a tu re and key soc i a l f a c t o f our ow n expe r i ence o f eve ryday

l iv ing . Th i s u nd e rg ro un d cen t ra l i t y o f

tribus

persists despi te the sociological

fe t i sh o f abs t rac t ions , and o f more (and o f t en l e s s ) r e a l i s t c a t egor i e s . Whi l e

th e p o w er of c lass to inf lu ence o ut co m es i s no t in d o u b t , i t i s l ess s igni f icant

i n e v e r y d a y s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n t h a n m i g h t a p p e a r f r o m t h e a b s t r a c t i o n s o f

soc io log ica l s t a t i s t i c s . L ike o the r F rench theor i s t s such a s Miche l D e

C e r t e a u a n d J e a n B a u d r i l l a r d , M a f f e s o l i t a k e s u p a n e n g a g e d p o s i t i o n

wi thin the f lux of soc ia l l i fe ra ther than a t a cool d i s tance . The e ffec t i s to

p r o d u c e a n i n t e r n a l a n a l y s i s o f t h e s o c i a li t y w i t h i n E u r o p e a n s o c i e t ie s t o o

o f t e n k n o w n o n l y t h r o u g h t h e s i m u l a c r a o f s t a t i s t i c a l d e m o g r a p h i c s .

T h e W e b e r i a n p e r s p e c t i v e o f f o c u s i n g o n t h e m e a n i n g o f s o c i a l



χ T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBES

inte ract ion for partic ipan ts is for egr ounded, but given a new twist in that

the affective neut ral ity of the sociologists - an ali ena tion effected th rough

the abstraction of quantitative data and the reification of social science

conce pts - is pro blem atiz ed.

Michel Maffesoli is a theor ist of the br ea k- up of mass cultu re. Le Temps

des tribus - t he time of the trib es - can also be transla ted as 't he time of the

masses'. The little masses' of Maffesoli 's analysis are heterogeneous

fragments, the remainders of mass consumption society, groups dis

tinguished by their members' shared lifestyles and tastes. Tribus are thu s

not 'tribes' in the traditional anthropological sense, for they do not have

the fixity and longevity of tribes. Nor are they neo-tribes; they are better

understood as 'postmodern tribes', or even pseudo-tribes. The 'Time of the

Tribes' is a time when the mass is tribalized.

Over a series of wor ks spa nni ng a de ca de Maffesoli's work m oved from

Marxist sociological categories to the anomalies of everyday life. As a

po stm od ern sociology, this work proc eeds from the premise that t he

modernist categories and the foundational narratives which 'explain' and

there by but tres s the social or de r of nati on states are facing pro found

challeng es. Non eth eles s, this work has been seen as ironically repro duci ng

a neo-modernism. Maffesoli refuses to give up the role of the sociologist

and the tradition of sociological theory. While he condemns social science

dogmatism, these are the jibes and blandishments of a suitor.

Against the theoreticism of lifeless groupings imposed by sociologists,

Maffesoli exploits Bergson's vitalism to argue for the power of the basic

sociality - t he 'be ing tog et he r' - of every day life. Th is is ma rr ied with

Durkheim's conceptualization of collective consciousness {conscience

collective)

and the life-affirming, Dionys ian quality of the t ran sce nden t

warmth of the collectivity

(divin social).

Thi s tra nsc end enc e is, in Maffeso

li 's wor d, ' i mma ne nt '. In its simplest ter ms, the Dur kh eim ian insight into

idolization and defence of the social group as the most primitive form of

religiosity is important because

tribus

be co me the highest social goo d for

their members. Out of the ethos of these tribus eme rge ethical orien tatio ns

and a form of natural law which challenges the legitimacy of traditional

morals.

Maffesoli makes a unique contribution by contesting the moral basis of

politics in the classic sense. While one might speak of a contingent politics

(Finn 1989), or simply igno re the univers al and tra nsc end ent al quality

which political principles share with moral dictates, Maffesoli detects the

existence of an ethical aesthetics, and art of living which emphasizes

'getting along' and getting by so as to maintain the solidarity of

tribus

and

facilitate everyday social interaction. This is not a Fascistic 'aestheticization of

politics' but rather aesthetics as the operationalization of situational ethics

(Shields 1991). If one wishes to keep close to the etymological meanings of

the wo rds, this is an app ropr ia te use of the classical notion of aesthe tics

(aesthesis) which focuses on que stio ns of be aut y and cor rec tne ss as defined

by collective experience, not transcendental principles of beauty (a



F O R E W O R D : M A S S E S OR

TRIBES?

xi

relatively recent corruption of the long history of aesthetic judgement).

Rather than questions of universal right or wrong, one deals with questions

of appropriateness and 'fit ' within situations.

This is far from an ab an do nm en t of politics. Inst ea d it indic ates t he

sho rtc om ing of the ter ms in which politics is nor mal ly discussed. Pe rhaps

the most lasting legacy of the 'counterculture' movements of the 1960s was

to apply the political to every sphere of life. However, this may obscure as

much as it reveals, for the diversity of politico-aesthetical action at the level

of personal engagements in everyday life exceeds the merely political. The

situati onist slogan 'the per son al is the politic al' mus t be supp le me nt ed by

an insight that the per son al is the ethica l and aes thet ic centr e of social

relations.

Typical examples of tribus are not only fashion victims, or you th sub

cultures. This term can be extended to interest-based collectivities:

hobbyists; sports enthusiasts; and more important - environmental move

men ts, user-g roup s of state services and cons um er lobbies. Affinity-based

political groups may arise around access to services (for example,

Canadian senior citizens lobbying to use national park facilities which

nor mal ly close in the fall and winter beca use of a lack of hol ida yma ker s

when children are in school). One example of the political mobilization of

a tribus can be found in the case of the Nat ion al Rifleme n's Assoc iation

(NRA) in the United States. This group of gun collectors, owners of guns

(from sid ear ms to shot gun s and assault rifles), and hu nt er s is a key voice in

wha t is popular ly called the 'gun lobby' , a group that has successfully

campaigned to defeat numerous gun control bills and legislators who are in

favour of limiting free access to weapons within the United States and

mo re recently beyon d its bor der s in Ca na da . Cons um er protectio n and

other lobbies may appear unpolitical, but a reflection on the power of the

NRA in the United States will quickly dispel this view. Extending the

theo ry of tri bal iza tion to such far-flung gr ou ps is a bol d move which

requ ires mo re theoretica l co mm en t than is possible he re . Ho wev er, the

hypothesis that people with the same lifestyle and affinity of habitus may

share the same politics of everyday life appears fruitful. One may note, for

exa mp le, that in the Uni ted State s the NR A eve n functions as a surr ogate

political par ty which amplifies the voices of po or , disenfranc hised white

men.

Unlike, for example, Adam Smith's almost metaphysical notion of the

invisible hand of the market, Maffesoli's argument that ethical rules

em er ge from collectivities is strong ly bu ttr es sed by philo sophi cal analysis

and social theory. While they have weak powers of discipline (for example,

their only opti on is to exclude or shun mem be rs ), they have strong powe rs

of integration and inclusion, of group solidarity. These powers are

displayed and actualized in initiatory rituals and stages of membership. As

the highest social good, the members of

tribus

are ma rk ed by it, wearing

particular types of dress, exhibiting group-specific styles of adornment and

espousing the shared values and ideals of the collectivity. From the



χ ί ί

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

perspective of a sociology of consumption, Maffesoli's work takes on great

importance, for

tribus

focus and segm ent processe s of bo th individual and

collective consumption.

Maffesoli is well aw ar e of th e po tenti al for this work to be ado pt ed as a

new romanticism which eschews the effort to achieve a higher level of

communicative rationality and an accessible and open public sphere. He

himself calls this a 'new barbari sm' , but in line with Hegel and Kier kegaard's

warnings on the dangers of sollen (ou ght ) war ns against the hect oring

tendencies of social scientists. The power of tribus is insc ribe d within a

tho roug hgo ing relativism. Unlik e anthropo logical tribes, ou r con tem por

ary social life is marked by membership in a multiplicity of overlapping

groups in which the roles one plays become sources of identity which, like

masks, provide temporary 'identifications'. Social status thus acquires an

ambiguous edge.

What is required is not only a defence of the tribus in te rm s of its real ism

in contrast with the hopeless idealism of theories such as communicative

rationality. An analysis of the implications of tribalization, and in particu

lar its negative and corrosive impact on modernity as a dominant form of

social org ani zat ion , is ne ed ed . The focus on the libe rato ry quality of the

tribus, the flexibility of identity and the dis-alie nating poten tial of every day

life needs to be expanded to take in the negative tribe-like forms of ethnic

nationalism, the Fascistic exploitation of tribus and sub seq uen t reification

of identity by governments facing simultaneous legitimation and restruc

turing crises. This text, therefore should be viewed not so much as setting

an agenda as opening up an arena of research.

Maffesoli's work undertakes a critique of academicism and dogma within

sociology. Here one should note the avoidance of elaborate structuralistic

analytical frameworks which stand in for everyday life, such as in the work

of Bourdieu. However, Maffesoli's work will still appear to the English

reader highly academic because of its essayistic format. Yet the tone of

formality and classicism so well preserved by Don Smith in his translation

mas ks the initiatory structu re of this wor k. A t first its pre ten sio n excludes

and intimidates, but this breaks down very quickly into the warmth of a

shar ed vision, for this is truly an in tim ate socio logy.

References

F i n n ,

G eral din e (1989) 'The politic s of continge ncy: the cont inge ncy of politics: on the

political impl icati ons of Merlea u-Po nty' s ont ol ogy of the flesh'. Paper pres ente d at CRC S

S y m p o s i u m , Carleton University, Ottawa, Fall 1990.

S h i e l d s , Rob (1991) 'Introduction to The Ethics of Aest heti cs ', Theory Culture Society,

v o l . 8, no. 1, 1-5.



BY W A Y O F I N T R O D U C T I O N

1 . A few wo rds of wa rnin g

A m b ie nc e is a t e rm t ha t w i ll su r face aga in an d aga in i n t h i s bo ok , so i t

m i g h t p e r h a p s b e u s e f u l t o d e s c r i b e t h e a m b i e n c e s u r r o u n d i n g i t s c r e a t i o n .

I b e g a n a p r e v i o u s b o o k b y t a k i n g S a v a n a r o l a a s m y i n s p i r a t i o n ; t h i s

t im e i t i s t h e n am e o f M ach iave l l i t ha t I w o u ld i n vo ke , r e fe r r ing to w h a t h e

ca l l s ' t he t h ink ing o f t he pub l i c squa re ' . The fo l low ing re f l e c t i on exp lo re s ,

v i a such no t ions a s

puissance,*

s o c i a l it y , t h e q u o t i d i a n a n d t h e i m a g i n a r y ,

t he deep founda t ions o f t he eve ryday l i f e o f our soc i e t i e s i n t he se c los ing

d a y s o f t h e m o d e r n e r a . W i t h t h e g r o u n d t h u s c l e a r e d , w e c a n f o r g e a h e a d

in to t he i dea o f

culture,

t o be un de rs to od in i t s s t r i c t e s t s en se , now

p r e v a i l i n g i n t h e p o l i t i c o - e c o n o m i c p r o c e d u r e . M y e m p h a s i s o n v a r i e d

r i t ua l s , o rd ina ry l i f e , dup l i c i t y , t he p l ay o f appea rances , t he co l l e c t i ve

sens ib i l i t y , de s t i ny - i n sh or t , t he D i on ys i an th em a t i c - m ay ra i se a few

e y e b r o w s ; t h i s a p p r o a c h h a s n e v e r t h e l e s s b e e n u s e d i n a v a r i e t y o f w a y s i n

a n u m b e r o f c o n t e m p o r a r y a n a l y s e s . T h i s is o n l y t o b e e x p e c t e d ; t h e

h i s t o r y o f t h o u g h t s h o w s t h a t , a l o n g w i t h i n t e l l e c t u a l m i m e t i s m o r

a priori

s e l f - j u s t i f i c a t i o n s , l e g i t i m a t e i d e a s m a y d e v e l o p a l o n g t h e w a y . W h e r e a s

s o m e p e o p l e p o s s e s s a c a p i t a l o f k n o w l e d g e , o t h e r s , i n t h e e t y m o l o g i c a l

sen se o f t h e t e rm , i nv en t , t h a t is t he y ex t ra c t t h a t w h ich is p r e se n t bu t

which may be di f f icul t to d iscern .

T h e r e is ho w ev e r n o ne ed to c ry v i c to ry , a s t h i s d i s ce r nm en t is no t e a s il y

w o n . T h e s e r i o u s a p p r o a c h r e i g n s i n o u r d i s c i p l i n e ; b u t w h i l e t h e

app l i c a t i o n o f a de gr ee o f p ru de nc e is c e r t a in ly n ece ssa r y , it c an too o f t en

be s tu lt i fy ing . M or eo v e r , i t i s i n t e re s t i ng to no t e t ha t th i s a t t i t ud e

s o m e t i m e s g o e s h a n d i n h a n d w i t h t h e m o s t p r e t e n t i o u s c a s u a l n e s s . I s t h e r e

s u c h a d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n w h a t W e b e r c a l l e d t h e ' c h a i n s ' o f t h e t e c h n o

c r a t i c a p p r o a c h a n d t h e ' d a m n - i t - a l l ' a t t i t u d e w h i c h g r e a t l y d e v a l u e s t h e

i d e a s h e ( a n d o t h e r s ) p r o d u c e d l o n g a g o ? I n f a c t, t h e y r e i n f o r c e o n e

a n o t h e r , a n d t h e i r j o i n t p r a i s e b y a n a d m i r i n g p u b l i c is w o r t h c o n s i d e r i n g .

Mus t w e now rev i l e a sha l low and ignoran t e ra , a s o the rs do? I w i l l no t

fo l low suc h a fac il e rou t e . I t i s on ly t o be exp ec t ed th a t som e pe op le p l ay

* Transl. note: T h e t erm p u i s s an ce i n Fren c h co n ve ys th e i d ea o f th e i n h eren t en ergy an d

v i ta l force o f th e p eo p l e , a s op p o s ed to th e i n s t i tu t i on s o f p ow er ( p ou vo i r ) . M af fes o l i

mak es a c l ear d i s t i n c t i on b etween th es e two terms , b o th o f wh i ch are u s u a l l y ren d ered a s

p ow er i n E n g l i s h . I h av e ch o s en to l eave th e t erm p u i s s an ce i n th e or i g i n al Fre n ch , i n

ord er to ma i n ta i n th i s d i s t i n c t i on .



2

THE TIME OF THE TRIBES

the foo l fo r ha rd -p r e s s ed jo urn a l i s t s ; a f te r a l l , t ha t t oo is pa r t o f t he soc i al

fab r i c . Bu t o the rs may have d i f fe ren t ambi t i ons : t o speak to t hose w ho

w ish to t h ink fo r t hemse lve s and w ho f ind in such and such a book o r

a n a l y s i s a s p r i n g b o a r d , a l l o w i n g t h e m t o e p i p h a n i z e t h e i r o w n t h o u g h t s .

N a i v e , p e r h a p s ? P r e t e n t i o u s ? O n l y t i m e w i l l t e l l . A n d o n l y a f e w i n f o r m e d

minds a re ab l e - j us t - t o see w ha t t he fu tu re ho lds .

T h u s ,

t h e amb i t i on o f t h i s bo ok i s t o addr e ss it s el f my s t e r iou s ly , w i th

ne i the r f a l se s impl i c i t y nor use l e s s complex i ty , t o t he communi ty o f minds

w h o ,

o u t s i d e o f c h a p e l s , c o t e r i e s a n d s y s t e m s , c a n c o n c e i v e o f M o n t a i g n e ' s

' h o m m e r i e ' * w h i c h is a l s o t o b e t h e i r f a t e . T h e s e a r e c e r t a in l y o p e n m i n d s

a s w e l l , fo r a s w e sha l l s ee , t he s inuous j ourney to come w i l l r equ i re a

c e r t a i n m a s t e r y o f o n e ' s t h o u g h t s . T h e

freischwebe nde intelligentsia:

he re i s

a somew ha t i nsecure p rospec t , bu t one w i th some in t e re s t fo r t hose w i l l i ng

to g ive t h i s adven tu re i t s due . In shor t , I have abso lu t e ly no w i sh to w r i t e

the so r t o f books t ha t , i n t he w ords o f G eorges Ba ta i l l e , ' appea l t o t he

faci li ty o f t he i r r e ad e r s . . . [ t hose bo ok s w hich ] a re en jo yed m os t o f t en by

v a g u e a n d w e a k m i n d s s e e k i n g t o e s c a p e a n d t o s l e e p '

(Oeuvres completes,

v o l .

8 , p . 583) .

I t i s no t s imply a qu es t io n o f f ram e o f m ind , bu t r a th e r o f p ro ce du re ,

w hich w ould be use fu l t o p rov ide s ince t he d i sc ip l ine ' s t r ad i t i ona l fo rma t

w i l l no t be re spec t ed . O f course , t h i s means i t w i l l no l onge r be poss ib l e t o

supp ly t he usua l degree o f i n t e l l e c tua l r e a s su rance . The ob jec t o f s tudy

i tse lf de m an d s th i s t r an sgr e ss io n ; i nd ee d , it i s i nc rea s ing ly an acc ep t ed fact

tha t the soc ia l exis tence under s tudy does not eas i ly lend i t se l f to a

d i s t i l l a t i o n o f c o n c e p t s . L e t u s r a t h e r l e a v e t h a t j o b t o t h e a c a d e m i c b e a n -

co un te rs wh o m ain ta i n a sc ienti f ic a i r wh i le c lass ify ing w ha t by r ights

shou ld be long to each o f us . Whe the r t hey make the d iv i s ion by c l a s s ,

soc io -p ro fe s s iona l c a t egor i e s , po l i t i c a l v i ew s o r any o the r

a priori

d e t e r m i

n a t i o n s , it is n o l o n g e r o f m u c h i m p o r t a n c e . T o u s e a r a t h e r c r u d e t e r m ,

wh ich I sha l l con t inu a l ly t ry to m ak e expl ic i t - t o se t do w n for a l l to see - 1

sha l l t ry t o ma in t a in a 'ho l i s t i c ' pe r spe c t iv e : a con s t an t r eve rs ib i l it y u n i t i ng

the ( soc i a l and na tu ra l ) w ho le w i th t he va r ious e l ement s (mi l i eux and

pe rso ns ) o f w hich i t i s con s t i t u t ed . P ro cee d in g f rom th i s pe r spe c t ive w i ll

a m o u n t t o g r a s p i n g b o t h e n d s o f t h e r o p e a t o n c e : o n t h e o n e e n d , a n

exis tent ia l ontology; on the o ther , the s imples t of t r iv ia l i t i es , the f i rs t

sh in ing a l a se r l i gh t on the d ive rse man i fe s t a t i ons o f t he second . 1

I t i s c l e a r t ha t from the pe rs pec t ive o f ' s ep a r a t i on ' , w h ich s ti ll r e t a i ns a

d o m i n a n t r o l e , t h i s p r o c e d u r e is d i s q u i e t i n g , a n d i t w o u l d b e p r e f e r a b l e t o

t a k e e i t h e r a m o n o g r a p h i c o r d e l i b e r a t e ly t h e o r e t ic a l a p p r o a c h . H o w e v e r ,

I wi l l l eave as ide the in te l lec tua l p leasure a fforded by each of these

a t t i t u d e s , c o n f i d e n t i n t h e f a c t t h a t c e r t a i n O u t d a t e d ' c o n s i d e r a t i o n s m a y

be pe r fec t ly adequa te t o t he i r t ime . I w i l l r e fe r t o Lev i -S t rauss w ho show ed

tha t t he c l a s s i ca l d iv i s ion be tw een magic and sc i ence shou ld no t be

e x a g g e r a t e d , a n d t h a t b y i ts e m p h a s i s o n ' t a n g i b l e p e r c e p t i o n s ' , m a g i c

* Transl. note:

the qual i ty of ma n.



B Y

WAY OF

IN T R O D U C T I O N

3

played a considerable role in the progress of science. 2 For my part, I will

try to push such a comparison to its logical limits, or at the very least, to

apply it to other types of near-polarities. I will explain myself more fully on

this point in the final chapter, but it seems to me that herein lies a fertile

paradox. It allows us to appreciate fully the social configurations which are

increasingly the product of a synergistic relationship formerly seen in its

constitutive parts.

The antinomy of serious scholarship and common sense seems to be a

given. Naturally, serious scholarship has tended to regard common sense

as infirm: when it is not qualified as 'false consciousness', it is at best

defective. The scorn heaped on the anima Candida is the touc hst one of the

intellectual atti tud e. I hav e alrea dy written on this ph en om en on ; I would

now like to show how it can account for our failure to understand what, for

lack of a better term, we shall call life. To refer to life in general terms

carries with it a certain amount of risk. It can lead in particular to vague

illusions; but in so far as we can flesh out this consideration of 'tangible

per cep tio ns' , it will be possible to explo re a conc rete existen ce far rem ove d

from dise mbo die d ratio cinat ions. At the same tim e, it is imp ort ant to

preserve the ability to venture into deeper waters; we will thus be able to

'invent' new lands by applying the general principle. These are the stakes

of the synergy in question: to

propose

a va ga bo nd sociology which at the

sa me time is no t depr ive d of its ob jec t.

The reversible movement between formism and empathy can also

account for the current shift in importance from an essentially

mechanical

social order towards a complex, predominantly organic stru ctur e. We are

witnessing the usurping of linear History by the restorative myth; there is a

return to a vitalism whose varied modulations I will attempt to show. The

different terms evoked are all linked: organicity refers to Bergson's

elan

vital or life principle. Let us not forget, it was he who proposed the idea of

direct intuition in order to account for it. Scheler and Simmel also shared a

similar vision of the unicity of life.

3

I will return frequently to such a

consi derat ion si nce, aside from allowing us to und ers tan d the East ern

panvitalism at work in many small contemporary groups, it also accounts

for the emotional and the 'affectual' dimensions that structure them as

such. The reason for the above-mentioned caution becomes clear: the fact

that the social dynamic no longer follows the same paths as modernity does

not mean that such paths no longer exist. Moreover, following the

anthropological path I have indicated puts us in a better position to show

tha t a qua si-a nim al life is dee ply em be dd ed in the vari ous manifes tations of

sociality. This explains the emphasis on reliance,* an d on th e religiosity

which is an essential ingredient in the tribalism we shall be considering.

Transl.

note:

r e l i a nce

is a

t e rm Ma f f e so l i bo rro ws f ro m

M.

B o l l e

de Bai.

Et y mo lo g ica l ly

spea k ing , t h i s neo lo g i sm der iv es f ro m th e verb re l ier : to co nnec t , l ink or b ind t o g e t her .

Maffeso l i la ter re la tes this term to re l ig ion ( re l igare ) .



4

T H E T I M E OF THE TRIB ES

Without in any way attempting to insert some sort of doctrinal content

into the pre sen t discussion, it is possible to speak of the deve lopm en t of a

genuinely holy dimension to social relationships that Dürkheim, in his

positiv ist way , called the 'social div ine '. This is how for my pa rt I

understand sociality's

puissance

which, by abs ten tio n, silence and rus e, is

the opposite of the politico-economic power. I will finish discussion of this

first approach with an insight from the cabbala, for whom these 'forces'

(Sefirot)* constitute the divinity. According to Scholem, these powers are

the prim ord ial el em ent s 'up on which all reality is founde d'; thus 'life flows

externally and vitalizes creation while remaining at the same time deeply

internal, and the secret rhythm of its movement, of its pulse, is the law of

the dynamics of nature' . 4 This small apologia sums up what to me appears

to be the role of sociality: above and beyond the instituted forms that still

exist and someti mes pred omi na te, the re is an informal und erg rou nd

cen tra lity t hat a ssures the perd urab ili ty of life in soci ety. It is to this realit y

we should turn: we are not used to it and our analytical tools may be rather

rusty. Nevertheless, many clues, which I am attempting to formalize in this

book, point us in this direction. These are the stakes for the decades to

come. As we know, it is only post festum that recognition daw ns; even so,

we mus t mainta in a certai n clarity and dispose of unnece ssar y intellectua l

impediments in order to hasten this insight.

2 . Th e qu omodo

It is indeed necessary, in so far as is possible, to adjust our ways of thinking

to the (re)born objects we are to examine. Must we then speak of a

Copernican revolution? Perhaps, however we must add a healthy dose of

relativism, if only to be mo re receptive to new d ev el op me nt s.

5

At first, in order to counter an attitude prevalent in modernity, it may

pe rh aps be nece ssary to accep t ourse lves as dep rive d of any p ur po se ,

denying any association with the practical, refusing to participate in any

inst rum ent al kno wle dge. Wit h this in min d, it is useful to recall th e

example, now strangely forgotten, of the founding fathers of sociology

wh o, acco rding to Nisbe t - that able historia n of the discipline - 'ne ver

ceased being artists'. Neither should it be forgotten that the ideas which

may later be structured in theory are primarily the product of 'imagination,

vision, intuition' . 6 T he advice is well ta ken , for this is ho w, at the tu rn of

the century, the authors now part of the canon were able to present their

pertinent and numerous social analyses. If only by force of circumstance,

that is, when conf ron ted with so me sort of social renewal - a new society -

it becomes important to put into practice a certain theoretical ' laxness',

Transl. note:

In the J ewish mystical tr adition, the ten eman at ions or powers of G od the

C r e a t o r .



BY

WAY OF

I N T R O D U C T I O N

5

without, of course, as I have indicated, abdicating our obligation to think,

or succumbing to laziness or intellectual fatuousness. In the comprehensive

tradition, to which I subscribe, one always proceeds by approximate truths.

This is all the more important when one's focus is the realm of everyday

life. In this aspect, more than any other, we need not concern ourselves

with discoverin g th e ult ima te tru th . Tr ut h is rela tive, an offshoot of the

situation. This is a complex 'Situationism', since the observer is simul

taneously, if only partially, implicated in the situation he is describing.

Competence and appetence go hand in hand; hermeneutics supposes that

we are a part of what we describe; requires a 'certain community of

ou t look ' . 7 Ethnologists and anthropologists have consistently emphasized

this phenomenon, so it is time to apply it to the realities at hand.

Just as the newb or n is fragile, uncer tai n, imperfect, our appr oac h must

possess the same qualities. This goes far in explaining its apparent

slightness; a shifting terrain requires quick movements; there is therefore

no sh am e in 'surfing' ove r the waves of socia lity. It is in fact a jud ici ous a nd

highly efficacious way to proceed. In this respect, the use of metaphor is

qui te pert inen t: asi de from its pe di gr ee and th e fact that it has pla yed a part

in all times of intellectual ferment, the use of metaphor permits those

precise crystallizations of approximate and momentary truths. It has been

said that Beethoven found inspiration for his most glorious musical phrases

among the masses. Why should we not set down our score with the same

source in mind?

Just like the person who dons masks in the theatre of everyday life,

sociality is structurally de cep tive, unknowable - which explains the confusion

of the scholars, politicians and journalists who find it turning up

elsewhere,

after believing they had alrea dy pinne d it do wn . Backtr acki ng hastily, the

most honest among them will surreptitiously change theories to produce a

new, systematic and comprehensive explanation of this phenomenon.

Would it not be better, as I was saying, to make common cause and

practise the same deceptive strategy? Instead of attacking head-on through

positivizing or criticizing a fleeting social reality, it would be wiser to

ap pr oa ch stea lthil y, from th e side. Thi s is th e prac tice of a pop hat ic

theology: we can only know God indirectly. Thus, rather than trying to

fool ourselves into thinking we can seize, explain and exhaust an object, we

must be content to describe its shape, its movements, hesitations, accom

pli shm ent s and its var iou s convul sion s. Bu t, as they ar e all of a pie ce, this

strategy could also be applied to the various instruments traditionally used

in our disciplines, holding onto those which remain useful, but also

overcoming their rigidity. In this way, it would be desirable to do the same

as that oth er outs ider , Ervi ng Goff man, wh o inve nted conce pts, although

he preferred 'old words used in new ways or in new intriguing com

binations over clumsy neologisms' . 8

Favouring 'mini-concepts' or ideas

over established certainties may be surprising; however, I believe that it is

the proof of an intellectual outlook which most closely follows the bumpy

route taken by all social life.



6

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

3 . Overture

These are the wide brushstrokes filling the canvas of the various sociological

con sidera tions to follow. Th e amb ien ce of an era , and perforc e the

ambience of scholarship, covers a period of years. Interim results were

tested on various colleagues and young researchers in France, as well as in

man y foreign unive rsities . Th e amb ien ce is built on a fundame ntal

paradox: the constant interplay between the growing massification and the

development of micro-groups, which I shall call 'tribes'.

This appears to me the founding tension characterizing sociality at the

end of the twentieth century. The masses, or the people - not to be

confused with the proletariat or other classes - are not posited on a logic of

identity; without any precise goals, they are not the subjects of historical

movement. As for the metaphor of the tribe, it allows us to account for the

process of disindividuation, the saturation of the inherent

function

of th e

individual and the emphasis on the role that each person {persona) is cal led

up on to play within th e tribe . It is of cou rse unde rs tood tha t, just as the

mass es are in a state of pe rpe tual sw arm , the tribes that crystallize from

these masses are unstable, since the persons of which these tribes are

constituted are free to move from one to the other.

The following list explains the shift under way and its resultant tension:

Social Sociality

Mechanical structure Complex or organic structure

(Modernity) (Post-modernity)

Political-economic organization Masses

(Cultural, productive, religious, sexual, ideological domains)

It is as a function of this do ub le hypoth esi s (shift and ten sion) th at , true

to form, I will incorporate various theoretical readings and empirical

research which seem to me to contribute to the present discussion.* As I

hav e indi cate d, the re is no reas on to disc rimi nate , and apa rt from

sociological, philosophical and anthropological works, the novel, poetry or

anecdotes also play their part. The essential task will be to highlight several

forms, which are per hap s 'un rea l' , but which help in the com pre hen sio n, in

* There is an exoteric as well as an esoteric aspect to any inquiry, expressed by the critical

a p p a r a t u s . In order to avoid overloading the body of the text, the apparatus describing my

views has been put at the back of the book. Aside from their illustrative role, these

references may also encourage the reader's own research.

Individuals

(function)

Contractual groups

versus

Persons

(role)

Affectual tribes



BY

WAY OF

IN T R O D U C T I O N

7

the strictest sense of the word, of the multiplicity of situations, experi

ences, logical and non-logical actions that constitute sociality.

A mo ng the forms to be anal yse d, the re is of cou rse the tribalism which

lies at the he ar t of this work. Ar oun d this cen tral t he me , I shall be

discussing forms such as the emotional community, puissance and the

sociality from which tribalism springs. Following on from the question of

triba lism, I will touch on such forms as polyc ultura lism and pro xem ics ,

which are its consequences. I am proposing,

in fine,

a theoretica l ' met ho d'

to serve as a guide through the confusion surrounding tribalism.

There is, to be sure, a certain monotony to the subjects under consider

ation, as well as redundancy. This is an apt description of the 'obsessive

image s' to be found in any literary, poetic or cine matog raph ic end eav our .

Each era hauntingly repeats multiple variations on a few familiar themes.

Thus, the same preoccupations can be seen in every form we examine; only

the ang le of app roac h is ch ange d. I ho pe in this way to be able to account

for the polychromatic aspect of the social entity. In a remarkable attack on

the causal machinery, Gilbert Durand mentions the 'theory of the recital '

which is adva nce d as the most ade qu at e way of translatin g the redu ndan cy

of the mythical narra tive , its dou blet s and va ri an ts. 9 This theory meshes

nicely with the everyday knowledge I am attempting to explain. It is

limited to seeking out and re-citing the efflorescence and the recurring

ho dg e- po dg e of a vitalism that is battl ing with the anguish of dea th in a

cyclical, self -per pet uati ng way .

Ho we ve r, this ra the r aestheti c the ory of the recital is no t desi gned for

those who think it is possible to shed light on men's actions, much less is it

for those who, confusing knowledge and politics, believe action is possible.

It is rather a kind of quietism which is limited to recognizing that which is,

which occurs, in a sort of revaluing of the primum vivere. As I have said

before, these pages are directed at the 'happy few'. Acknowledging the

nobility of the masses and the tribes is limited to a certain aristocracy of the

mind; nevertheless, it is not the prerogative of a certain social class or

profession, much less a band of privileged specialists. Through speeches,

colloquia and discussions, I have discovered that such a cast of mind is

evenly distributed among a good number of students, social workers,

decision-makers and journalists, not forgetting of course those who can

simply be dee me d cu ltu red . It is to the se pe op le tha t I add ress this boo k,

which is bu t a me re intro duc tio n to wha t are further exp lor ati ons .

If thi s is a wo rk of fiction, th at is one which push es a certain logic to its

limits, this book 'invents' only that which already exists, preventing it, of

course, from proposing any solutions for the future. On the other hand, by

atte mpti ng to ask key que stio ns, this bo ok is atte mpti ng to spark op en ,

unwavering, honest debate.

In times of constant effervescence, certain stimulating impertinences are

req uir ed: I ho pe I hav e ma de my fair sha re. Utop ias be co me com mon

place; revived dreams bubble up to the surface. Who was it who said such

moments dreamed the next? Perhaps less in terms of projections than in

te rm s of fictions pieced toge ther from sca tte red fragm ents , inc omplete



8

T H E T I M E O F T H E TRIBES

c o n s t r u c t i o n s , v a r io u s l y s u c ce s sf u l a t t e m p t s . I t i s u n d o u b t e d l y w o r t h w h i l e

f a s h i o n i n g a n e w i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s e e v e r y d a y d r e a m s . D r e a m o n ,

s o c i o l o g y

Notes

1 . W e can s ee h er e an ap p roac h th a t wa s s h ared b y th i n k ers s u ch a s A . S ch u tz , G . H . M e ad

an d E . G of fm an n . O n th i s mat te r , I re fer to U . H an n erz , Exploring the City: inquiries toward

an Urban Anthropology,

N ew Yo rk , Co l u m b i a Un i ve rs i ty Pre s s , 1980 , ch . 6 , p art icu l ar ly

p . 221 for th e q u es t i on o f th i s com i n g an d go i n g mo ve m en t . O n e can a l s o c i t e P . B er ger a n d

T . L u c k m a n n ,

The Social Construction of Reality,

N e w Y o r k , A n c h o r B o o k s , 1 9 67 .

2 . C . L 6v i -S trau s s , The Savage Mind, L o n d o n , W e i d e n f e l d a n d N i c o l s o n , 1 9 6 8 , p . 11

et seq.

3 .

Μ . S ch el e r, The Nature of Sympathy, L o n d o n , R o u t l e d g e a n d K e g a n P a u l , 1 9 7 0 , p . 7 4 .

4 . G . S c h o l e m , La Mystique juive, Fren ch tran s l . Par i s ,

Cerf,

1985, p . 59 et seq.

5.

I h ave d ev o te d a b oo k to th i s q u es t i o n : M . M af f es o l i ,

La Connaissance ordinaire. Precis

de sociologie comprehensive, M er i d i en s K l i n ck s i eck , 1985 .

6 . R . N i s b et ,

The Sociological Tradition,

L o n d o n , H e i n e m a n n E d u c a t i o n a l , 1 9 7 0 , p . 1 8 .

7 . Cf . a cer ta i n com mu n i ty o f ou t l ook i n W . O u th w ai te , Understanding Social Life: the

Method Called Verstehen, L o n d o n , A l l e n a n d U n w i n , 1 9 7 5 .

8 . H a n n e r z ,

Exploring the City,

p . 209 .

9 . G . Du ran d , L a B e au te com m e p res en ce p arac l e t i q u e: e s s a i s u r l e s res u rge n ces d u n

b a s s in s e m a n t i q u e i n

Eranos,

1984 , vo l . 53 , Fran k fu rt am M ai n , I n s e l Ve r l ag , 1986 , p . 128 .

O n t h e q u e s t i o n o f o b s e s s i v e i m a g e s m e n t i o n e d a b o v e , c f. C . M a u r o n , Des Metaphores

obsedantes au my the personnel, Paris , J . Co rt i , 1962 .



1

TH E

E M O T I O N A L C O M M U N I T Y :

RESEARCH A R G U M E N T S

1 .

T h e a e s t h e t i c a u r a

A t t he r i sk o f sound ing dogma t i c , i t w i l l be nece ssa ry t o re tu rn regu la r ly t o

t h e p r o b l e m o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m , i f o n l y b e c a u s e i t o b s c u r e s , i n a m o r e o r l e s s

p e r t i n e n t w a y , t h e w h o l e o f c o n t e m p o r a r y t h i n k i n g . I n d i v i d u a l is m , e i t h e r

p r op e r l y spe ak in g o r in i t s de r iva t ive fo rm of na rc i s s i sm , i s c en t ra l t o m an y

b o o k s , a r t i c l e s a n d t h e s e s w h i c h , n a t u r a l l y e n o u g h , t a k e a p s y c h o l o g i c a l , a s

w e l l a s h i s to r i c a l , soc io log ica l o r po l i t i c a l pe r spec t ive . Th i s i s a k ind o f

ob l iga to ry r i t e o f pa ssage fo r t hose w i sh ing to bu i ld a know ledge o f

m o d e r n i t y . W h i l e c e r t a in l y n o t w i t h o u t it s u s e s , t h i s a p p r o a c h b e c o m e s

i n c r e a s i n g l y q u e s t i o n a b l e w h e n u s e d i n c o u n t l e s s n e w s p a p e r a r t i c l e s ,

po l i t i c a l speeches o r mora l pos tu r ings a s a k ind o f mag ica l key to

u n d e r s t a n d i n g . S o - c a l l e d e x p e r t s , u n t r o u b l e d b y c a u t i o n o r s c h o l a r l y

n u a n c e , d i s s e m i n a t e a b o d y o f c o n v e n t i o n a l , a n d s o m e w h a t d i s a s t r o u s ,

w i s d o m a b o u t t h e w i t h d r a w a l i n t o t h e

self,

t he end o f co l l e c t i ve i dea l s o r ,

t a ke n in i t s w id es t s en se , t h e pu b l i c sp he re . W e the n find ourse lve s face t o

face wi th a k ind of

doxa,

w h i c h m a y p e r h a p s n o t e n d u r e b u t w h i c h is

n e v e r t h e l e s s w i d e l y r e c e i v e d , a n d a t t h e v e r y l e a s t , h a s t h e p o t e n t i a l t o

m a s k o r d e n y t h e d e v e l o p i n g s o c i a l f o r m s o f t o d a y . W h i l e s o m e o f t h e s e

n e w f o r m s a r e q u i t e o b v i o u s , o t h e r s r e m a i n u n d e r g r o u n d ; m o r e o v e r , t h e

spe c t ac u la r a spec t o f t h e fo rm er l e ad s on e to d i smiss t h em a s i r re l eva n t , a

c r i t ic i sm tha t se em s to f lour ish du r in g t im es of c r i s i s . T hi s of co ur se p av es

t h e w a y f o r t h e l a z y t e n d e n c y i n h e r e n t i n a n y

doxa.

I d o n ' t i n t e n d t o c o n f r o n t t h e q u e s t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m h e a d - o n ;

h o w e v e r I w i ll b e r e g u l a r l y a d d r e s s i n g it α contrario. T h e m a in th ru s t o f my

a r g u m e n t s w i l l b e t o s h o w , t o d e s c r i b e a n d t o a n a l y s e t h e s o c i a l c o n

figura tions t h a t s e em to go b ey on d ind iv id ua l i sm , i n o t he r w or ds , t h e

unde f ined mass , t he face l e s s c row d and the t r i ba l i sm cons i s t i ng o f a

p a t c h w o r k o f s m a l l l o c a l e n t i t i e s . T h e s e a r e o f c o u r s e m e t a p h o r s t h a t a i m

ab ov e a l l t o a cce n t ua t e t he un t id y a spec t of soc i a l i t y . H e re on ce aga in w e

may turn to the emblemat ic f igure of Dionysus . In the guise of f ic t ion, I

i n t e n d t o a s s u m e t h a t t h e c a t e g o r y t h a t h a s s e r v e d u s w e l l o v e r t w o

cen tu r i e s o f soc i a l ana ly s i s i s co m ple t e ly ex ha us t e d . I t i s o f t en sa id t h a t

t ru th i s s t r an ge r t han fic tion; l e t us t he re fo re t ry t o m ea su re up to t h e t r u th .

P e r h a p s w e o u g h t t o s h o w , a s c e r t a i n n o v e l i s t s h a v e , t h a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l i s

no longe r a s c en t ra l a s t he g rea t ph i losophe rs s ince t he age o f t he



10

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBES

Enlightenment have maintained. This naturally represents a bias, but one

that I will adopt in any case, clarifying it along the way with notations,

rem ark s or anecdo tes which, while impe rtin ent , will not be unfo und ed.

Beckett's plays shatter our illusions of the individual in control of himself

and his desti ny. In a par oxy sma l* and pr em on it or y way, he show s the

contin gent an d ephe mer al n atu re of all individualism and underli nes the

factitiousness inherent in the process of individuation which can only lead

to a pri son . Individualis m is an ou td at ed bun ke r and as such deser ves

ab an do nm en t, according to the playwright. This attitu de is not without its

stimulating originality in an era where the consensus likes its thinking

ready-made. Of course, this view must have escaped many of his sycophants;

bu t it is nev ert hel ess in perfect c ongru enc e with the ancie nt wisdom that

sees every individual as the single link [puntum] in an uni nte rrup ted chain,

multifaceted and microcosmic, the crystallization and expression of th e

general macrocosm. Here we can recognize the idea of the persona, the

changeable mask which blends into a variety of scenes and situations whose

only value resides in the fact that they are played out by the many.

The multiplicity of the self and the communal ambience it induces will

serve as a backcloth to these reflections. I have proposed calling this the

'aesthetic paradigm', in the sense of fellow-feeling. Indeed, whereas the

individualist logic is founded on a se pa ra te and self-contained iden tity, the

pe rso n (p ers ona) can only find fulfilment in his rela tion s with ot he rs .

Gilbe rt Du ra nd , in looking at several mo der n autho rs (Th om as Ma nn ,

William Faulkner) speaks from a sociological perspective in which we exist

only in the 'minds of others'. 1 Such a point of view obliges us to go beyond

the classical subj ect/objec t d ich otomy that is fundam ent al to the ent ire

bour geoi s philosophy. T he accent is then on that which unit es, rathe r than

tha t which sepa ra te s. No longer is my per sonal history based on a

contra ctual arr ang eme nt with other ration al individuals; rath er it is a myth

in which I am an active par tic ipa nt. H er oe s, saints or em bl em ati c figures

may be rea l, how eve r they exist mo re or less as ideal typ es, em pty 'f o rm s' ,

matrices in which we may all recognize ourselves and commune with

oth ers . Dio nys us, Don Ju an , the Christian saint or Gree k her o - we could

go on and on listing the mythical figures and social types that enable a

common 'aesthetic' to serve as a repository of our collective

self-

expression. The multiplicity inherent in a given symbol inevitably favours

the emergence of a strong collective feeling. Peter Brown put his finger on

the question when he analysed the cult of the saint of late Antiquity. 2 By

cre atin g a chain of int erm ed iar ies , this cult allowe d on e to reac h God. Th e

fragmented persona and the specific links represented by the saints are thus

the main elements forming the deity and the ecclesiastical collective that

serves as its vector.

We may apply this analysis to our research: there are times when the

social 'divine' is em bo di ed in a collective emo tio n t hat recognize s itself in

Transl. note: Maffesoli uses this term througho ut to mean 'ext reme ' or 'acute'.



T H E E M O T I O N A L

COMMUNITY

11

one or another typification. In this scenario, the proletariat and the

bou rge ois ie could be 'histo rical subjec ts' with a task to accompli sh. A

certain scientific, artistic or political genius could deliver a message

indicating the path to follow; however, they could remain abstract and

inaccessible entities, setting a goal to be achieved. In contrast, the mythical

type has the simpl e role of colle ctor , a pu re 'c on ta ine r' . Its sole pu rpos e is

to express, for a precise moment in time, the collective spirit. This is the

main distinction to be drawn between abstract, rational periods and

'em pa the tic ' peri ods of history. Th e ration al era is built on th e principle of

individuation and of separation, whereas the empathetic period is marked

by the lack of diffe renti ation , the 'lo ss' in a collective subjec t: in ot he r

words, what I shall call neo-tribalism.

There are many examples in our everyday life to illustrate the emotional

amb ien ce exu ded by tribal de vel opm en t. Mo re ov er , it is not ewor thy that

such examples are no longer shocking to us: they are a part of the urban

landscape. The many punk or 'paninari '* looks, which are the expressions

of group uniformity and conformity, are like so many punctuations in the

pe rm an en t spectacle offered to us by the co nte mp ora ry megalo polis. W ith

respect to the tendency to examine the orientation of existe nce evid ent in

the cities of the West , on e may be remin ded of Aug usti ne Be rq ue 's

analysis of the 'sympathetic' relationship between the self and the other in

Ja pa n. Such a wea k de ma rc at ion - to the poi nt of indistinguishab ility, even

between the self and the other, the subject and the object, gives pause for

reflection. The idea of the extensibility of the self ('a relative and

extensible ego') may be a pertinent methodological tool for understanding

the contemporary scene. 3 It is almost not wor th men tio nin g the fascination

that Japan holds for us today; nor is it necessary to refer to its economic or

technological su prem acy in or de r to und ers cor e the fact tha t, althou gh

distinction

is pe rh ap s appl icab le to mo de rn it y, it is by con tras t totally

inadequate in explaining the varied forms of social groupings that are today

at th e foref ront. Th ei r out lines ar e ill-defined: sex, ap pe ar an ce , lifestyles -

even ideology - are increasingly qualified in terms ('trans', 'meta') that go

be yo nd th e logic of iden tity and /or binary logic. Briefly, and taking the

terms in their most accepted sense, we can say that we are witnessing the

tendency for a rationalized 'social' to be replaced by an empathetic

'socia lity', which is exp res sed by a succession of am bi ence s, feelings and

emotions.

For exa mp le, it is interes ting to no te that the Ger ma n Ro ma nt ic idea of

Stimmung (a tmo sp he re ) is mo re and mo re often used on the on e han d to

describe relations between social micro-groups, and on the other to show

the way these groups are situated in spatial terms (ecology, habitat,

neighbourhood). The same holds true for the constant use of the term

'feeling'** to describe interpersonal relationships. It will be a useful

Transl. note: A kind of Italian prep py, or as the French wou ld say, 'bon chic, bon genre'.

Transl. note: Thi s word appears in Engli sh in the text .



12

T H E

T I M E OF THE TRIBES

criterion for measuring the quality of the exchanges, for deciding on how

far and how deep they go. If we are referring to a rational organizational

mo de l, the most unst abl e noti on we can emp loy is sen tim ent . In fact, it

seems necessary to make a change in the way we consider social groupings;

in this respect, Max Weber's socio-historical analysis of the 'emotional

communi ty ' (Gemeinde) can be pu t to good use. H e specifies that this

em oti onal comm un ity is in fact a 'ca teg ory ', that is, som eth ing that has

never existed in its own right but that can shed light on present situations.

The major characteristics attributed to these emotional communities are

their ephemeral aspect; 'changeable composition'; 'ill-defined nature'; local

flavour; the ir 'lack of or ganiza tio n' and rou tin iza tion (Veralltäglichung).

We be r also poin ts ou t tha t we find the se grou ping s un de r ma ny different

names, in all religions and in general, alongside the rigidity of institutions.

4

In the ete rnal rid dle of the chic ken and the egg , it is difficult to de te rm in e

which comes first; however, his analysis makes clear that the link between

shared emotion and open communal relationships leads to this multiplicity

of groups which manage, at the end of the day, to form a rather solid social

arr ang eme nt. This adju stme nt, like a co mm on thr ead throug h the social

fabric, is no less pe rm an en t for all tha t. Per ma ne nc y and instability are the

two poles around which the emotional will navigate.

It should be po in te d out right away that the em ot ion in quest ion is no t to

be confused with any common or garden pathos. It seems to me a mistake

to interpret the Dionysian values, to which this thematic refers, as the

ultimate manifestation of a collective bourgeois activism. According to this

inte rpr etat ion , the co mm on march towa rds the Enli ght enm ent came first,

followed by the attempt to master nature and technology, and culminating

in the coor din at ed or che stra tion of social affects. Bu t this pers pect ive is far

too closed or dialectical; of course, certain examples, such as the paradigm

rep res ent ed by 'Club Med ', may lead to this conclusion. Neve rthe less, this

analysis must be careful to consider the fact that the key characteristics

of the group attitude are its expenditure, the notion of chance and

disindividuation.

This does not allow us to regard the emotional community as yet another

stop along the pathetic and linear march of the history of humanity. I was

much drawn to this point through conversations I had with the Italian

philosopher Mario Perniola. 5 To ext end his work from a sociological p oin t

of view, I would say that the aesthetic of the 'we' is a mixture of

indifference and periodic bursts of energy. In a paradoxical way, we exhibit

singular disdain for any projectivist attitude, and experience an undeniable

intensity in whatever action we take. Thus can be characterized the

impersonal nature of proxemics.

Dürkheim underlined this fact also, and although he retains his wonted

caution, he still speaks of the 'social nature of sentiments' and shows its

effectiveness. 'We are indignant together,' he writes, referring to the

prox imit y of the ne ighbou rhoo d and its mys ter ious, format ive 'force of

att rac tio n'. It is within this fram ework tha t passion is exp res sed , co mm on



T H E

E M O T I O N A L

COMMUNITY

13

beliefs are developed and the search for 'those who feel and think as we do'

takes place.

6

Th ese rem ar ks , ordi nary as they may ap pe ar, are applicable

to many objects, and reinforce the insurmountable nature of the everyday

subs tra te. This is the matr ix from which all rep res en ta tio ns are crystallized:

the exchange of feelings, conversation in the restaurant or shop, popular

beliefs, world views and other insubstantial chit-chat which constitute the

solidarity of the community's existence. Contrary to what has been

previously considered good form, we can agree on the fact that reason

plays only a small part in the formation and expression of opinions. Their

expression, whether by the early Christians or the socialist workers of

the nineteenth century, owes considerably more to the mechanisms

responsible for the spread of commonly held feelings or emotions.

Whether in the context of the network of tiny convivial cells or at a

favourite local pub, the collective emotion becomes concrete, playing on

the multiple facets of what Montaigne called the 'hommerie': that blend of

greatness and turpitude, generous ideas and venal thoughts, of idealism

and convinc ed worldliness - in a wor d: ma n.

Ne ve rt he le ss, it is precisely this mixtu re tha t assure s a form of solida rity,

of continuity across the various histories of humanity. I have previously

mentioned the community of destiny that sometimes may find expression

within the framework of a rational and/or political project but that at

others takes the more hazy and ill-defined path of the collective sensibility.

In this latt er case , the emp ha sis is pla ced on the dis or der ed as pect of the

small group which, in interaction with other forms of organisation,

guarantees the perdurability of the species. The first case produces what

Ha lb wa ch s calls th e 'view from with ou t', which is His tor y, and the sec ond ,

the 'view from within', or collective memory.

7

T o stre tch this pa ra do x even further, the collective me mo ry is on the on e

hand tied to the immediate surroundings and, on the other, transcends the

group itself, which is located in a long 'line' that we can take either stricto

sensu or from an imagi nary per spe cti ve. In any cas e, wha tev er we call it

(emotion, sentiment, mythology, ideology) the collective sensibility, by

superseding the atomization of the individual, creates the conditions necess

ary for a sort of aura tha t characteri zes a certain pe riod: the theological au ra

of the Middle Ages, the political aura of the eighteenth century or the

progressive aura of the nineteenth. We might possibly be witnessing

the development of an

aesthetic

aur a conta ining varying pro por tion s

of elements related to the communal drive, mystical propensity or an

ecological pers pec tive. Howe ve r it shou ld app ea r, ther e is a strong link

between these various terms; each in its own way takes into account the

organicity of things, the glutinum mundi from whic h, des pite (or bec aus e

of) such diversity, a whole emerges. This organic sense of solidarity

express es itself in a mu lt it ud e of ways , and it is sure ly from thi s ang le t hat

we must interpret the resurgence of the occult, syncretism and, more

commonly, a heightened appreciation of the spiritual or astrological. This

latte r ph en om en on especially is no long er the exclusive pre ser ve of the



14


c r e d u l o u s o r n a i v e . R e s e a r c h e r s a r e n o w fin din g a d o u b l e l a y e r o f m e a n i n g

a t t a c h e d t o a s t r o l o g y , b o t h c u l t u r a l a n d n a t u r a l . G i l b e r t D u r a n d h a s s h o w n

ho w ind iv idua l ly cen t red a s t r o log y is o f r e l a t i ve ly rece n t o r ig in , fo r

c l a s s i ca l a s t ro logy ' conce rned i t s e l f above a l l w i th t he

destiny of the group ,

o f t h e e a r t h l y d o m a i n ' .

8

Ast rology can be p laced in an ecologica l perspec t ive ,

rep re sen ted by the ' house s ' w h ich p red i spose a l l o f us t o l i ve i n a na tu ra l

a n d s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t . W i t h o u t g o i n g t o o d e e p l y i n t o t h e m a t t e r , w e m a y

n o t e t h a t i t h a s s o m e t h i n g o f t h e a e s t h e t i c a u r a

(aisthetikos)

w h ich i s foun d

i n t h e u n i o n , h o w e v e r t e n u o u s , o f t h e m a c r o c o s m a n d t h e m i c r o c o s m s , a n d

t h e u n i o n b e t w e e n t h e s e m i c r o c o s m s . W h a t s h o u l d b e r e m e m b e r e d f r o m

th i s an d re l a t ed e xa m ple s is t ha t t hey se rve t o reve a l t h e ho l is t i c c l ima te

unde r ly ing the re su rgence o f so l ida r i t y and the o rgan ic i t y o f a l l t h ings .

T h u s ,

d e s p i t e t h e c o n n o t a t i o n a l l t o o o f te n a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e m , e m o t i o n o r

sens ib i l i t y mus t i n some w ay be t r e a t ed a s a b l end o f ob j ec t iv i t y and

s u b j e c t i v i t y . I n m y e x a m i n a t i o n o f t h e q u e s t i o n o f p r o x e m i c s ( c f . C h a p t e r

6 ) ,

I p r o p o s e c a l l i n g t h i s a m a t e r i a l s p i r i t u a l i t y , a s o m e w h a t G o t h i c

e x p r e s s i o n t h a t r e f e r s t o w h a t B e r q u e t e r m e d , i n r e f e r r i n g t o t h e e f f e c t i v e

n e s s o f t h e m i l i e u , t h e ' t r a n s u b j e c t i v e ' ( s u b j e c t i v e a n d o b j e c t i v e ) r e l a t i o n

s h i p . I t i s i n de ed t im e to no t e t ha t t h e binary logic of separation t ha t on ce

p r e d o m i n a t e d i n a ll d o m a i n s i s n o l o n g e r a p p l i c a b l e a s s u c h . T h e s o u l a n d

t h e b o d y , m i n d a n d m a t t e r , t h e i m a g i n a t i o n a n d e c o n o m i c s , i d e o l o g y a n d

produc t ion - t he l i s t cou ld go on - a re no longe r seen a s comple t e

o p p o s i t e s . I n f a c t , t h e s e e n t i t i e s , a n d t h e m i n u s c u l e c o n c r e t e s i t u a t i o n s

t h e y r e p r e s e n t , c o m e t o g e t h e r t o p r o d u c e a d a y - t o - d a y lif e t h a t m o r e a n d

m o r e r e s i s t s t h e s i m p l i s t i c t a x o n o m y t o w h i c h w e h a d b e e n a c c u s t o m e d b y

a c e r t a i n r e d u c t i o n i s t p o s i t i v i s m . T h e i r s y n e r g y p r o d u c e s t h e c o m p l e x

soc ie ty tha t i s deserving of i t s own complex ana lys is . The 'mul t id imensiona l

a n d t h e i n s e p a r a b l e ' , to b o r r o w M o r i n ' s p h r a s e ,

9

t a k e u s i n t o a ' c o n t i n u o u s

l o o p '

w hich w i l l r ende r ou t o f da t e t he t r anqu i l and t e r r i b ly bor ing

p r a c t i c e s o f t h e a c c o u n t a n t s o f k n o w l e d g e .

Wi th t he nece ssa ry p recau t ions and c l a r i f i c a t i ons ou t o f t he w ay , i t

b e c o m e s p o s s i b l e t o a t t r i b u t e t o t h e m e t a p h o r o f s e n s i b i l i t y o r c o l l e c t i v e

e m o t i o n a f u n c t i o n o f k n o w l e d g e . T h i s m e t h o d o l o g i c a l t o o l a l l o w s u s t o

t r a v e l t o t h e h e a r t o f t h e o r g a n i c i t y t h a t s o c h a r a c t e r i z e s t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y

u r b a n s c e n e . T h u s , t h e f o l l o w i n g a p o l o g i a b e c o m e s p o s s i b l e : ' I m a g i n e f o r a

moment t ha t t he Lord w i shes t o c a l l up to heaven a t yp i ca l house f rom

N a p l e s . B e f o r e h i s a m a z e d e y e s w o u l d a m a s s a c o l u m n o f a l l t h e h o u s e s o f

N a p l e s , o n e b e h i n d t h e o t h e r , t r a i l i n g t h e i r l a u n d r y , c o m p l e t e w i t h s i n g i n g

w o m e n a n d n o is y c h i l d r e n . ' 1 0

T h i s i s t h e e m o t i o n t h a t c e m e n t s t h e w h o l e .

Th i s w hole may be made up o f a p lu ra l i t y o f e l ement s , bu t t he re i s a lw ays a

spec i f i c ambience un i t i ng them a l l .

A t f irst, e xp er ie nc e is l ived in i t s ow n r ight a nd th e scho la r ly ob se rv er

shou ld rea l i z e t h i s . To summar i ze , i t may be sa id t ha t t he ae s the t i c s o f

s e n t i m e n t a r e i n n o w a y c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y a n i n d i v i d u a l o r ' i n t e r i o r '

e x p e r i e n c e , b u t o n t h e c o n t r a r y , b y s o m e t h i n g e s s e n t i a l l y o p e n t o o t h e r s ,

t o t h e O t h e r . T h i s o v e r t u r e c o n n o t e s t h e s p a c e , t h e l o c a l e , t h e p r o x e m i c s



T H E

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of the common destiny. It is this which allows us to establish a close link

between the aesthetic matrix or aura and the ethical experience.

2 . Th e ethical expe rienc e

As I have already indicated, particularly when referring to ethical immoral-

ism, this term has nothing to do with the nondescript sort of moralism held

in such high regard these days. I will return to this question; however, in a

few words, let me say that I would contrast an abstract and overshadowing

mora lity with an ethic that wells up from a specific gr oup; it is fundamentally

empathetic and proxemical. History may promote a moral (political)

attitude, but space will favour an aesthetics and exude an ethics.

As we hav e see n, th e emo tion al comm uni ty is uns tab le, ope n, which

may render it in many ways anomic with respect to the established moral

or de r. A t the sam e ti me , it do es not fail to elicit a strict confo rmity am on g

its me mb er s. T he re is a 'law of th e milieu' th at is difficult to esca pe. Th e

more paroxysmal elements of this are well known: the Mafia, the

un de rw or ld ; but wh at is often fo rgo tten is that a similar confo rmity reigns

in the business world, the intellectual realm, and many others. Of course,

since in these different milieux the degree of belonging varies, fidelity to

the often unstated rules of the group shows just as many signs of

variab ility. Ho we ve r, it is difficult to ignore this confo rmity alt oge the r.

Wh at ev er the case, it is im po rta nt, in a non -no rma tiv e way, to appr ecia te

its effects, its richness and per ha ps its prosp ectiv e dime nsio n. In de ed , from

the point of view of the individualist

doxa

me nti on ed earlier, the persist

ence of a gr ou p et ho s is very often consid ere d a fading ana ch ron ism . It

wou ld seem tha t an evoluti on is un de r way toda y. Thu s, from th e small

productive groups best symbolized by Silicon Valley, up to what we call the

'groupism' operating within Japanese industry, it becomes clear that the

communal tendency can go hand-in-hand with advanced technological or

economic performance. Drawing on various studies that confirm this,

Berque notes that 'groupism differs from the herd instinct in that each

member of the group, consciously or otherwise, attempts above all to serve

the interests of the group, instead of simply seeking refuge there'. 1 1 The

term 'groupism' may not be particularly sonorous, but it does have the

mer it of unde rli nin g the str eng th of this pro ces s of identification which

allows for the att ach men ts that reinforce our co mm on bo nd s.

It is pe rh ap s pr em at ur e to ex tra po la te on the basis of a few isolate d

examples or from a particular situation such as that of Japan; however,

these examples are at least as relevant as those that give greater import

ance to th e cur ren t narcissism. Wha t is mo re , they are relate d to the

economic sphere, which remains, for the moment in any case, the main

fetish of the dominant ideology. I see this as one more illustration of the

holism taking shape before our eyes: throwing wide the doors of privacy,

sent imen t ta kes over , and in certain cou ntrie s its pre senc e is reinforced in



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the public sphere, thus producing a form of solidarity that can no longer be

de nie d. Of co ur se , we must not e tha t this solidarity reinvi gor ates , qu ite

apart from technological developments, the communal form that seemed

to have been left behind.

We may wonder about the community and the nostalgia underlying it or

ab ou t the politica l uses to which it is pu t. For my pa rt , and I re ite ra te it,

this is a 'form' in the sense that I have defined this term. 1 2 Whether or not

it exists independently is of little importance; it is enough that it serves as a

bac kc lot h, allowing us to highlight a parti cula r social ph en om en on . No

matter that it is imperfect or even

ad hoc,

it is no less th e expression of a

particular crystallization of shared feelings. From this 'formist' perspective,

the com muni ty is cha ract eriz ed less by a proje ct

(pro-jectum)

oriented

towards the future than by the execution in actu of the 'bein g-tog ether '. In

everyday language, the communal ethic has the simplest of foundations:

warmth, companionship - physical contact with one another. Psychologists

hav e point ed ou t that ther e is a glischomorphic tenden cy in all hu ma n

relationships. Without wishing to judge in any way, it seems to me that it is

this viscosity which is expressed in the commun al being- together. Thus , and I

mus t stress this rigorously in or de r to avoid any moral izing digression , it is by

force of circumstance; because of proximity (promiscuity); because there is

a sharing of the same

territory

(real or symbolic) that the comm unal idea

and its ethical corollary are born.

It is wor th re me mb er in g that this co mm un al ideal can be seen in the

popu list an d late r anarchist id eology whose basis is to be found in

the proxemic crowds. For these people, especially Bakunin and Herzen,

the village community

(obschina

or

mir)

is at the very hear t of work ing

socialism. Supplemented with the artisans' associations (artels), it paves the

way for a civilization built on solidarity. 1 3 The interest of such a romantic

vision goes well beyond the habitual dichotomy of the latest bourgeois

idea l, as much in its capitalist version as its Marxist vers ion. In de ed , hu ma n

destiny is seen as a whole, giving the

obschina

its pros pect ive aspe ct. I

should reiterate that this social form has, with good reason, been closely

identified with Fourierism and the phalanstery. Franco Venturi, in his now

classic book on Russian populism of the nineteenth century, points out this

con nect ion; mo reo ver , and mor e to the point in our reflections, he n otes

th e link be tw ee n thes e social forms and the sea rch for 'a differen t system

of morality'. He does this with some reticence; for him, especially with

regard to the phala nst ery , this search lies some wha t in the realm of

'eccentr ici ty ' . 1 4 What the esteemed Italian philosopher failed to notice was

tha t, beyo nd thei r appa re nt functionalism, all social gro ups include a

str ong co mp on en t of shared feeling. It is the se feelings tha t give rise to this

'different mor alit y' which I prefe r to call he re an ethical exp eri enc e.

To pick up again on the classic opposition, we might say that society is

concerned with history in the making, whereas the community expends its

energy in its own creation (or possibly recreation). This allows us to

establish a link between the communal ethic and solidarity. One of the



T H E

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mos t strikin g aspe cts of this rela tionsh ip is th e de ve lopm en t of the ri tual .

As we know, this is not strictly speaking finalized, that is, goal-oriented; it

i s , on the ot he r hand , repetitive and there fore com forting. Its sole function

is to confirm a group's view of

itself;

Durk hei m's exam ple of the

'c or ro bo re e' festivities is very helpful in this respe ct. Th e ritual per pet uat es

itself, and through the variety of routine or everyday gestures the

community is reminded that it is a whole. Although it does not need

putting into words, it serves as an anamnesis of solidarity and, as L.-V.

Thomas remarks, ' implies the mobilization of the community'. As I have

just stated, the community 'exhausts' its energy in creating itself. In its very

rep eti tiv ene ss, the ritual is the stro nge st proof of this ex pe nd itu re and by so

doing it guarantees the continued existence of the group. In the anthropo

logical view of de at h, it is this pa ra do x with reg ard t o th e funeral ritual that

reintroduces 'the community ideal which attempts to reconcile man to

death as well as to life'.

1 5

As I will explain more fully, there are times when

the co mm un it y of destin y is felt mor e acut ely, an d it is th rough grad ual

con den sati on that mo re atten tion is focused on uniting factors. This unio n

is a pure one in some ways, with undefined contents; a union for

confronting together, in an almost animal way, the presence of death, the

presence at death. History, politics and morality overtake death in the

drama

(drameiri)

that evolves as pr ob le ms arise and are reso lved or at least

confronted. Destiny , aesthetics and ethics, howev er, exhaust death in a

tragedy that is bas ed on the etern al mom en t and there fore exud es a

solidarity all its own.

Experiencing death matter-of-factly may be the outcome of a collective

sentiment that occupies a privileged place in social life. This communal

sensibility favours a pro xim ity -ce ntr ed et ho s; tha t is, simply pu t, a way of

being that offers an alternative to both the production and distribution of

goods (eco nomic or sym bol ic). In his occasionally perf unc tory but usually

rich analysi s of cr ow ds , Gu st av e Le Bo n no te s that 'it is no t with ru les

ba sed on the or ies of pu re equ ity ' that the crowd is to be led and that ,

generally speaking, impressions play a considerable role. 1 6 What can we

ass um e from this ot he r than th at justi ce itself is subo rd inat e to the

exper ien ce of clos ene ss; tha t abstrac t and eter na l justi ce is relativize d by

the feeling (whether hate or love) experienced in a given territory? Many

everyday occurrences, whether examples of carnage or generosity, illus

trate this general point. The doctrinally racist shopkeeper will protect the

neighbourhood Arab; the contented bourgeois will fail to denounce the

petty

thief,

and all in the most natural way. The code of silence is not

confined to the Mafia; police officers who have had occasion to make

inquiries in such and such a village or neighbourhood can testify to that.

The common denominator of these attitudes (which are deserving of

further e lab ora tio n) is the solidarity derive d from a share d sent imen t.

If we were to expand the field somewhat, with help from the media, we

wou ld find similar reacti ons th ro ug ho ut t he 'globa l villag e'. It is not an

abstract sense of justice that gives rise to soup kitchens, leads us to help the



18

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unemployed or other charitable endeavours. We could even say that, from

a linear and rationa l view of just ice, thes e activities ap pe ar som ew hat

anachronistic or even reactionary. In a very

ad hoc

an d hap haz ard way,

without attacking a given problem head-on, they risk serving as an excuse

and being nothing more than a Band-Aid solution. While no doubt true,

such activities nevertheless accomplish their aim, as well as mobilize the

collective emotions. We may wonder about the significance or the political

repercussions of these actions; we may also note - and this is the point of

these remarks - how we no longer expect the all-pervasive state to remedy

by itself the problems whose effects we see around us, as well as how the

synergy of these activities brought home to us through the medium of

television can exert its own influence. In both cases, that which I see

ar ou nd m e , or which is bro ught closer to me thr oug h an im ag e, strike s a

chord in all of us, thus constituting a collective emotion. The mechanism in

que sti on is far from being of min or imp or ta nc e, which brings us back to the

holistic principle underlying these reflections: the common sensibility at

the heart of the examples cited is derived from the fact that we participate

in

or

correspond to,

in the strictest and possibly most mystical sense of

these words, a common ethos. In formulating a sociological law', I will

state as a leitmotif that less weight shall be given to what each individual

will voluntarily adhere to (contractually or mechanically) than to that which

is emotionally common to all (sentimentally and organically).

This is the ethical experi ence that had been a ba nd on ed by the ration

alization of exi sten ce; it is also what t he ren ew ed m ora l ord er falsely

portrays, since it tries to rationalize and universalize ad hoc reactions or

situations and present them as new

a priori,

whe re as thei r stre ngt h is

derived from the fact that they are grounded in a local sensibility: it is only

a posteriori

that they can be linked in an overall str uct ure . Th e co mmu nit y

ideal of the neighbourhood or the village acts more by permeating the

collective imagination than by persuading the social reason. To employ a

term Walter Benjamin used in his reflections on art, I would say that we

ar e in th e pr es en ce of a specific au ra , which in a pro ces s of feedba ck co me s

out of the social body and determines it in return. I will summarize this

process in the following way: the collective sensibility which issues from the

aesthetic form results in an ethical connection.

It would be useful to insist on that fact, if only to relativize the positivist

uka ses which insist tha t the collective imagination is superfluous a nd can be

dispensed with in times of crisis. In fact, it can be shown that it assumes the

mos t varied guis es: at times it is manif ested on the mac rosc opic level,

spurring on great mass movements, varied crusades, occasional revolts

or political or economic revolutions. At other times, the collective

imag ina tion is crystallized in a microsc opic way, prov iding de ep nour ish

me nt to social gr ou ps . Finally, ther e is on occasion a conti nuum be twe en

this latter process (esoteric) and the just -men tion ed genera l manifestations

(exote ric ). Wh at ev er the case, ther e is a wide -ranging aur a which serves as

a matrix to the always and freshly astonishing reality that is sociality.




COMMUNITY

19

It is from this per spe cti ve that the comm un ity et hos must be co nsi der ed.

What I here call aura spa res us from de cidi ng on its exist ence or non

existence; it so happens that it functions 'as if it existed. It is in this way

that we can understand the ideal type of the 'emotional community' (Max

Weber), the 'orgiastic-ecstatic' (Karl Mannheim), or that which I have

termed the dionysiac form. Each of these examples caricatures, in the

simplest sense of the term, this exit from the

self,

ex-stasis, which is part of

the social logic. 1 7 This 'ecstas y' is much m or e effective in smalle r gr oup s,

when it becomes more perceptible to the social observer. In order to

account for this complex entity, I propose to use, in the metaphorical

sense, the terms 'tribe' and 'tribalism'. While refraining from overuse of

quotation marks, I will insist on the 'cohesive' aspect of the social sharing

of values, places or ideals which are entirely circumscribed (localism) and

which can be found, in varied forms, at the heart of numerous social

exp eri enc es. It is this con sta nt inter play of the static (spatial ) and the

dynamic (becoming), the anecdotal and the ontological, the ordinary and

the anthropological, that makes the analysis of the collective sensibility

such a potent tool. To illustrate this epistemological remark, I will give but

one example: the Jewish people.

Without wishing, nor indeed being able, to make a specific analysis, and

confining ourselves to indicating a course of research, we can show that the

Jewish people are particularly representative of the antinomy I mentioned.

On the one hand, they have an intense experience of the tribe's collective

sentiment which, on the other hand, has not prevented them throughout

the centuries from assuring the existence of general and (without any

pejorative connotations) cosmopolitan values. This sentiment includes a

tribal religion that has enabled them to resist assimilation; tribal customs,

which are the very basis of the community of destiny; and of course, tribal

sexuality which assured the survival of the race through the carnage and

vicissitudes of the ages. The flow of words, goods and sex: these are the

three anthropological pivots around which social life generally turns. In

essence, they have a strong tribal component. Many historians and

sociologists have highlighted the vitality, the ambience and strong cohesi-

veness, in many countries, of the 'ghetto', the shtetl, the synagogue. And

like a reserve of energy, these places were the source of a good portion of

what was to become the medieval city, the modern metropolis and,

pe rh ap s, the megal opoli s of toda y. Thu s, the etho s of the Gemeinsch aft, of

the tribe, regularly permeates the evolution of Western civilization. 1 8

As I

hav e said, this is bu t a cou rse of inqu iry; inde ed , many doma ins, whet he r

intellectual, economic or spiritual, have been influenced, in a prospective

way, by what came out of the stockpot of the Jewish emotional culture.

Th er e is no bett er way of expr essi ng this 'co nc ret e univers al' , which was

one of the principal tenets of nineteenth-century philosophy. By extra

polating, in a heuristic manner, the aforementioned example, it is possible

to state that , parad oxi call y, it is the tribal values which on occasion

cha rac ter ize an ep oc h. Inde ed , a significant po rti on of tho se characte ristics



20

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which will later be diffracted throughout'the social body may be crystal

lized in these values. The tribal moment may be compared to a period of

gestat ion: some thin g that is perfec ted, tested and tried ou t, before taking

flight in to th e grea t be yo nd . In this way, everyday life could be , to use the

words of Benjamin, ' the most extreme concrete'. This short description

lets us see the shared lives and experiences as the purifying fires of the

alchemical process in which the transmutation takes place. The nothing or

ne ar- no th ing bec om es a totali ty. Th e minuscul e rituals are inverte d until

they become the basis of sociality -

multum in parvo.

Of co ur se , it is

difficult to predict what will be transformed from minuscule to macro

scopic, as long as there are so many extraneous elements. However, this is

not t he essential facto r; it is en ou gh , as I hav e said, to indi cate the 'f orm ' in

which the gro wt h of social values is bor n . We may th en say that the eth ic is

in some way the glue that holds together the diverse elements of a given

whole.

Ne ver the les s, if on e is to und er st an d wha t I hav e just said, it is necessar y

to lend this term 'ethic' its simplest meaning: not an indifferent a priori

theorizing but one which on a daily basis serves as a vessel for the

collectivity's emotions and feelings. In this manner, with varying degrees of

success and in a given territory, we all adjust to one another and to the

natu ral envi ron men t. This acc omm oda tion is of course relative; carried out

in happiness and sadness, the product of often conflictual relationships, it

exh ibi ts a cer tai n neces sar y flexibility, bu t neverth ele ss is astonish ingly

long-live d. This is certain ly the most chara cteri stic expre ssion of the social

'will to live'. It is therefore necessary to take the time to consider, if only

for an instant, several manifestations of this ethic of the everyday, since as

an expression of the collective sensibility it gives us wide access to the life

of these tribes that, en masse, constitut e con tem por ary society.

3 .

Custom

From Aristotle to Mauss, by way of Thomas Aquinas, many have

examined the importance of the habitus (exis), a te rm which has since

passed into the sociological doxa}9 Thi s is all to the go od , for this the ma ti c

is of pri mar y impor ta nc e. It is rela ted to the com mo n aspect s of eve ryday

life, in a word the customs, which are, according to Simmel, 'one of the

most typical forms of everyday life'. Since we know the importance and

effectiveness he attached to 'form', it becomes possible to imagine that we

are dealing with more than the empty word. Further on, he is more

specific: 'custom determines the social life as would an ideal power'.

2 0

We

are led back to a persistent action that instills in beings and things their way

of seeing the world ; it is practically a mat te r of gene tic coding, limiting a nd

deline ating , in a much mo re profoun d ma nn er than the econ omic or

political situation, their way of being with others. Thus, together with the

aesthetic (the sha red sent imen t) and the ethic (the collective bo nd ), custom



T H E

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is surely a go od way of char acte rizi ng the eve ryd ay life of c on te mpor ar y

groups.

I will adopt the following concern of Mallarme: 'to give a purer sense to

the words of the tribe'. And like all other 'mini-concepts' used previously, I

will use the term 'custom' in its most widely held sense, one that is also

closest to its etymological roots (consuetudo): the collection of co mm on

usages that allow a social entity to recognize itself for what it is. This link is

a mysterious one, only rarely and indirectly put into so many words (for

exa mpl e in the treatise s on man ne rs and cus tom s). Neve rthe less , it is at

work in the deepest layers of any society. Custom, in this way, is the

un spo ken , the ' resid ue' underlying the 'being-t ogether ' . I have pr opose d

calling it the underground centrality or the social puissance (as op pose d to

power), an idea found in Goffman

(The Underlife)

an d lat er on in

Halbwachs (La Sociäte silencieuse) . 2 1 These expressions emphasize the fact

that a large part of social existence cannot be accounted for by instrumental

rationality; nor does it let itself be finalized or reduced to a simple logic of

domination. Duplicity, subterfuge and the will to live are all expressed

th roug h a mu lti tude of rituals, sit uat ions, ges ture s an d exp erie nce s that

delineate an area of liberty. A tendency to see life as alienation or to hope

for a perfect or authentic existence makes us forget that daily routine is

stu bborn ly foun de d on a series of interstitia l an d relati ve fre edo ms. As ha s

be en see n in ec on om ic s, it is possi ble to de mo ns tr at e the existence of a

black-market sociality, which is easily tra cke d thr ough its divers e and

minuscule manifestations.

I am ado pti ng the perspective of Dü rk he im and his followers, w ho

always placed the greatest weight on the sacredness of social relationships.

As I have often said: I consider that any given entity, from the micro-group

to the structure of the state, is an expression of the social divine, of a

specific, even imm an en t, tran sce nde nce . But as we kno w, and many

religious historia ns have show n, the sacred is myst erio us, frightening,

disturbing; it needs to be coaxed and cajoled, and customs fulfil this

function. Th ey ar e to ev eryd ay life what the ritual is to relig ious life,

strictly speaking. 2 2 M or eo ve r, it is striking that in po pu la r religion

espe cially it is very difficult, a s th e ecclesiastical hi era rchy was obl iged t o

d o ,

to draw the distinction between customs and canonical rituals. Thus,

just as the liturgical ritual renders the Church visible, custom makes a

community exist as such. Furthermore, at a time when the division was not

yet firmly established, according to Peter Brown, it was by ritually

exchanging relics that the various local churches were constituted as a

network. These relics are the bond that held a small community together,

allowing the m to uni te and , in so do ing, to tr an sm ut e 'th e dista nce from the

holy into the deep joy of proximity'. 2 3

Any organization in statu nascendi is fasc inating to the sociologis t;

relations between individuals are not yet fixed and social structures retain

the suppleness of yo ut h. A t the sam e tim e, it is useful to find po int s of

comparison in order to formalize our observations. In this respect, the



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analysis car rie d out by the scho lars of Chri stia nity is very app os it e. It is

certainly possible, if only as a working hypothesis, to apply the double

process of social reliance and of negotia tion with the holy chara cteris tic of

the early Christian communities to the various tribes that are made and

unmade

in praesenti.

In more than one respect, the comparison is illuminat

ing: the organization, grouping around an eponymous hero; the role of the

ima ge; the com mo n sensibility, and so on . But it is fundamen tally the local

membership, the spatial emphasis and the mechanisms of solidarity which

are their corollaries that creates the whole. This, more ove r, characterizes

what I previously termed the increased sacredness of social relationships:

the complex mechanism of give and take that develops between various

persons, on the one hand, and between the entity thus created and the

milieu on the other. Whether these are real or symbolic exchanges is of

little importance; indeed, communication, in its widest sense, takes the

most varied routes.

The term 'proxemics' proposed by the Palo Alto School appears to me a

good way of accounting for both the cultural and natural elements of the

comm unic atio n und er consid eration . For his part , Ber que emphasize s the

'transubjective' (subjective and objective) aspect of such a relationship.

Perhaps we should just resort to the old spatial notion of the neighbour

hood and its affective c onno tat ion. It is an old-fa shione d te rm , but on e t hat

is making a reappearance today in the writings of many observers of the

social sce ne - a sur e sign tha t it is at the forefron t of ma ny m i nd s . 2 4 This

'nei gh bo ur ho od ' can be manife sted in man y diverse ways: it can be

delineated by a collection of streets, it may be invested with a libidinal

dim ens ion (a 'red-light distric t', for ex am pl e) , refer to a comm ercia l entity

or a public transit hub. The detail is unimportant; what matters is that it

rep res ent s the ove rlap ping of a certain functionality with an unden iab le

symbolic weight. An integral part of the collective imagination, the

nei ghb our hoo d is neverthe less only constitute d by the intersection of

ordinary situations, moments, spaces and individuals; moreover, it is most

often expressed by the most common stereotypes. The town square, the

street, the corner tobacconist, the bar at the PMU,* the newsagent, centres

of interest or necessity - just so many trivial examples of sociality.

Ne ve rthe le ss , it is preci sely the se inst anc es that give rise to the specific aur a

of a given nei gh bour ho od . I use this ter m delibe rate ly, as it trans late s

beautifully the complex movement of an atmosphere emitted by places and

activities, giving them in return a unique colouring and odour. And so it

may be for spiritual materialism. Morin speaks poetically of a certain New

York neighbourhood that shines with brilliance while at the same it is

founded on the 'lack of brilliance of the individual'. In widening his scope,

the whole city becomes a chef-d'oeuvre where as its 'lives rema in pitiful'.

However, he continues, 'if you allow yourself to be possessed by the city, if

you really get into its sense of energy, if the forces of death which exist only

Transl. note:

PM U =

parimutuel urbain

(race-track bett ing) .





24

T H E T I M E OF THE TRIBES

wisdom it is no longer consi der ed tr endy to heed and which holds that 'life

is ha rdes t on the poor . . . mo ne y is difficult to com e by and ther efor e we

have an obligation to pull together and help one another'. 2 8

Poulat thus

sums up the popular substrate of the 'democratic-Christian' ideology. In

many respects, this is a model that merits a further look, for beyond the

Christian democracies stricto sensu, th er e is an ec ho of what for yea rs was

the Thomist social doctrine and which was a significant factor in the

dev elo pme nt of a co mm on symbolism. There for e, alongside a socio

political analys is, we can also und erl ine the socio -anth ropol ogica l dim en

sion and emphasize the close links between proxemics and solidarity. In

some ways, such mutual aid exists by force of circumstance, not out of

purely disinterested motives: the help given can always be redeemed

whenever I need it. However, in so doing, we are all part of a larger

process of correspondence and participation that favours the collective

body.

This close connection is also discreet; indeed, we give veiled accounts of

our personal, family and professional successes and failures and this orality

works as a rumour with an essentially intrinsic function: it delineates the

terr itor y wh er e the pa rta kin g takes plac e. Th er e is no place here for the

stranger, and if necessary, we may remind the press, the public authorities

or the merely curious that 'dirty laundry does not get washed in public'.

This survival mechanism works just as well for happy news as for

unsavoury information. Indeed, in various ways, the customary word or

the shared secret are the primordial glue of all sociality. Simmel showed

the example of secret societies, but it can also be found in studies on

traditional medicine which show that the individual body can be healed

only with the help of the collective body. 2 9

This is an inter estin g me ta ph or

since we know that this approach to medicine considers each body as a

whole that must be treated as such. But we must also note that this overall

vision is often au gm en te d by the fact that the individual body is bu t an

offshoot of the community. This observation allows us to give full weight to

the term 'mutual aid' as it refers not only to the mechanical actions that

consti tute neighb ourly rela tions; ind eed , mutua l aid as we und ers tan d it

he re is pa rt of an organi c pers pect ive in which all the ele me nts thr oug h

their synergy reinforce life as a whole. Mutual aid could thus be said to be

the 'unconscious' animal response of the social 'will to live'; a sort of

vitalism that 'knows' implicitly that 'unicity' is the best res pon se to the

onslaught of death - a challenge laid down, in a sense. Let us leave such

thoughts to the poet:

T o b e on e w i t h a ll l i v ing t h i ngs O n hea r i ng t h ese w or ds . . . V i r t u e ab d i ca t e s ,

d e a t h l e a v e s t h e r e a l m of c r e a t u r e s a n d t h e w o r l d , r e l i e v e d o f s e p a r a t i o n a n d o l d

a g e , s h i n e s w i t h n e w l ig h t . ( H ö l d e r l i n ,

Hyperion)

This collective feeling of shared puissance, this mystica l sensibility that

assures continuity, is expressed t hrou gh ra the r trivial vectors. With out

being able to go into detail here, these are found in all the places where




C O M M U N I T Y

25

chit-chat and conviviality are present. Nightclubs, cafes and other public

sph ere s are Ope n ar ea s' , in ot he r wor ds those places wh er e it is possible to

speak to others and, in so doing, address alterity in general. I took as a

point of departure the idea of the sacredness of social relationships. This

can best be seen in the transmission of the word that in general

accompanies the flow of food and drink. Let us not forget that the

Chr ist ian e uch ari st which under lie s the un ion of the faithful is just one of

the developed commensal forms found in all word religions. Thus, in a

stylized way, when I am sitting in the cafe, eating a meal or addressing the

ot he r, I am really add ress ing the deity. This leads back to the confir mation ,

expressed countless times, of the link between the divine, the social whole

and proximity. 3 0 Comm en sa lit y, in its vari ous forms, is only the most

visible evidence of this complex relationship. However, it is worth

remembering that the divine issues forth from daily realities and develops

gradually through the sharing of simple and routine gestures. The habitus

or custom thus serves to concretize or actualize the ethica l dim ens ion of

any sociality.

O ne need only re me mb er that cu st om , as an expr ession of the collective

sensibility, permits, strictly speaking, an ex-stasis within everyday life.

Hav ing a few dri nks ; cha tting with friends ; the anod yn e conv ersa tions

punctuating everyday life enable an exteriorization of the self and thus

create the specific aura which binds us together within tribalism. As we can

see , it is im po rt an t no t to re du ce this ecstasy to a few highly st ere otyped

and extreme situations. The dionysiac refers of course to sexual promis

cuity, as well as to other affectual or festive outbursts; but it also allows us

to understand the development of shared opinions, collective beliefs or

common doxas: briefly, those 'collective fram eworks of me mo ry ', to

borrow Halbwachs' expression, which allow one to emphasize what is

lived, the 'tides of ex pe ri en ce '. 3 1

Alongs ide a pure ly intellectual kno wle dge, ther e is a know led ge

[connaissance] which enc ompa sses the feeling dime nsio n, an awareness

tha t, tak en to its etymo logica l origins , we are 'bo rn with ' ['co-naissance'].*

This emb od ie d kn owl edg e is root ed in a cor pus of cus tom s deser ving of

analysis in its own right. We wou ld then be ab le to apprec ia te the

contemporary formulation of the 'palaver' whose varied rituals played an

important role in the social equilibrium of the traditional village or

comm un ity . It is not impossib le to imag ine tha t, correlatively with

technological developments, the growth in urban tribes has encouraged a

'computerized palaver' that assumes the rituals of the ancient agora. We

woul d no longer face the dan ge rs , as was first belie ved , of the macr oscopic

computer disconnected from reality, but on the contrary, thanks to the

personal computer and cable TV, we are confronted with the infinite

diffraction of an orality disse minate d by degr ee s; the success in Fra nce of

Transl. note: This etymo logi cal observa tion is not really translatable , The French for

knowledge is 'connaissance' and birth n a i s s a n c e , hen ce 'co-nais sance' = 'born wi th .



26

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

the Minitel shoul d be in ter pr ete d in this light. In a nu mb er of doma ins -

edu cat ion , leisure tim e, job-sha ring and cultur e - t he close co mmun icati on

engendered by this process forms a network with all the attendant social

effects imaginable.

3 2

At first, the growth and multiplication of the mass media led to the

disintegration of the bourgeois culture founded on the universality and the

valuing of a few privileged objects and attitudes. We may well ask

ourselves whether this pursuit of growth and the generalization to which it

leads may bring the mass media closer to everyday life. In this way, they

could be said to reinvest a certain traditional culture whose orality is an

essential vector. In so doing, the contemporary media, by presenting

images of everyday life rather than visualizing the great works of culture,

would be playing the role that used to fall to the various forms of public

discourse: to ensure by means of myth the cohesion of a given social entity.

This myth, as we know, may be of several types; for my part, I believe that

ther e is a mythi c function which runs transverse ly thr oug h the whole of

social life. A political event or harmless, trivial fact, the life of a star or a

local guru, can all take on mythic proportions. In his study of these mass

media, Fernant Dumont subtly underlines that these myths, whatever their

precise contents, serve mainly to 'nourish, as in days gone by, gossip and

no rm al convers atio n . . . what we used to say abo ut the parish priest or the

notary, we now say about such and such a film star or politician'. 3 3

It is

impossible not to be struck by the appropriateness of this remark, at least

to those of us who have had the experience of overhearing office, factory or

playground conversations; even the notorious cafe conversations can be

instructi ve for the obs erv er of the social sce ne. I wou ld go eve n further and

say that it is within the logic of the media to set themselves up as a simple

pretext

to comm un ic at ion, as may have be en the case with the a ncie nt

philosophical diatribe, the medieval religious sermon or the political

speech of the modern era.

In some cases, the cont en t of the se vari ed forms is not inco nsid erab le.

Bu t it is be ca us e they reaffirm the feeling of bel onging to a lar ger grou p, of

getting out of

oneself,

that they apply to the greatest number. Thus, we pay

more attention to the form that serves as a backcloth; which creates an

am bie nc e and there for e u nit es. In any cas e, it is a que sti on, abo ve all, of

allowing for the expression of a common emotion, which causes us to

recognize ourselves in communion with others. It would be worth examin

ing whether the expansion of local television or radio has had any effect in

this regard. This is at least a possible hypothesis, one which does not

com plet ely depr ive custom of its imp or ta nt role . By reveal ing ou r ne ar

nei ghb our s, custom secretes a 'glue ' holding a given communi ty toge ther.

Neighbourhoods or even buildings with access to cable TV will perhaps

experience values not so far removed from those which guided the clans or

tribes of traditional societies.

Consequently, and taking the term 'communication' in its narrowest

sense - t ha t which str uc tures social real ity and which is no t an offshoot - we



T H E

E M O T I O N A L

COMMUNITY

27

can see cust om in the light of on e of its par ticu lar man ife stat ions, a

manifest ation t hat tak es on incre ased imp ort anc e wh en , as a conse que nce

of the saturation* of organizations and overarching social representations,

proxemic values (re)surface. One might even say that at this stage of the

game, the scale tilts more towards the communications mode, since it is

expe rie nce d for its ow n sak e, witho ut any sort of finalization as a pre tex t.

There is a direct link between this emphasis on communication for its own

sake and the surpassing of the critical attitude that is tied to a more

instrumental, mechanical and operational approach to society. With the

communications mode predominant, the world is accepted as it is. I have

already proposed calling this 'the social given', to explain the link that can

be made between custom and communication. The world accepted for

what it is lies of course within the realm of the natural 'given', part of a

two-way flow common to the ecological perspective. But it is also part of

the social 'given', in whose structure each of us fits and which leads to an

organic sense of commitment between individuals, in other words, tribal

ism. This is certa inly wh er e the th em e of cus tom l eads us; the

individual

counts for less than the person wh o is call ed upo n to play his or her role on

the global scene, according to some very precise rules. Can we thus speak

of regression? Perhaps, if we consider individual autonomy as the base-line

of any existence in society. But, aside from the fact that anthropology has

shown us that this is a value which is immutable neither in time nor in

space, then we may grant that the principium individuationis has bec ome

increasingly contested in the very heart of Western civilization. The poet's

or novelist's sensibility can serve as a barometer (cf. Beckett's plays, for

example) of this tendency or, more empirically, we can see evidence of it in

the various group attitudes that colour the life of our societies.

Final ly, it is wo rth noti ng that certa in coun trie s which have not

dev elo ped from a tradit ion of individualism neverthe less are cu rrently

exhibiting signs of an undeniable

vitality

tha t, mo reo ve r, seems to exert a

lasting fascination for us. Japa n is just such a country and s o, paradoxically, is

Brazil. We must take both these countries to be prototypes whose auras

ar e esse ntia lly ritualistic, wh os e inne r str uc tures ar e the 't ri be ' (or the

organic grouping, to be less blunt), and which are, for at least one if not

both, poles of attraction for the collective imagination, whether from the

existential, economic, cultural or religious point of view.

Of course, it is not a matter of presenting them as finished models, but

rather of demonstrating that, as an alternative to the

principle of autonomy,

or however we wish to call it (self-direction, autopoeisis, etc.), we can posit

a principle of allono my** which is base d on adju stme nt, acc omm oda tio n,

on the organic union with social and natural alterity.

3 4 This principle goes

against the activist model built by modernity. Under the present hypothesis,

Transl. note: here and el se wh ere , Maffeso li use s the term 'saturation' to describe the worn-

ou t nature of institutional power, just as a sponge saturated with water can absorb no more.

** The law as an external force.



28

T H E T I M E OF THE TRIBE S

this principle is a customary one, and it reinvests, in a prospective way, the

traditional values long since thought to be surpassed. In fact, after the

period of 'disenchantment with the world' (Weber's Entzauberung), I am

suggesting that we are witnessing a veritable re-enchantment with the

world, whose logic I will try to make clear. For the sake of brevity, let us

say th at , in the case of the mas ses which are diffracted int o tr ibes , and t he

tribes which coalesce into mas ses , the com mo n ing redi ent is a shar ed

sensibility or emotion. I think back to the beginning of this discussion and

the prophetic meditations of Hölderlin on the peaceful banks of the

Neckar, where he made the connection between the 'nationel' ,* the shared

sentiment which holds a community together, and the 'shades of the Greek

gods [who] are returning to earth just as they were'. Upon revisiting this

oasis of calm, he found it imbued in these gods. It is also in the solitude of

that footpath in Eze that the other 'madman' Nietzsche experienced the

dionysian irruption. His vision was no less premonitory:

N o w so l i t a r y , l i v ing i n i so l a t i on f rom on e an o t he r , so m e da y you w il l be on e

p e o p l e .

T h o s e w h o h a v e c h o s e n t h e m s e l v e s w il l o n e d a y f o r m a c h o s e n p e o p l e

f r o m w h o m w il l e m e r g e a n e x i s t e n c e w h i c h su r p a s s e s m a n .

Our own Philosophenweg passes over beach es cra mme d with holiday-

makers, department stores thronged with howling consumers, riotous

sporting events and the anodyne crowds milling about with no apparent

purpose. In many respects, it would seem that Dionysus has overwhelmed

them all. The tribes he inspires demonstrate a troublesome ambiguity:

although not disdaining the most sophisticated technology, they remain

non ethe less so mew hat b arbar ic. Perh aps this is a sign of post mod erni ty. Be

that as it may, the principle of reality, on the one hand, forces us to accept

these hordes, since they are there, and on the other, urges us to remember

that time and again thr ougho ut history it was bar bar ity that bro ugh t man y

moribund civilizations back to life.

Notes

1. Cf. G. Dur an d, 'Le Retour des immort els' in

Le Temps de la reflexion,

Par is, Gal l imard ,

p p .

20 7, 219. O n th e 'a esth etic pa r ad igm' , cf. m y ar ticle in

G. Simmel,

Par is, Mer idiens

Klincksieck,

1986. Cf. also T. Ad or n o,

Notes to Literature,

t ra ns. Sherr y, Weber and

N i c h o l s o n ,

N ew Yor k, Colu mb ia Universit y Pr ess, 1992, p. 249, on th e qu estion of th e

Out da t ed bunker' of individualism.

2 . P. Br own, The Cult of the Saints: its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity, Chicago,

Universi ty of Ch icago Pr ess, 1981, p. 51.

3 . A. Berqu e ,

Vivre Vespace au Japon,

Pa r is, P UF , 1982, p. 54. For an exa mp le of the

u n i f o r m ,

cf. F. Valen te, 'L es Paninar i ' in

Societes,

Pa r is, Ma sson , n o. 10 (Sept . 1986).

4 . M. Weber ,

Economy and Society,

Ber k eley, Univer sity of Californ ia Pr ess, 1978, for

example vol. 2, pp. 452-456.

5 .

M. Perniola,

Transiti,

Bologn a, Ca pp eli, 1985; or in Fr ench,

L Instant eternel,

Paris,

Librairie des Mer idi ens, 1982.

* Referr ing to the popular substr ate.



T H E E M O T I O N A L C O M M U N I T Y 29

6 . E . D ü r k h e i m , Th e Division of Labour in Society, N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 , p . 1 02

( m y e m p h a s i s ) .

7 . M . H a l b w a c h s ,

La M imoire collective,

P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 6 8 , p . 7 8 , o n t h e t r a n s - in d i v id u a l is t

i d e o l o g y ; cf. a l s o J . F r e u n d , Sociologie du conf lit, P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 0 4 .

8 . G . D u r a n d , La Foi du cordonnier, P a r i s , D e n o e l , 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 2 2 ; c f. a l s o t h e t h e s e s u n d e r

w a y o n a s t r o l og y b y B . G l o w c z e w s k i a n d S . J o u b e r t ( P a r i s V - C e n t r e d ' o t u d e s su r l' a c t u e l e t

l e q u o t i d i e n ) . I t w o u l d a l s o h a v e b e e n p o s s i b l e t o s p e a k o f t h e ' t r a n s m i g r a t i o n ' o f s o u l s in t h e

c a b b a l a , w h i c h fit s i n w i t h t h e p r e s e n t h o l i s t ic p e r s p e c t i v e . C f. G . S c h o l e m ,

La M ystique juive,

P a r i s ,

Cerf,

1 9 8 5 , p p . 2 1 5 , 2 5 3 , et seq.

9 . A . B e r q u e , ' E x p r e s s in g K o r e a n m e d i a n c e ' , f r o m t h e c o ll o q u i u m T h e C o n d i t i on s a n d

V i s i o n s o f K o r e a ' s B e c o m i n g a n A d v a n c e d C o u n t r y , S e o u l , S e p t . 1 98 6 . W e m u s t a l s o r e f er

h e r e t o t h e r e m a r k a b l e a n a l y si s b y E . M o r i n w h i c h sh o u l d b e a c a u s e f or w o r r y a m o n g t h e

m o r e h o n e s t o f h is d e t r a c t o r s : La Methode,\o\. 3 , La Conn aissance de la connaissance/1,

P a r i s , S e u i l , 1 9 8 6 . O n t h e ' n o t i o n o f m i l i e u ' , c f. J . F . B e r n a r d - B e c h a r i e s , in

Revu e Franqaise

du marketing, v o l . 1 , n o . 8 0 (1 9 8 0 ) , p p . 9 - 4 8 .

10. C i t ed b y A . M e d a m ,

Arcanes de Naples,

P a r i s , E d i t i o n s d e s A u t r e s , 1 9 7 9 , p . 2 0 2 .

11 . B e r q u e , Vivre Vespace, p p . 167 , 169 .

12. A t t h e m o m e n t o f w r i t in g , a p o i n t e d a n d r a t h e r ca u s t i c a n a l y si s h a s j u s t c o m e o u t : J . L .

N a n c y , La Comm un aute desoeuvree, P a r i s , C . B o u r g e o i s , 1 9 86 . O n t h e q u e s t i o n o f ' f o r m i sm ' ,

c f. m y b o o k , M . M a f f e s o l i ,

La Con naissance ordinaire. Precis de sociologie com prehen sive,

P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 5 .

13. S e e t h e r e m a r k a b l e a n d e r u d i t e a n a l y s is o f t h i s b y B . S o u v a r i n e ,

Stalin, A Critical

History,

L o n d o n , S e e k e r a n d W a r b u r g , 1 9 4 0, p . 2 2 .

14. F . V e n t u r i ,

Les intellectuels, le peuple et la revolution. H istoire du populism e russe au

XlX e siecle, P a r i s , G a l l i m a r d , 1 9 7 2 , p . 2 3 0 .

15. L . -V . T h o m a s ,

Rites de mort,

P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 5 , p p . 16 a n d 2 7 7 . i t m i g h t a l s o b e

p o i n t e d o u t t h a t J . L . N a n c y , p . 4 2 et seq. m a k e s t h e lin k b e t w e e n co m m u n i t y a n d d e a t h . O n

t h e c y c li c a l a n d t r a g ic a s p e c t o f t h e r i t u a l , I r e f e r t o m y b o o k , M . M a f f e s o l i,

La Conquete du

present. Pour u ne sociologie de la vie quotidienn e, P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9.

16.

G . L e B o n ,

The Crowd,

N e w Y o r k , V i k i n g , 1 96 0 , p . 2 0 .

1 7. H o w e v e r it m a y a p p e a r t o h u r r i e d m i n d s , t h e o r g i a s t i c -e c s t a t i c t h e m a t i c is a c o n s t a n t o f

t h e so c i o lo g i c a l t r a d i t i on , e . g . W e b e r , Econ omy and Society, p . 5 5 4 ; K . M a n n h e i m , Ideology

and Utopia,

N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t B r a c e , 1 95 4 , p . 1 9 2. O n e m u s t a l s o r e f e r t o E . D ü r k h e i m ,

Th e Elem entary Form s of the Religious Life, N e w Y o r k , C o l l i e r , 1 9 6 1 . I w o u l d a l s o r e f e r t o

m y o w n s h o r t s y n t h e s i s ,

L' Om bre de Dionysu s, contribution a un e sociologie de l'orgie,

P a r i s ,

L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 2 n d e d i t i o n , 1 9 85 .

1 8 . I m u s t r e f e r o f c o u r s e t o t h e c l a s s ic b o o k b y L . W i r t h , The Ghetto, C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y

o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 66 . O n t h e m e t r o p o l i s in t h e A u s t r o - H u n g a r i a n E m p i r e , cf. W . M .

J o h n s t o n , L'E sprit viennois, t r a n s l. P a r i s , P U F . , 1 9 85 , p p . 2 5 - 2 8 . O n t h e w o r k o f t h e C h i c a g o

S c h o o l , s e e U . H a n n e r z ,

Ex ploring the City: Inquiries toward an Urban An thropology

, N e w

Y o r k , C o l u m b i a U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 8 0 , p p . 4 0 - 4 4 a n d 6 5 .

19 . C f . fo r e x a m p l e t h e a r t i c le b y G . R i s t , ' L a N o t i o n m e d i e v a l e

habitus

d a n s l a

s o c i o l o g i e d e P i e r r e B o u r d i e u ' , Revu e eu ropeenn e des sciences sociales, v o l . 2 2 (1 9 8 4 ) , n o . 6 7 ,

p p . 2 0 1 - 2 1 2 a n d M a f f e s o l i ,

La Conn aissance ordinaire,

p . 2 2 4 a n d n o t e s 6 0 , 6 1 .

2 0 .

G . S i m m e l , ' P r o b l e m e s d e la s o c i o l o g ie d e s r e l ig i o n s ' , Arch ives des sciences sociales des

religions,

P a r i s , C N R S , n o . 1 7 ( 1 9 7 4 ) , p p . 1 7 a n d 2 0 .

2 1 . I h a v e d e v e l o p e d t h i s t h e o r y o f ' u n d e r g r o u n d c e n t r a l i t y' in m y p r e v i o u s l y c i t ed w o r k s ;

H a l b w a c h s ,


p p . 1 3 0 - 1 3 8 ; o n G o f f m a n ' s a n a l y s i s o f t h i s q u e s t i o n , cf.

H a n n e r z ,

Ex ploring the City,

p . 2 1 6 ,

et seq.

2 2 . O n th e

tremendum

[ f e a r ] , cf. R . O t t o ,

Le Sacre,

P a r i s , P a y o t , 1 92 1 ; o n p o p u l a r

r e l i g i o n , M . M e s l i n , ' L e p h e n o m e n e r e l i g i e u x p o p u l a i r e ' i n Les Religions populaires, P r e s s e s

d e 1 ' U n i v e r s i t e L a v a l , Q u e b e c , 1 9 7 2 .

2 3 .

P . B r o w n ,

The Cult of the Saints: its Rise and Fu nction in Latin Christianity,

C h i c a g o ,

U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 8 1 , p . 9 0 . O n c o n t e m p o r a r y ' r e l ia n c e ' , w i t h o u t s h a r i n g m a n y

o f h i s p e s s i m i s t i c n o r i n d e e d h i s h o p e f u l a n a l y s e s , I w o u l d r e f e r t o t h e i n f o r m e d b o o k b y M .



30

T H E

T I M E

O F T H E TRIBES

B o l l e d e B a i ,

La Ten tation com m un autaire, les paradoxes de la reliance et de la contre culture,

B r u x e l l e s , U n i v e r s i t e d e B r u x e l l e s , 1 9 8 5 .

2 4 .

T h e P a l o A l t o S c h o o l is n o w w e l l k n o w n i n F r a n c e ; t h e w o r k s o f B a t e s o n a n d

W a t z l a w i c k a r e g e n e r a l l y fo u n d i n t r a n s l a t i o n p u b l i s h e d b y S e u i l , c f. t h e ' d i g es t * o f f e r e d b y Y .

W i n k i n , La Nou velle comm un ication, P a r i s , S e u i l , 1 9 8 2 ; t h e t e r m ' t r a n s u b j e c t i v e ' i s u s e d b y

A . B e r q u e i n h i s a r t i cl e ' E x p r e s si n g K o r e a n M e d i a n c e ' . O n t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d , cf. K .

N o s c h i s , La Sign ification affective du quartier, P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 98 3 a n d F .

P e l l et i e r , ' L e c t u r e a n t h r o p o l og i q u e d u q u a r t ie r ' in

E space etSocieti,

P a r i s , A n t h r o p o s , 1 9 7 5,

no . 15 .

2 5 .

E . M o r i n , a n d K . A p p e l , New York, P a r i s, G a l i l e e , 1 98 4 , p . 6 4 ; O n t h e ' a n t h r o p o

l o gi c a l c o u r s e ' , I w o u l d r e f e r n a t u r a l ly t o t h e cl a s si c w o r k b y G . D u r a n d ,

Les structures

anthropologiques de Vim aginaire, P a r i s, B o r d a s , 1 9 6 9.

2 6 . T h i s t y p e o f r e s ea r c h i s a sp e c i a li t y o f t h e S o r b o n n e ' s C e n t r e d ' E t u d e s su r l ' A c t u e l e t l e

Q u o t i d i e n [ C E A Q ] (P a r i s V ) . A s a n e x a m p l e , I w o u l d r e fe r t o

Sociitis

i s s u e s 8 ( t o u r i s m ) , a n d

7 ( c o o k i n g ) , a s w e l l a s t h e a r t i cl e b y L . S t r o h l , ' L ' e l e c t r o m e n a g e r ' [ h o u s e h o l d a p p l i a n c e s ] , in

Sociitis,

9 .

2 7 . S e e J . C . K a u f m a n n , Le Repli domestique, P a r i s , M e r i d i e n s K l i n c k s i e c k , 1 9 8 8 . O n t h e

n e t w o r k s a n d t h e i r f o r m a l i za t i o n cf. H a n n e r z ,


p p . 2 1 0 - 2 5 2 .

2 8 .

E . P o u l a t ,

Catholicisme, dimocratique et socialisme

( t h e C a t h o l ic m o v e m e n t a n d M g r

B e n i g n i , f r o m t h e b i r t h o f s o c i a l is m t o t h e v i c t o r y o f F a s c i s m ) , P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 7 7 , p . 5 8 .

2 9 . C f . t h e A f r i c a n e x a m p l e in E . R o s n y ,

Les Yeux de ma chivre,

P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 8 1 , p p . 8 1

a n d 1 1 1 . O n r u m o u r a n d i ts u s e s , c f. t h e r e s e a r c h b y F . R e u m a u x ,

L a Ru meu r

( t h es i s i n

p r o g r e s s a t t h e t i m e of w r i t i n g ) , U n i v e r s i t y P a r i s V . A l s o , c f. S i m m e l ' s a r t i c le ' L e s S o c i e t e s

s e c r e t e s ' i n Nou velle Revue de Psychanalyse, P a r i s , G a l li m a r d , 1 9 77 .

3 0 . A s t u d y o n p u b l ic s p h e r e s r e m a i n s l a r g e l y t o b e u n d e r t a k e n . R e s e a r c h o n c a f o s i s u n d e r

w a y a t t h e C E A Q . O n e c a n h o w e v e r r e fe r t o C . B o u g i e ,

Essays on the Caste System,

C a m b r i d g e , C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 7 1 , p . 4 5 ; c f. a l s o H a n n e r z ,


p . 1 9 8 ,

et seq.;

a n d

J . Μ . L a c r o s s e e t a l . N o r m e s s p a t ia l e s e t in t e r a c t i o n s , Recherches

sociologiques, Lo uv ain , vol . 6 , no . 3 (19 75 ) , p . 33 6 , espe cia l ly wi th regard to the cafe* as Op en

area .

3 1 .

H a l b w a c h s ,

La Mem oire collective,

p . 5 1 ,

et seq.

3 2 . Re ad e rs are re ferred to a rep ort b y M . d e Ce rteau an d L . G i ard , L'Ordinaire de la

communication,

Par is , 1984 (R ep or t of the Minis try of Cu l tur e) a l so cf . a mo re speci f ic area

d eta i l ed i n th e th es i s b y P . De l m as , L E l eve t erm i n a l , en jeu x s oc i au x e t f in alit e* d es n ou ve l l e s

tec h n o l og i e s od u ca t i ve s , Un i vers i t e Par i s VI I I , 1986 an d a work i n p rogr es s , C . M o ri co t , L a

T e l e v i s i o n c ä b l e e ' , C E A Q - P a r i s V .

3 3 . F . D u m o n t , o n t h e o r i g in s o f t h e n o t i o n o f p o p u l a r c u l t u r e in

Cultu res populaires et

societis contemporaines,

P r e s s e s d e 1 ' U n i v e r s i t e d u Q u e b e c , Q u 6 b e c , 1 9 8 2 , p . 3 9 . I t i s a l s o

w o r t h c on s u l t i n g D u m o n t ' s

VA nthropologie en Vabsence de Vh omm e,

P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 1 .

3 4 .

B e r q u e a n a l y se d t h i s p r i n c ip l e o f a l l o n o m y in J a p a n , in Vivre V espace au Japon, p . 5 2 .

O n t h e s i gn i f i ca n c e o f r i t u a l c u s t o m i n B r a z i l , c f. R . D a M a t t a ,

Carnaval, bandit et hiros,

P a r i s ,

Seu i l , 1 9 8 3 .



2

1 .

As pec ts of v i ta l i sm

I t w a s E m i l e D ü r k h e i m w h o r e m a r k e d t h a t i f e x i s t e n c e e n d u r e s , t h e n i t i s

b e c a u s e , g e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , m e n p r e f e r it t o d e a t h - a s e n s i b l e s t a t e m e n t ,

fo r al l i t s su r face ba na l i t y .

1

There i s no po in t i n go ing ove r t he d i f f i cu l ty some in t e l l e c tua l s have in

u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h i s w i l l t o l i v e (puissance) w h i c h , d e s p i t e o r p e r h a p s

b e c a u s e of it s m a n y i m p o s i t i o n s , c o n t i n u e s t o n o u r i s h t h e s o ci al b o d y .

W i th ou t kn ow ing a l l t he re a so ns fo r i t , i t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to spe cu l a t e on w h y

th i s ques t ion can no longe r be i gnored . Le t us rema in w i th in t he l imi t s o f

b a n a l i t y , if o n l y t o e n r a g e t h e u n i v e r s i t y b e a n - c o u n t e r s w h o h i d e b e h i n d a

sc ient i f ic aura in order to d isguise the t r iv ia l i ty of the i r th inking. Some a r t

h i s to r i ans d i s ti ngu i sh be tw een pe r io ds i n w hich the t a c t il e a r t s p re do m ina te

a n d o t h e r s in w h i c h v i s u a l a r t s p r e v a i l , o r i n o t h e r w o r d s , b e t w e e n a r t

w h i c h m u s t b e s e e n c l o s e u p a n d a r t w h i c h r e q u i r e s a c e r t a i n d i s t a n c e i n

or de r t o be ful ly ap pr ec i a t ed . I t i s by re ly ing on such a d i c ho tom y tha t

W o r r i n g e r d e v e l o p s h i s f a m o u s o p p o s i t i o n b e t w e e n a b s t r a c t i o n a n d

e m p a t h y

(Einfühlung).

Br ie f ly , em pa th y i s in tu i t ive in te rm s of i t s

r e p r e s e n t a t i o n a n d o r g a n i c i n t e r m s o f s t r u c t u r e . O r , w e m a y b a s e

ourse lve s on the i dea o f

Kunstwollen,

w h ich re fe r s t o t he ma sse s and to t he

co l l e c t i ve fo rce w hich d r ive s t hem - i n shor t , t o t h i s r emarkab le v i t a l i sm.

2

O b vio us ly , t h i s c l a s si f ic a t ion m us t be co ns id e re d f rom an a rch e typ a l

point of v iew, tha t i s , i t does not exis t in a pure form. I t can be seen as an

u n r e a l i t y w h o s e s o l e f u n c t io n is t o r e v e a l c u r r e n t s i t u a t i o n s w h i c h a r e

t h e m s e l v e s v e r y r e a l . T h u s , in o r d e r t o a n s w e r t h e p r e v i o u s l y s t a t e d

qu es t io n , i t i s pos s ib l e t ha t , fo l low ing a pe r io d in w h ich d i s t anc e p rev a i l ed

- an op t i c a l pe r io d w h ich w e m igh t r e fe r t o e tym olog ica l ly a s t heo re t i c a l

(theorein\

t o s e e ) , w e a r e n o w e n t e r i n g a t a c t i l e p e r i o d i n w h i c h p r o x e m i c s

p r e d o m i n a t e s . T o p u t i t i n t e r m s m o r e i n k e e p i n g w i t h s o c i o l o g y , t h i s t r e n d

can be seen a s t he t r ans i t i on f rom the g loba l t o t he l oca l , t he pa ssage f rom

the p ro l e t a r i a t a s an ac t ive h i s to r i c a l sub jec t t o t he masse s f reed o f

r e s p o n s i b i l i t y fo r t h e f u t u r e . W e a r e t h u s o b l i g e d t o c o n t e m p l a t e t h e

sa tu ra t i on o f t he ques t ion o f pow er ( i . e . o f po l i t i c s ) i n i t s p ro j ec t ive

f u n c t i o n , a n d t h e e m e r g e n c e o f t h e q u e s t i o n o f t h e

puissance

a t th e he ar t of

t h e m a n y s p a r s e , s p l i n t e r e d , c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e s e c o m m u n i t i e s a r e s t i l l

l i nke d in a so r t o f d i f fe r en t i a t e d a rc h i t e c to n ic , exp re ss ing thems e lve s i n

w h a t I h a v e c a ll e d c o n f li c tu a l h a r m o n y .

3

I t i s wi t h in th i s sc he m at ic

f r a m e w o r k t h a t v i t a l is m s e m e r g e n c e s h o u l d b e c o n s i d e r e d : t h a t is , t h a t life

T H E U N D E R G R O U N D

PUISS NCE



32

T H E

T I M E OF THE TRIBE S

exists in opp osit ion to not hin g. Usually seen as fodder for 'se pa ra tio n' ,

alienation and the critical attitude which is its expression, it is important to

analyse the 'affirmative' quality of life, the societal 'will to live', which,

even from a relativist perspective, nourishes everyday life 'seen close up'.

Returning once again to my outline of the emblematic figure of

Dionysus, it seems to me that the role of puissance is continually at wor k.

However, its action may be either secret, discreet or displayed. When it is

not expressing itself in one of its effervescent forms such as revolts,

festivals, uprisings and other heated moments of human history, it is

hyperconcentrated in the secretive world of sects and the avant-garde, in

whatever form these may take, or hypoconcentrated in communities,

networks and tribes - in short, in the smallest details of everyday life which

are lived for their own sake and not as a function of any sort of finality.

4

I

am referring to the mystic or gnostic tradition, as opposed to the critical or

rationalist approach; but from the ancient gnoses to the gnosis of

Princeton, by way of the mysticism of Böhme and Loisy,

5

from the

unleashing of the senses and mores to 'New Age' medicines and contem

por ary astrological expl orati ons, ther e is a co mmo n thr ead runn ing

through: that of puissance. We might call the spiritual att itude 'dio nys ian'

and the more sensual perspective 'dionysiac'; however, they are both

founded on the primacy of experience, on a deep vitalism and a more or

less explicit vision of the organicity of the various elements of the cosmos.

A number of issues surrounding political saturation - changes in values;

the failure of the myth of progress; the resurgence of the qualitative; the

increased devotion to hedonism; the continued preoccupation with the

religious; the significance of the image - which we had thought drained of

all meaning but which increasingly intrudes on our everyday life (advertis

ing, television) - all of these questions are drawn against a backcloth of

what one might call an irrepressible puissance. This energy is very difficult

to explain; however, its effects may be observed in the various mani

festations of sociality: cunning, aloofness, scepticism, irony and the tragic

amusements which persist in the midst of a world supposedly in crisis. In

fact, the real crisis exists for the powers in their overarching and abstract

nature. It is this opposition between extrinsic power and intrinsic puissance

which must rigorously gu ide ou r th ink ing and which is the tra ns lat ion into

sociological terms of the previously mentioned aesthetic dichotomy

(optical versus tactile). In considering this movement of the pendulum, by

which issues (re)appear and fade away in a circular movement of return,

one should refer to the canonical author Celestin Bouglo. While of his time

(the turn of this rationalist century) and place (the French Positivist

School), Bougie nevertheless suggested inherent qualities which were not

strictly derived from Western tradition. Thus, in his highly nuanced

appraisal of the caste system - to which we will return - he remarks that

'the land of castes' could well be the cradle of the myth of Dionysus

( p . 146), and goes on to show us how there is a shift between the 'life of the

Greeks' (and we might also say their descendants), which was 'full of



T H E U N D E R G R O U N D PUISS NCE

33

reality' and the fact that for the Hindu it was a 'deceptive illusion' (p. 144).

Thi s sceptic al view is ne ver the les s exp res sed in a 'b re at h of se nsua lity' ,

even 'brutality' (p. 145). Thus, by going beyond accepted truths, he cannot

help noting that non-activism (as opposed to passivity) can be dynamic. It

is no t possible to go int o gre at detail in the se pag es ; howe ve r, we can

recognize along with Bougie that the Ordering intellect' can be set against

an 'amplifying ima gin atio n' (p . 178), and that each of thes e may repre sent

fertile gr ou nd in its own ri gh t.

6

It is of cours e poss ible to ex tr apola te from his idea, an d to go be yond the

constricting fram ewo rk of 'ra ce ', in ord er to add the socio-anthro pological

dimen sion which interes ts us he re . It is possible that t he

puissance

at wor k

today may not be separate from the fascination which Eastern thought and

customs currently have for us. Of course, these do not hold a monopoly as

the European model once did or the 'American way of life'* still does for

the time being. Rather, according to differentiated modalities, they may

(and do already) fit into an intercultural composition which will reanimate

the tradition versus moder nit y deb at e. In this resp ect, the place occupied

by Japan in the contemporary imagination is a clear indicator; in my

opi nio n, its industrial per for man ce and its con que ring dynami sm are

incomprehensible unless we bear in mind the heavy dose of tradition and

the ritual dimension which permeate the various manifestations of its

collective life, th e im po rt an ce of which has be en widely ack now led ged .

The three-piece suit has its place alongside the kimono in the wardrobe of

the efficient manager. Here again, one might say that we are in the

presence of a 'dynamic rootedness' . 7

Thus, at a time when it has become fashionable to lament (or to

ce le br at e, which is mu ch the sa me thing) the end of th e social, we m ust ,

with co mm on sen se and lucidity, rem em be r that the en d of a cert ain form

of the social order, and the obvious saturation of the political order, can

more than anything leave an opening for the emergence of a

vital instinct,

which is itself far from exh aust ed . Th e disast rous scenario s ar ou nd us are in

fact very dialectical (Hegelian); too linear (positivist); and still too

Christian (parousia**) to account for the multiple explosions of vitalism

which are comin g from thos e gro ups or ' trib es' in cons tant ferme ntati on.

They are taking personal responsibility for multiple aspects of their

collective exi sten ce: this can truly be called pol ytheis m. A s is often the

case, the intellectuals, and more precisely the sociologists, will only

comprehend this post festuml

Let us venture a few metaphors: just like the phoenix of Antiquity, the

de at h of an old form inevita bly gives rise to a ne w on e. Th e 'expansi ve

imag inati on' me nt io ne d earlier allows us to un der sta nd tha t the dea th of

the historical or of political monovalence can represent an opportunity for

reinvesting the natural matrix. I have already explained this process: the

*

This appears in English in the text.

Transl. note: referring to the Sec on d Co mi ng of Christ.



34

T H E


trans ition from an all-pervasive econ om y to a gene raliz ed ecol ogy, or in

the words of the Frankfurt School, the passage from nature as object

(Gegenstand) to natur e as par tne r (Gegenspieler). Mor eover , the ecological

movements (whether in the form of political parties or not), the fads of

natural foods, macrobiotics and other natural movements are instructive in

this regard. This is not a useless detour in my reflections, but rather a

parameter whose importance escapes only too often the nay-sayers, except

whe n redu ce d to its political co mp on en t. O ne may think of Jüng er and his

fascination with minerals, or refer to the poet Lacarriere who described

forcefully and beautifully the resurgence of the great Goddess Earth:

I have always found a certain resemblance between myths and coral: they both

exist on a common living branch which . . . becomes transformed into minerals

over the centuries . . . the burgeoning, living flowers, the tentacle-like branching

in short, the verbal and ephemeral arteries which continually nourish the

abyssal vigour of the phylum.

8

Th e whole of this beautiful b oo k, which is comp ara bl e to He nr y Miller's

Colossus of Marousia, con tinu es in the sam e vein; it descr ibes the re-

enchantment with the world by showing the close connection which exists

between the arborescence - even mineral - of nature and the explosion of

life to which the myth testifies. The phylum in question reminds us,

advisedly, that although civilizations are mortal or even ephemeral, the

sub stra te in which they impla nt themse lves is inva riab le, at least in the eyes

of the sociologist. It would be wise to remember this truism, which in our

self-abso rption we tend to forget.

That bei ng said, it is now possible to unde rst and wha t I have te rm ed

'social perdurability', a rather uncivilized term which describes the ability

of the masses to resist. This ability is not necessarily conscious, it is

incorporated; like a mineral in some ways, it outlasts political change. I

would hazard to say that there exists within the masses a 'sure knowledge',

an 'assured direction', after Heidegger, which makes them a natural entity

far exceeding their various historical or social manifestations. This may

seem a somewhat mystic vision; but it is the only one that allows us to

explain how across carnage and war, migration and death, splendour and

decadence, the human animal has continued to prosper. Now that we need

no longer fear invective and accusations; now that theoretical terrorism no

longer paralyses the adventure of thought (or even adventurous thought),

it is fitting that sociologists examine rigorously this global, holistic per

spective which was affirmed by the very founding of our discipline. The

recognition of an irrepressible vitalism -may go hand in glove with this.

There is no question of making an exhaustive survey of this research;

9

it is

enough to show that, according to Goethe's theme of the

Natur-Gott,

the

Na tu re -G od , this vitalism has forme d an integral part of the dep th

psychology so cent ral to the twentie th cen tur y.

It was patently obvious in the work of Carl Jung, whose fecundity is only

now being (re)-examined, but also on the fringes of the Freudian

mo ve me nt : the Organi zing princip le of life' is at the hear t of Gr od de ck 's



T H E U N D E R G R O U N D PUISSANCE

35

work. Thus, according to one of his critics, the latter always displayed a

'great interest in the phusis, that is, the spo nta neo us gro wth; the accom

plishment of a destiny, in nature as in human beings'.

1 0

If in the

psychoan alytic tradition I qu ote G ro dd ec k, it is bec aus e, on the one han d,

he was inspir ed by Niet zsche, whose topicality has still no t be en fully

explored, but also because the adage he took as his own - Natur sanat,

medicus curat - is at the hear t of the alter nat ive move me nt s which the

world ove r are in the proc ess of over tur ni ng the social configur ation.

Furthermore, we will have to be careful to gauge the relevance of what I

call puissance. It is pos sibl e to ima gine that this 'fulfilment' in the natura l

or de r - th e arb or esc ence or ever-c ont inu ing growth - will hav e its effect on

the social or de r. It is in redis cove ring th e virtu es of Mo th er Na tu re that a

feeling of wholeness is restored. There is a reversibility at play, rather than

unilateral domination, which allows us to claim that all those groups for

wh om na tu re is seen as a pa rt ne r are alte rna tive forces. Th es e g roup s

signal at once a decline in a certain type of society as well as an irresistible

renaissance.

Of course, this process which we see in statu nascendi is comp lete ly

chaotic, disordered, effervescent. But we have known since Dürkheim that

this effe rvescenc e is the surest sign of the pr os pe ct ive, of that which is

called upon to last, to be institutionalized even. Bachelard calls this frenzy

of activity a 'pr imal im ag e' , rem ind ing us tha t in the se ven tee nt h cen tur y,

'the word "chaos" was spelled "cahot" ' .* This parallel is elucidating,

especially when o ne is awa re that cha os is the founda tion up on which t he

cos mos is cons tru cte d, as well as the m icro -cos mos which is the social

order. The throng is a sign of animalization but also of animation, 1 1

a fact

clearly illust rated by Du ra nd. Thi s th rong , with its stro ng nat ura l con

notation, can be seen as an expression of the puissance or the 'will to live ',

which are the cause and effect of the vital phylum. In the words of the

German psychoanalyst: 'Kot ist nicht Tot, es ist angfang von allem'.

Let us be even m or e preci se: alth oug h th er e is a declin e in the great

institutional and activist structures - from political parties, as required

me di at or , to the prole tar iat as historical subject - the re is on the oth er

hand the development of what might be termed very generally the basic

communities. These are built on a proxemic realit y whos e finished form is

nature. With great insight, Simmel showed that ' the sentimental attach

ment to nature' and the 'fascination with power' must surely be trans

formed into religion. There is, in the strictest sense of the term,

communion with beauty and na tu re . 1 2 Here, religion binds; it binds

precisely because of the close co-existence, because of physical proximity.

Th us , con tra ry to historical 'e x-t ens ion ', which is built up on vast and

increasingly impersonal structures, nature favours 'in-tension'

(in-tendere),

with all the co mm itm en t, en thusia sm and warm th that it supp oses. Th e

Transl. note:

Th is etym ological obser vat ion is not really tr anslat able. Th e word

' c h a o s '

in

French has the same meaning as in English; the word 'cahot ' can be translated as 'jolt ' .



36

T H E


rather cavalier reference to nature and the 'religion' which flows from it is

only made in order to show that beyond the arbitrary division between the

physical and the psychical, and hence between nature and the sciences of

the mind - divisions imposed by the nineteenth century - we are in the

midst of redi scovering a global perspe ctive tha t is not hing short of

prospective.

There are a number of scientists (physicists, astrophysicists, biologists)

who are actively working towards just such a revision. Some, such as Nobel

laureate Fritz Capra or biologist R. Sheldrake, even refer to the Tao or to

Hindu thought in order to express their hypotheses. In his case, physicist

J . E . Ch ar ro n tries to show that 'in physics, the spirit is ins epa rab le from

res ear ch' . Since I am not comp et en t in this ar ea , I will refrain from

entering into the fray. I can, however, use his analyses metaphorically in

order to illustrate the path taken by this vitalism or the puissance at work in

the social given, in particular with respect to 'black holes', those stars

which through a breathtaking process of increasing density die in our

space-time in order to be reborn 'in a new space-time', which he calls a

'complex space-t ime' . 1 3

In answer to those who question the decline of the

classic modes of social structuring, let me create a clearer image by

suggesting that it is the density of sociality, what I have just called its 'in

tension' (in-tendere), which help s it reac h anot he r space -time wh ere it

move s abo ut easily. Such a density has always existe d; it is experie nc e in its

various dimensions, the lived life in all its concreteness, the feeling or

passion which, contrary to conventional wisdom, constitutes the essential

ingredient of all social aggregations. In general, this density is expressed

through the delegations and representations that occur throughout human

history (general assemblies, councils, direct democracies, nascent par

liaments, etc.). However, over time, and because of the inevitably

increased rigidity of institutions, we see an increasing separation which

may lead to divorce. When this happens, this 'density' will be exiled to

another space-time while waiting for new forms in which to express itself,

since, to borrow the term from Bloch who applied it to other phenomena,

the re is quite often 'n on- con tem por ane ity ' bet wee n an institution and its

popular foundations. Thus, in our democratic countries, what some

pund its refer to as the devel opm ent of anti-pa rliament arianism is per hap s

nothing but a strain in the

libido dominandi

whic h sust ains pub lic life, or

even a saturation of the political game whose abiding interest remains its

theatrical gestures.

However, leaving aside those who make their living at questioning this

decline to their puerile games, it is still necessary to question the

'importance of the "black holes" of sociality'. This has the merit at least of

forcing us to turn our attention to the too often ignored basis of our

discipline. Let us leave behind celestial architecture for the bricks and

mo rt ar of ou r cities. Reflecting on the spaces conta ine d ther ein , Dörfle s,

inspired by the aesthetic movement, stated that there can be no architec

ture 'without an interior space'. Moreover, he widens the debate by



T H E

U N D E R G R O U N D PUISS NCE

37

showing that this interior spatiality has important anthropological roots

(gr ott o, niche, shelter) as well as psychological (mate rna l breas t, ute rus ,

digestive tract). The reflection on the 'labyrinth', which was particularly

well exploited by the Surrealists and the Situationists, or the 'empty spaces'

mentioned by Durand, highlights the fact that any construction requires an

interior space on which to rest. 1 4 What has been applied to architecture can

be extrapolated to the architectonics of sociality. This has been the central

hypothesis of my work for many years: the necessity of an underground

centrality.

Th e fact that co nte mpo rar y architects or urb an designers are

rediscovering the desire for lost space, the agora, the underground

pass age, por tico s, patios and so on is just the construedvist transliteration

of the pressing ne ed for the 'em pt y spac e'. I ha ve alread y said tha t, befor e

becoming the world we know, the mundus was the 'hol e' into which were

thrown sacrificial victims to the gods, infants rejected by their fathers as

well as refuse, 1 5 in short, all those things that give meaning to the city.

One fact (pointless to the urbanists of the time but which was to be felt

late r on ) which has enlivene d many discussions with friends from Grenob le ,

such as C. Verdill on, is wor th singling ou t. Wh en the City of G re nobl e

decided to construct 'Villeneuve', a living laboratory for a new way of

experiencing city living, it asked urban planners to design long 'passageways'

linking the apartments to the elevators, and 'galleries' which would provide

a place for people to congregate. These became a place of draughts, of

joggers - even panic. They also planned for, in conformity with regula

tions, a 'social square footage'. Thus, on top of socio-educational pro

visions, one room was left empty at the end of each passageway. It was to

be the place for meetings, groups, workshops. In fact, these rooms were

quickly occupied in an informal way for activities which could be classed as

anodyne or against the traditional morality. In any case, they were places

whe re it was tho ugh t - t hro ugh proj ectio ns or fantasizing - th at somet hing

extraordinary was occurring which was necessary to group life:

mundus est

immundus. Th e 'social squa re foo tag e' was the plac e for the squal id,

permitting communication, diatribes or vicarious living. Of course, it was

not to last and locks were put on these places of freedom which were then

ingloriously handed over to social directors

Bu t beyo nd this an ec do te , what I am trying to emp ha siz e is tha t ther e is

always, to borrow an expression from Simmel, 'a secret behaviour of the

group hidden from the outside' . 1 6

It is this be ha vi ou r which , following the

more or less established eras, is the basis of social perdurability and which,

apart from occasional declines, guarantees the continued existence of the

ph yl um . If it sho uld be nece ssary t o clarify furt her , I am talking abo ut an

ideal type which doe s not exist in pu re for m, whic h is rarely pre sen ted as

such by the protagonists themselves, naturally enough; however, it is

certainly this 'secrecy' which allows us to measure the vitality of a social

gr ou p. In de ed , it is in pro tec tin g the stage s of a rev olu tio n, the reaso ns for

a conspiracy or more simply through passive resistance or 'aloofness' with

regard to a particular (political, state, symbolic) power that a community is



38

T H E T I M E

OF THE TRIBE S

forged . W he th er explos ive or silent, th er e is a violence whose found ing

functions we have only begun to explore. And puissance also has a rol e to

play here.

To sum up these few remarks, this surprising 'vitalism', which is the

condition for understanding the puissance of the life wit hout qua lit ies , can

be understood only by abandoning the judgemental (or normative)

attitude which generally belongs to the keepers of knowledge and power.

Julien Freund, in speaking of the fickleness of the crowd, proposes

classifying it 'u nd er the catego ry of the priva tive', that is, ne ith er positive

nor negative, 'at the same time both socialist and nationalist ' . 1 7

I will put it

in my own terms by saying that the crowd is hollow, vacuity itself, and it is

in this that its puissance res ide s. Refus ing the logic of identi ty, which

transforms the masses into the proletariat (into the 'subject' of history), the

crowd may be, either sequentially or concurrently, the everyday crowd or

the crowd in revolt, the racist crowd or the generous crowd, the naive

crow d or the cunn ing crowd . Philosophically s pea king, this is an i ncom

plete chapter, and as such it holds great promise. Imperfection is a sign of

life; per fec tion a synon ym for dea th . It is only in its ho dg e- po dg e, its

efferv escence, its dis ord ere d and stochas tic aspe cts, its touc hing naiv ety,

that the vitalism of the people is of interest to us. It is because it is in this

nothingness which gives sha pe to ever ythi ng tha t, relatively spe aki ng, we

can see an alternative to decline; but at the same time it tolls a bell for

modernity.

2 .

The social divine

We may ask ourselves about another aspect of the puissance of the mas ses,

tha t is the 'social div ine ', a ter m coine d by Dü rk he im t o descr ibe tha t

aggregate force which is the basis of any society or association. We could

also use the word 'religion', if it is used to describe that which unites us as a

community; it is less a content, which is the realm of faith, than a

con tain er, that is, a co mm on matr ix, a foundati on of the 'bein g-tog ethe r'.

In this regard, I will refer to Simmel's definition: 'the religious world sinks

its roots into the spiritual complexity of the relationship between the

individual a nd his pe ers or a gr ou p of his pee rs . . . the se relat ionsh ips

constitute the purest of religious phenomena in the accepted sense of the

t e r m ' .

1 8

There is no question of doing a sociology of religion here; besides, the

special ists in ou r field be co me ret ice nt as soon as ref ere nce is mad e to the

resurgence of the religious. I will take care not to tread on any toes and will

limit myself to the fluid, neb ulo us worl d of religious sen tim en t. Mo re ov er ,

I will do so purposefully, paying careful attention to religious develop

men ts strictly speakin g (especially their non-institution al manifes tations) ,

as well as to the importance accorded to the imaginary and the symbolic,

all things which encourage preoccupied or predisposed minds to speak of

the return of irrationalism.




PUISS NCE

39

First, there is a definite link between the restoration of the natural

(naturalism) and the re-enchantment with the world which we are witness

ing tod ay. Bey on d the demystifications and the 'demyth ologi zing ', which

have found their supporters even in the midst of theological reflections, the

social 'sleu th' t ha t is the sociologist is sure to cons ider all those vari ous

elements which lend importance to fate, destiny, the stars, magic, tarot,

horoscopes, nature, cults, etc. Certainly, the development of games of

chance as we know them in France, of casino-type popular games (lotto,

tac ota c, tierce , natio nal lo tte ry) , is par t of this proce ss. These a re topics

which meri t sep ara te tre at me nt ; the re is no nee d here to ring the alarm

bells. Indeed, let us recall Durkheim's 'essential postulate of sociology':

'th at a hu ma n institu tion can no t rest up on an err or and a lie with out which

it could not exist. If it were not founded in the nature of things, it would

have encountered in the facts a resistance over which it could never have

t r i um phe d . ' 1 9 The wisdom of this remark can be applied to the subject at

ha nd . Com mo n sens e, empirical observ ati on, new spa per articles - they all

agree on the multiplication of religious phenomena. It is therefore

appropriate to deal with them, without unduly exaggerating their impact,

nor discounting them a

priori.

First , let us con sider a ph en ome no n whic h is wid esp rea d at all levels of

soc iety . As far as th e 'crow d' is co nc er ne d, it is no t surpri sing to find

inte rest in ho ro sc op es ; the y are also the topic of conver sati on (albeit

discreet) among the intelligentsia, who can be seen wearing various charms

or amulets around their necks or wrists. As for the other layers of society,

studies under way will show the same phenomena occurring. Let me

recount the following anecdote: recently, at a dinner which brought

together top civil servants (plus a few 'stand-ins' such as a bishop, a

university professor and an astrologer), I was able, on the one hand, to

have a long conversation with a certain well-known astrologer who named

all the politicians, of various political stripes, who were clients of hers and

on the other, to listen to a certain regional politician, a rational man if ever

there was one, explain to me in confidence the magical thrill - like a weekly

fix

he felt when the winning lottery numbers were drawn. Naturally, in

order to avoid total indiscretion, it was his driver who was charged with the

task of pur cha sin g the fateful ticke t. Of co ur se , this is all an ec do ta l, but it is

these facts, however minuscule they may be, which by successive layers

constitute the substrate of both individual and collective existence. They

underline in the strongest terms another way of relating to the natural or

cosmic environment than the one to which we had become accustomed by

purely rationalist thinking. Naturally, this different way of relating is not

wit hou t cons eq ue nc e for ou r rela tion ship s with ot he rs (family, office,

facto ry, n ei gh bo ur ho od ), since it is tru e that it is the way in which the

'h um an being thr own into the wor ld' is expe rien ced and repre sen ted that

de ter min es his or her perf orm anc e. Wh at I me an by this is the handling of

all thos e situations which bit by bit con stit ute the existential conca ten ati on .

If we can thus speak of the re-enchantment with the world, then it is



40


because this 'is a given'. This naturalism and connivance are worth

highlighting; they are what make it possible to talk of the social 'order' or,

to use Schutz's expression the 'taken for granted'. 2 0

We join in as best we

can; we are part of this miserable world, so imperfect and yet so much

better than 'nothingness'. Such a tragic vision, to be sure, which is based

less on chang e (refo rm, r evo lut ion), than on an acc ept anc e of things as

they are: the status quo. Some would cry fatalism, and they would be

partially correct; however, opposing this (Anglo-Saxon) activism which

pits individuals against one an oth er, is a certain (Me dit err ane an? ) fatalism,

which by integrating the individual into the matrix, reinforces the collective

spirit. Let me specify that although the human or social 'divine' (from

Feu er ba ch , by way of Co mte an d Dür kh ei m) is a preo ccup ation of social

thinking, we can nonetheless draw a parallel with a certain mystical

tradition which has as its goal to lose oneself in the 'greater whole'. Such an

attitude, on the one hand, refers to the naturalism mentioned earlier, as

well as functions as the basis for the formation of small groups (com munion ,

erotic or sublimated identification, sects, congregations, etc.) which are

not unrelated to things we can observe today. 2 1

It must not be forgotten

tha t the theologic al express ion which best desc ribes this proc ess - 'th e

co mm un io n of sain ts' - is base d primarily on the idea of pa rtic ipa tion ,

correspondence and analogy, notions which seem perfectly appropriate for

analysing social movements that cannot be reduced to their rationalist or

functional dimensions. The great sociologist Roger Bastide, the import

ance of whose analyses will one day be acknowledged, spoke of religion in

terms of an 'arborescent development ' . 2 2 There again, apart from the

naturalist image it conjures up, we are encouraged to see elements in an

organic structure (branches forming a tree), of rings and of concatenation,

of communities interwoven on a larger canvas. There is the old biblical

imag e of mythica l Jer usa lem 'wh ere all are as on e ', prefiguring the

conviviality of the paradise to come. Based on these few remarks, can we

extrapolate and make a link with the puissance of the mas ses ? I bel ieve it is

legitimate to do so, especially since the essential characteristic of religion,

in its different m anif esta tions, re mai ns neve rthe less intang ible : its tra ns

cendence. Whether it can be situated in a great beyond or whether it is an

' immanent transcendence' (the group, the community transcending indi

viduals) does not alter the truth of the matter. My hypothesis, as distinct

from those who lament the end of great collective values and the

withdrawal into the self - which they falsely parallel with the growing

im port ance of ever yda y life - is tha t a new (and evo lving) tre nd can be

found in the growth of small groups and existential networks. This

represents a sort of tribalism which is based at the same time on the spirit

of religion (re-ligare) and on localism (proxe mics, na tu re) . Per ha ps , since

the era of individua lism inau gur ate d by the French Rev olu tion is com ing to

a clos e, we will be con fron ted with wha t was an aborti ve exp eri men t

(Ro be spi err e): that is, the 'civil religion' advocate d by Rou sse au. This

hypo thes is is not withou t foundat ion , all the mor e so since , as Pou lat no te s,




PUISS NCE

41

it continued to interest, throughout the nineteenth and up until the turn of

the centu ry, thin kers such as Pierr e Lero ux , Com te of cou rse , Loisy an d

Ballanche who thought that 'humanity would be called on to form a fourth

heavenly being' .

2 3

Inspired by a term applied to Lammenais, we can say

that this 'demotheistic'* perspective allows us to understand the strength of

tribalism, or the strength of a sociality which remains impervious to

economic-political analyses.

As we know, Dürkheim remained preoccupied with the religious

connection: 'how a society which nothing transcends but which transcends

its members can hold together'. This happy formula of Poulat's 2 4 clearly

sums up the theme of immanent transcendence. Causality or utilitarianism

alone are insufficient to explain the propensity for association. Despite the

various egos and interests involved, there remains a glue which guarantees

perdu rabili ty. P erh aps its source can be found in the shared sent iment .

Depending on the era, this sentiment may be based on lofty ideals or on

mo re powerful objec tives ne are r to ho me . In the latter cas e, it can not be

unified, rationalized fortiori; and its sca tter ed nat ur e will only serve to

highlight its religious dimension. Thus, the 'civil religion', which is difficult

to apply to an entire nation, can be quite easily experienced at the local

level by a multiplicity of towns (the Greek example) and special groupings.

At this stage, the solidarity it leads to becomes concrete. In this way, a

cert ain consecu tive uniformi ty, flowing from the global ization and ho mo -

genization of customs and even thoughts, can occur simultaneously with a

growing emphasis on individual values which are granted an intense new

meaning by some. Thus, we are witness to an ever-increasing penetration

of the mass me di a, un ifor mity in our dre ss , th e victo ry of the fast food

outlet; and at the same time we can also see the development of local

communication (private radio, cable TV), the rise of individual fashions,

local pr od uc e and cuisin e, so tha t it wou ld som eti mes seem tha t we are

in the proce ss of re appr op ria tin g our exis tenc e. On e is dra wn to this

conclusion by the fact that, far from erasing the strength of our ties (re

ligion), technological advances sometimes even bolster them.

It is beca use th ere is a satur atio n of abstract p he no me na , of ov erarchi ng

values, of great economic or ideological structures that we can notice,

without in any way contesting these structures (which would only be to

accord them too much weight), a reorientation towards goals near to hand,

genuinely shared feelings; in short, all those things which constitute a

world: customs and rituals which are 'taken for granted'.**

It is precisely this proximity that gives much of its meaning to what we

call the 'social divine'. It has nothing to do with any kind of dogmatism or

instit utional formu la; it str ength ens the pag an fibre which , whe ther

historians like it or not, has never entirely disappeared from the masses.

* T h e

p e o p l e

as god, or the

' s oc ia l

d i v i n e ' .

Transl. note: ' t a k e n for

g r a n t e d '

a p p e a r s in E n g l i s h in the

t e x t .



42

T H E


Like the Lares, the cause and effect of the family group, the divine of

which we speak allows us to recreate the cenacles that keep us warm and

provide social spaces in the heart of the cold, inhuman metropolis. The

dizzying growth of metropolises (megalopolises, rather) as demographers

inform us, can only foster the development of 'villages within the city', to

paraphrase a well-known title. Alphonse Allais' vision has come to pass.

Great cities have supplanted the countryside; their neighbourhoods,

ghettos, parishes, terrain and various tribes which inhabit them have

replaced the villages, hamlets, communes and cantons of yesteryear.* But

since it is necessary to gather round a protective figure, the patron saint of

our worship will be replaced by the guru, the local celebrity, the football

team or the much more modest sect.

The idea of 'keeping warm together' is a way of acclimatizing to or

domesticating an environment without it becoming in any way threatening.

Empiri cal resear ch in urb an settings has clearly dem ons tra ted these

phenomena. In analysing social changes flowing from urban migration in a

Zambian city, Bennetta Jules-Rosette noted that ' there are residents who

have always played an active part' in the reorganization and the growth of

the community. And she continues: 'The most distinctive characteristic

sha re d by ma ny of the se resi dent s is thei r me mb er sh ip in ind ige nous

African c hu rch es. '** It is mo re ov er this part icipation which cre ate s the

most visible of the sub-groups of the community.

2 5

Thus, urban change can

pe rha ps be corre lated to a rapid de-Christi anizatio n; how ever , it is bou nd

to favour a religious syncretism with yet unknown results.

In one of his writings on 'the social aspects of religion', which remains

surprisingly up to date, Dürkheim, for whom 'religion was the most

primitive of social phenomena', notes the end of the old ideals and

divinities. Nevertheless, he goes on to underline that one must dig 'below

the moral chill which reigns at the surface of our collective life to feel the

sources of warmth that our societies carry within'. These sources of warmth

he situates 'within the popular classes'. 2 6 This appraisal is well within the

bo un ds of my reflections here (a nd is increasingly sha red by a nu mb er of

res ea rch er s): the obv ious de huma niz ati on of ur ban life is giving birth t o

specific groupings for the exchange of passion and feelings. Let us not

forget: the dionysiac values, which seem very topical, concern sex, but also

religious feelings; they are both signs of passion.

It is only because the 'social divine' functions in a minor key of

ad ap ta ti on , or even a sort of pre ser va tio n, tha t we notic e its pr es ence , in a

ma jor k ey, in revolut ionary explo sion . I hav e alre ady touc he d on this

Transl. note:

Alph on se Allais (1854-1905) was a popu lar Fr ench hu mour ist wh o wrot e for

t he cabar e t journal

Le Chat noir.

His wr itings focussed on the absurdity of moder n

l i fe .

'La

Fore t encha nteV (The Enchanted For est )

{Le Chat noir,

27 Oct ob er 1888) tells th e stor y of

an entir e Par isian neighb our hood , newsta nd s an d cafos includ ed, arising out of the forest

before the astonished gaze of the narrator.

Transl. note:

Th is qu otat ion appea r s in En glish in the text.




PUISS NCE

43

theme in the notion of 'ouroborus revolution' , 2 7 * by showing that there has

always bee n a heavy religious dime nsio n to revol ution ary ph en om en a

which were later classified as purely political. This is obvious in the case of

the French Revolution. It was also the case for the 1848 revolutions in

Europe; Henri de Man has shown that the Bolshevik Revolution was not

immune either. The Peasants' Revolt can be seen as a paradigm of this

phenomenon; Bloch's beautiful book makes an undeniable case for this

dime nsio n. Mo re ov er, it is on this topic that Man nh ei m spo ke of Orgiastic-

ecstatic energies' which had their 'roots in deeper-lying vital and elemental

levels of the psyche'. 2 8

It is im po rt an t to refer to the se effervescent

mo me nt s, if only to de mo ns tr ate that the re is a const ant to and fro be twee n

exp los ion a nd rel ease and tha t this process is cause and effect of the

religious link, i.e. the sharing of passion. In fact, religion in this sense is the

matrix of all social life. 2 9

It is the crucible in which all the various manifestations of the 'being-

together' are created. Ideals can of course age, collective values become

saturated, however, religious feeling continually secretes that ' immanent

transcendence' which explains the perdurability of societies across human

histo ry. It is in this sens e that we are conc ern ed with an el em en t of this

mysterious puissance.

I have mentioned the ex-static attitude which should be understood here

in its narrowest sense as an exteriorization of the

self.

Indeed, the above-

me nt io ne d per dur abi lity is bas ed primari ly on the existence of a ma ss, a

people. Le Bon even talks of 'the moralization of the individual by the

crowd', and he cites several examples. 3 0 This is wha t was un de rs tood by

the Catholic theologians for whom faith was of secondary importance to its

actual expression in a church setting. To use the language of the moralist,

the religious aut hor ity (o r ecclesiastical con sci enc e), is for them mo re

important than the 'inner conscience'. To use terms which are more

familiar to m e , de ve lope d previously when refer ring to wha t I called 't he

ethical imm oral ism' : whate ver the situation and the moral qualification,

which are , as we know , ephe mer al a nd localized, the shared sen timen t is

the true social bond. It can lead to political upheaval, occasional revolts,

bread riots, strikes for solidarity; or instead it can lead to festivities and

everyday banalities. In each of these cases, there is an ethos at work by

which, come hell or high water, carnage and genocide, a mass holds

toge ther as such and survives the vaga ries of politics. This 'd em ot he is m'

has been exaggerated here for our purposes (even caricatured), but, in my

opi nio n, this is necessary in ord er to und ers tan d the extra ordin ary

resistance to the multiform impositions which constitute societal living. If

we were to extend this hypothesis still further, based on the afore

mentioned, we might propose a minute change to the classic adage and

substitute populo for deo. Th us , for the sociologist trying to un de rs ta nd the

vitalism of sociality, the magic words could be

Omnis potesas a populo.

Transl. note:

'our oboru s': the Gre ek symb ol of a snak e (or drago n) devouri ng its own tail.



4 4

THE TIME O F THE TRIBES

I n d e e d , a n d t h i s i s w h e r e t h e s o c i o - a n t h r o p o l o g i s t c a n b r i n g a p r o s p e c t i v e

n o t t o m e n t i o n p r o p h e t i c d i m e n s i o n t o h is o r h e r w o r k : i t i s p o s s i b l e t h a t

the s t ruc tu r ing o f soc i e ty i n to many sma l l e r g roups i n combina t ion w i l l

make i t poss ib l e t o e scape o r a t l e a s t r e l a t i v i ze t he i ns t i t u t i ons o f pow er .

Th i s i s t h e g re a t l e s son to be l e a rn ed f rom the po ly th e i sm w hich ha s

a l r e a d y b e e n t h e s u b j e c t o f n u m e r o u s a n a l y s e s ; i t a l s o s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e r e

rem a in s fe r t i l e g r ou nd fo r r e s ea r ch . M or e spec i f ic a l ly , it i s poss ib l e t o

i m a g i n e a p o w e r i n t h e p r o c e s s o f g l o b a l i z a t i o n , t w o - o r t h r e e - h e a d e d ,

d i s p u t i n g a n d s h a r i n g e c o n o m i c - s y m b o l i c z o n e s o f i n f l u e n c e , p l a y i n g t h e

g a m e o f n u c l e a r i n t i m i d a t i o n . A n d b e y o n d t h is t r e n d , o r a l o n g s i d e i t , t h e r e

w ould be a p ro l i f e ra t i on o f g roup ings w i th va r i ed i n t e re s t s , t he c rea t ion o f

ind ivid ua l f ie fdoms, th e m ul t ip l ica t ion of th eo r ie s an d ide olo gie s wh ich a re

i n o p p o s i t i o n t o o n e a n o t h e r . O n t h e o n e h a n d w e w o u l d f i n d h o m o

g e n e i t y , o n t h e o t h e r , h e t e r o g e n e i t y ; i n o t h e r w o r d s , t o d u s t o f f a n o l d

image : t he d i cho tomy on a un ive rsa l s ca l e o f t he coun t ry a s a se r i e s o f

b o r d e r s a n d t h e ' r e a l ' c o u n t r y . T h i s p e r s p e c t i v e is b e i n g r e j e c t e d b y t h e

ma jor i t y o f po l i t i c a l o r soc i a l obse rve rs , i n pa r t i cu l a r because such a v i s ion

con t rad i c t s t he i r f r a m ew ork s of ana lys i s w hich a re de r ived f rom th e

pos i t i v i s t an d d i a l ec t i c a l t r ad i t i on s o f t he l a s t c en tu r y . H o w ev e r , if w e a re

capab le o f see ing the i nd i ca t ions be fo re us

(index:

th e po in t in g finger) su ch

a s m a s s i v e p o l it i c al a n d u n i o n d i s e n g a g e m e n t ; t h e g r e a t e r a t t r a c t i o n o f t h e

he re an d no w ; t he v i ew of po l i t i c s an d w ha t it r e a l l y rep re s en t s - t hea t r i c s

o r spec t ac l e s o f va ry ing degree s o f i n t e re s t ; t he i nves tmen t i n new

economic , i n t e l l e c tua l , sp i r i t ua l o r ex i s t en t i a l adven tu re s - a l l o f t h i s

sho u ld ca use us t o cons id e r t ha t t he soc i a l it y w hich i s be in g bor n ow es

no th i ng to t he o ld soc io -po l i t ic a l w or ld (w h ich i s ou r h e r i t ag e ) .

In th i s re ga rd , sc ien ce f ic tion i s a useful ex am pl e : dr ess ed in te ch no -

G o t h i c t r a p p i n g s , i t r e p r e s e n t s h e t e r o g e n e i t y a n d i n s o l e n c e w i t h r e s p e c t t o

t h e a b o v e - m e n t i o n e d co n f o rm i s t b e h a v i o u r s . 3 1

I t is t h r o u g h t h i s g r o w i n g a u t o n o m y w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e o v e r a r c h i n g

po w ers t ha t t h e soc i a l d iv ine can find it s exp re ss ion . Ind ee d , l e av ing a s ide

the ques t ion a s t o w ha t t he soc i e ty o f t he fu tu re O ugh t t o be ' , w e sac r i f i c e

to loca l 'go ds ' ( lov e , co m m er ce , v io len ce , te r r i to ry , fest iv it ies , wo rk ac t iv i ties ,

f o o d , b e a u t y , e t c . ) w h o s e n a m e s m a y h a v e c h a n g e d s i n c e G r a e c o - R o m a n

t i m e s b u t w h o s e e m b l e m a t i c i n f l u e n c e r e m a i n s t h e s a m e . T h u s , w e c a n

w i tne ss t he reappropr i a t i on o f our ' r e a l ' ex i s t ence , w hich l i e s a t t he hea r t

of what I ca l l the

puissance

o f t h e m a s s e s . W i t h a s s u r a n c e a n d s t u b b o r n

n e s s ,

i n a pe rh ap s an ima l i s t i c w ay - t ha t i s , m o re a s an expre s s ion o f a v i t al

ins t inc t than a c r i t i ca l facul ty - groups , smal l communi t ies , a f f in i ty

n e t w o r k s a n d n e i g h b o u r h o o d s a r e p r e o c c u p i e d w i th c l o s e s o c ia l r e l a ti o n

s h i p s .

Th i s i s a l so t he ca se w i th re spec t t o our re l a t i onsh ip w i th t he na tu ra l

e n v i r o n m e n t .

Thus, even if one feels alienated from the distant econom ic-

political order, one can assert sovereignty over one's near existence.

T his i s

th e goa l of the ' soc ia l d iv in e ' , an d i s a l so the secr e t of i ts pe rd ur ab i l i t y . I t i s

i n t he sec re t , t he nea r , t he i ns ign i f i c an t (w hich e scapes mac roscop ic

f inality) th a t soc ia l i ty i s m as te re d. O n e mig ht even go so fa r as to say tha t




45

the powers can only be exercised if they are not too distanced from this

sovereignty. This 'sovereign' state can be understood within the contractual

perspe ctive of Rou ss eau , which confers upo n it a unanim ist and rath er

idyllic dimension.

3 2

This state can also be seen as that 'conflictual harmony' in which, by a

process of action-reaction, a group manages more or less to adjust its

natural, social and biological components and thereby assure its stability.

The theory of systems, as well as the writings of Morin, show with precision

how up to date and pertinent such a perspective is. Thus, even if it seems a

figure of speech to many, the link that can be made between the masses

and their soverei gnty is perfectly well foun ded . M or eov er, whe the r

through uprisings, violent actions or democratic means; by silence or

withdrawal; by scornful disdain, humour or irony, there are multiple ways

the masses have of asserting their sovereign puissance. Th e whole art of

politics consists of ensuring that these expressions do not take over.

Abstract power can occasionally triumph. We might ask La Boetie's

que stion : 'W ha t is the basis of volun tary serv itude ?'* Certainly, the

response can be found in that inbred assurance of the social body which

knows that in the long term, the Prince, in whatever form he takes

(aristo crat, tyr ant , dem oc rat , etc.) is always subject to the popul ar verdict.

If power is the issue of individuals or a succession of individuals, then

puissance is an at tri bu te of the phy lum an d tak es its plac e in the

continuum. In this way, puissance is a char acte risti c of wha t can be t erm ed

the 'social divine'. It all comes down to a question of precedence. To speak

of

puissance,

sove reignty and th e divine in con nec tion with the masse s is to

recognize, to borrow Durkheim's expression, ' that law derives from

custom, that is, life i tself '

3 3

and that it is 'customs which form the real basis

for states'. This vitalist priority, penned by that most positivist of hands, is

worth und erl ini ng; it is surely this reflection th at allows him to highlight the

importance of the religious link in the social structure. Of course, it is a

general idea which needs to be brought up to date; however, the

recognition that the close link between vitalism (naturalism) and the

religious consti tute s a ver ita ble force propel ling the mass es and assu ring

their continuity and puissance is significant at a tim e whe n c omm uni ca

tions, leisure, art and the everyday life of the masses are forcing a new

social deal.

3 . The aloofness of the people

When we look at human history, we can say that politics, in the form of the

adju stme nts of individuals and groups be twe en them selv es, is an unsur

passable structure. On this matter, one can only agree with Julien Freund

who spoke of 'the political essence'. Nevertheless, although this essence

Transl. note:

Eti enne de la Boe ti e (1 530 -63 ), author of

Discours de la servitude volontaire

( 1 5 7 6 ) .



46

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIB ES

may be pe rm an en t, it is no less full of mo ve me nt . Ther e are modul ati ons in

the world of politics; depending on the situations and the values which

predominate at a given moment, the political order will exercise more or

less influence on the social structure. Naturally, this relative importance

depends for a large part on the attitude of those who govern. To return to

an expression applied to the sociological writings of Pareto, as long as there

is a 'physiologic al link' bet we en th ose who gover n and the mass es, a certain

reversibility will continue to be at work. There will be, if not consensus,

then exchange and legitimation. 3 4 This ph en om en on is far from an

exception: from the leaders of Antiquity to a certain business paternalism,

through the equanimity of the Antonines and a certain ecclesiastical

popu lis m, t he re exists a type of po we r which is bas ed a bov e all on the rea l

obligations of the leaders.

3 5

They are responsible for their authority and

they must resp on d as much to famine and nat ura l ca tas tro phe as to

economic or social disaster. The symbolic function they hold ceases or is

fractured as soon as the equilibrium of which they are the guarantors no

longer works.

Here it is not possible to develop this line of inquiry further. I only point

to it in order to shed light on that form of the puissance of the masses which

is 'alo ofne ss'. In de ed , it is whe n the ord er of reversibility no longer exists

(and the analysis of this breakdown can surely not be reduced to moralistic

considerations) that one can see the development of attitudes of with

drawal.

In order to understand this development, let us refer once again to the

metaphor of the 'black holes' which a certain number of us (Baudrillard,

Hil lma n, Maffesoli) have bo rro we d from astrophys ics. In a book int end ed

not so muc h to pop ula riz e as to rev eal , the physicist J. E. C ha rr on showed

how a black hole is a star whose increasing density gives birth to another

space - a 'new universe', he said. 3 6 Proceeding by analogy (a practice that

many refuse, although it retains some interest for our discipline) we can

formulate a hypothesis that at certain periods of history, when the masses

are no longer interacting with those in government, or

puissance

is

completely dissociated from power, the political universe dies and sociality

tak es ove r. Fu rt he rm or e, I believe tha t this mo ve me nt is a swing of the

pendulum, proceeding by saturation: on the one hand, direct or indirect

participatio n pre do min ate s; on the oth er ha nd , the re is an increased

emphasis on everyday values. In the latter case, one can say that sociality

preserves energies which in the political reign tend to take place in public.

Mo re ov er , it is intere sting to no te tha t, in gen er al, this refraining from

public expression goes hand in hand with an 'expenditure' in the existential

sphere (physical pleasure, hedonism, carpe diem, the bod y, sun-wo rship).

In the bourgeois reign, the opposite effects predominate: coldness, an

economy of (and in) existence and an expenditure of energy in the public

realm (the economy, public service, grand inspiring ideologies . . .).

Be that as it ma y, it is against this back cloth that on e must un de rst and a

who le series of eve nts tha t und erl ine a growi ng de ta ch me nt from t he




47

abstract and general public sphere. The 'silent majority', which in fact is no

mo re than a con glo mera tion of jux tap ose d or intersecting grou ps and

ne tw or ks , can no long er be defined in te rms of an abs tra ct, com mo n front

decided in isolation. It can no longer be characterized on the basis of a goal

to be realized, that is as the proletariat, an agent of social change, or as the

obj ect of a stru ctur al and conge nita l mark : the feeble and /or childish

populace which must be led by the hand or protected. Between these two

opposites lie a number of ideologies and actions in which politicians

(conservatives, revolutionaries, reformers), public officials, social workers

and economic forecasters are still engaged. In fact, the debate has already

moved elsewhere. Indeed, by pursuing the hypothesis of the saturation of

the political order, one can explain the attitude of the masses - the cause of

so muc h worry to political co mm en ta to rs a nd analyst s - by virtue of the

fact of a latent anthropological reticence with regard to those powers which

continue to assert themselves from time to time and with varying degrees

of effectiveness according to time and place. As an example, in order to

und ers tan d this ph en om en on one may refer to thos e count ries - like the

Sicily portrayed in Lampedusa's

Guepard* -

which were able to preserve

their originality owing in whole or in part to the many invasions they

suffered. Because they knew enough to keep their heads down and rely on

their cunning, the inhabitants were able to maintain their particular

customs intact. In Bougie's analysis of India, he states: 'All sorts of

authorities have tried to rule over these immense masses: the people have

seen empires succeed each other and principalities multiply without equal.

The truth remains that all governments of whatever kind, have only rested

on the surface of the Hind u world . The y never reac h . . . its dee pes t sense .'

These remarks seem most up to date where the sociologist explains the

impossibility of mastering the 'real' country, owing to the caste system. He

makes the following delicious remark: the Hindus, because of this fact,

'seem made for subjugation by the entire world, without being assimilated

or unified by anyone' . 3 7 At the risk of causing Bougie to turn in his grave,

we can extrapolate this remark heuristically in order to state that the 'non-

domestication' of the masses, which constitutes their most solid defence

against the various dom ina tio ns, is base d ab ove all on pluralism. In the

Indian example, it may be the caste system; in Sicily, we may talk of the

puissance

of localis m, the ma ny 'cou ntr ies ' and 'families' tha t ma ke up this

island. In our socie ties, it could be the vari ous ne tw or ks , affinity and

interest groups or neighbourhood ties that structure our megalopolises.

Whatever the case, puissance is set aga ins t po we r, even if puissance can

only advance in disguise, to avoid being crushed by power. If the many

exam ple s of history are any gu ide, how ev er , it is possi ble to show tha t t he

sketchy details of today, whose birth we can observe, will become much

Transl. note: Le Guepard ( 1 9 5 8 ) , a novel by the Italian writer Guiseppe Tomasini, Prince of

Lampedusa (1896-1957), presents a chronicle of Sicilian life between 1860 and the turn of

this century.



48

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OF THE

TRIBE S

clearer in the decades to come. With every resurgence of this 'polytheism

of values' as used by Weber, and which, apart from a few researchers brave

enough to weather the ambient conformity, 3 8 seem s to worry right-

thinking people, a relativization of the unifying structures and institutions

is under way. There is no reason to get upset about it; on the contrary,

since the effervescence flowing from thi s pol ytheis m is on the whol e th e

surest sign of a renewed dynamism in all aspects of social life, whether the

economy, spiritual or intellectual life or, of course, the new forms of

sociality . It is strik ing to no te that , as a ru le , th e wit hdr awa l from the

political sphere seems to shed light on the aforementioned dynamism. This

withdrawal is in fact the reactivation of the vital instinct of preservation, of

conservation in

oneself.

It is the dem on ic figure found in all my ths and

religions, the biblical Satan who refuses to be subjugated. Although it is

occasionally destructive, the satanic figure continues to exert a basic

function. In this manner, it ties in with the puissance of the mas ses . I have

stated elsewhere that there has always been a 'demonic wisdom' at work in

the social body to which we can surely attribute, at least in part, this faculty

of re tr ea t, of refusal to be part of a str uct ure . It is no tab le that, eve n in the

nin ete ent h centu ry, a time when the wor ker s' movem en t was just getting

orga nize d, the mo ve me nt found its expression in many tende ncies :

communist, anarchist , cooperative, Utopian, all with thei r ow n infinite

subdivisions. What can this mean, other than that no political institution

can claim a monopoly? As Poulat notes correctly: 'the popular masses

retain a certain degree of ind epe nde nce . . . by which they are only paying

back the upper classes' .

3 9 I woul d add: even when certai n me mb er s of the

upper classes claim to speak in the name of the masses, or to lead them,

which amounts to much the same thing. Those who are 'not one of us' can

nev er be comp lete ly trus ted since, from time imm emo ria l on e knows tha t

those who, inspired by the libido dominandi, rely on the masses to att ain

power are bound, for whatever valid-sounding reason, to practise a

realpolitik which has but faint origins in the popular will.

It would be easy to digress

ad infinitum

on this th em e; howe ver, on e

ne ed only show that this 'aloo fness' is muc h mor e stu bborn t han the

temporary or superficial loyalties to such and such a party or political

creed. For my part, I see it as an anthropological structure which, by way

of silen ce, ruse , ba ttl e, passivity, hu mo ur or deris ion, is well able to sta nd

up to the ideologies, teachings and claims of those who wish either to

dominate or be the salvation of the masses, which in this case are not so

very different. Such aloofness does not mean that one pays no attention at

all to the game of politics/politicians, but rather the contrary, precisely

because it is seen as a game. I have proposed calling it the 'politics of the

Bel Canto': the content matters little, as long as the song is beautifully

sung. We know that political parties are increasingly concerned with

getting their message across, rather than explaining the fine print. It is

impossible to go into this trend in any depth, but it seems as if it is the

pro duct of popu la r relativis m: in or de r to reply to dis eng age men t and




PUISS NCE

49

re tr ea t, image is carefully cultivat ed. Passion is addre sse d mor e tha n

rea son and th e vari ety show aspe ct of political rallies is muc h mo re

important than the politician who increasingly finds him- or herself reduced

to the role of a Ho ll yw ood star .

It is with this in mi nd th at on e can und er st an d how it is poss ible to

'pretend', while still caring about the actions and the sincerity of the

political sal esm an. In my bo ok on eve ryd ay life, I sho wed the imp ort ance

of the category of duplicity: this trivial game of deception which plays such

a strong part in all our lives.

4 0

It is with in this fra mework that one can

appreciate the attitudes of 'pretending' as manifestations of puissance.

Dupli city is what allows us to live. Let us re me mb er the following aphori sm

of Nietzs che's : 'Ev ery thi ng that is prof oun d loves the mask . . . I would say

that, around every profound spirit there continually grows a mask.'*

This remark is not just applicable to the solitary genius, it is also a fact of

the collective genius. To be aware of this is to introduce into sociology an

onto logic al vitalism. It is within this con tex t that we can under sta nd the

peasant's cunning, the mockery of the worker; more generally the sense of

resourcefulness which, although we cannot put it into words, manifests a

str uct ural dist rus t of all that is insti tu ted , while at the sa me time affirming

the irrepres sible aspe cts of life. Ho we ve r, since it is not possib le to exp ress

openly this distrust and this will to live, one uses the 'perverse' (per via =

det our ) pro cedu re of simulated acquiescence.

This is the old anthropological structure of magic, which can yet be

found in per sist ent rituals and superst itious prac tice s. On e part icipates a nd

the n with dr aws ; this is why these rituals sum up the amb iva lence of ma n, at

once

sapiens

and

demens.

Wit h a different applica tion in min d, Morin

describes this double-dealing as 'aesthetic participation' . 4 1 It may be

believed that the popular devotion to such television series as Dallas is the

expression of this deeply engrained sense of play. Although this 'aesthetic'

attitude is at work with respect to the symbolic powers of television, art

an d school, th er e is no rea son w hy it shou ld no t also apply to the realm of

politics, if only as a function of what we have called its spectacular or

theatrical manifestations. A vote cast for such and such a deputy or party

may go hand in hand with a deep conviction that nothing will change with

respect to the 'rec ess ion ', which is wha t we now call insecurity or incr ease d

unemployment .

But by 'pretending', we are participating magically in a collective game

which reminds us that something like the 'community' has existed, does

exist or will exist. It is a que sti on of aesthe tici sm, d eris ion , part icipa tion

and reti cence all at on ce . It is ab ov e all th e mythical affirmation tha t t he

masses are a source of power. This aesthetic game or sentiment is

collectively produced just as much for oneself as for the power which

orchestrates it. At the same time, it allows one to remind this power that it

is only a ga me , and that the re are limits which mus t not be br ea ch ed . Wha t

Transl. note:

F. Nietzsch e,

Beyond Good and Evil: Prelude to a Philosophy of the Future.



50

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

is call ed the versatil ity of the mas ses (one vot e for the Left, on e vo te for the

Right) can be interpreted in this way, occasionally even expressing itself

paroxysmally. All political minds have pondered this phenomenon; this

versatility , a veri tabl e sword of Dam oc le s, is in con trol of the gam e, since it

haunts the politicians who will decide on their strategy or tactic as a

funct ion of it; it is on e of th e manifest ations of puissance whi ch, strictly

speaking, determines power. A singular remark of Montesquieu sums it up

best: 'The people has always either too much action or too little. At times,

with the strength of one hundred thousand arms, it topples all; at other

time s, on e tho usa nd feet marc h as in se ct s' . 4 2 Thus, passivity and activity

are all rolled into one, in a way that escapes logic or reason. From a purely

rationalistic perspective, we cannot trust the masses. Basing himself on a

few historical examples, Julien Freund showed this ambivalence which is

all the more remarkable during paroxysmal situations: wars, riots, factional

fighting, revolutions.

4 3

In fact, from this perspective, what can be called

the stochastic strategy of the masses is in fact the expression of a true vital

instinct. In the manner of warriors on the field of battle, its zigzags help it

to duck the bullets of the authorities.

Refe rrin g to a particu larly reso nan t emble mat ic figure from Italy , one

may compare the versatility of the masses to la Pulcinella in whom the

con tra dic tor y is uni ted : 'My destiny is to be a we at he rv ane: servile and

rebellious, moron and genius, courageous and cowardly.' In some versions

of this my th , Punc h is a he rm ap hr od it e or a child of nob le birth and /or the

offspring of pe asa nts . Wh at is certa in is tha t he is the incarnatio n of that

absolute duplicity (double,

duple)

which per mits on e to esca pe the var ious

political uph eavals and res tor ati ons . It is not withou t coinc idence that this

figure ha s its origins in te em ing, lively Nap le s . 4 4

Fu rt he rm or e, it so hap pen s that its perp etua l ambiguity is express ed in

the form of derision for the powers that be and all forms of institution,

whether of political or even familial, economic or social nature. By

ext rap ola tin g, on e may say tha t in this att itude the re is no ques tion of

atta ckin g head -on t he overa rchi ng pow ers , which is the jo b of political

organizations, but rather of cheating and sidestepping. To restate a

situationist expression, rather than 'fighting alienation with alienated

methods' (bureaucracy, political parties, militancy, deferment of pleasure),

one uses derision, irony, laughter - all underground strategies which

undermine the process of normalization and domestication which are the

goals of the guarantors of the external and hence abstract order. As far as

ou r society is conc ern ed , this dom esti cati on of mo re s leads to what I hav e

termed 'social asepsis ' .

4 5 This has as a consequence the ethical crisis and

the social dismantling we are currently witnessing.

Nevertheless, irony inhibits this domestication from being total. From

the dionysiac laughter of the bacchanal, at the expense of the astute

administrator Pentheus, to the sad smile of the good soldier Schweik,

up da te d for mo de rn Czec hos lova kia, th e list of mind- sets that bet ray

noncon form ity is a long one . This is particu larly a nnoyin g for thos e in




51

power, who obviously try to master the masses but who know only too well

that in order for this mastery to be long-lasting it must be accompanied by

the control of men's minds. The aloof quality of irony, albeit in a minor

way, introduces a rift into the logic of domination. Jests, fabrications,

pamphlets, songs and other popular word-play and even the whim of

'public opinion' allow us to measure its development.

And there has never been an era nor a country where this defence

mechanism has not produced positive results. We can see it at work in

recent years in France or the US, for example. It may be as a consequence

of an outbreak of scandal with inevitable political reverberations or the

progressive discrediting which gradually eats away at the legitimacy of

those in power. I would only point out quickly that, like late eighteenth-

century France or early twentieth-century Russia, this climate of subversive

irony generally precedes great revolutionary upheavals.

In his remarkable book on the formation of Brazilian society, Gilberto

Freyre gives many examples of what he calls the 'people's malice'. Thus, in

a cou ntr y whe re th e col our of on e' s skin is of gre at significance, on e can

hear nicknames and puns which play on the 'negroid traces in illustrious

families', as well as a whole series of traits which highlight their alcoholism,

their avarice or erotomania. 4 6 It is no t at all cer tain that the se are

moralistic reactions, but rather a manner, if only symbolic, of relativizing

power. This can be seen in particular in the example above as underlining

all that which, against their will and despite their stated ideologies, the

dominant classes owe to the turpitude and weaknesses of human nature.

This points to one of the hypotheses underlying previous reflections on

the

puissance

of the mas ses : tha t of vitalism , or a nat ura l evol ution which

translates to the social plane the whole dynamic of the phusis.* Laughter

and irony are an explosion of life, even and especially if this life is exploited

and dominated. Derision underlines that, even in the most difficult con

ditions imagin able , one is abl e, togeth er with or against those respo nsible ,

to reappropriate one's existence and, in relative terms, to enjoy it. This is a

tho rou gh ly tragic pe rsp ect ive, which is aim ed less at chan ging the wor ld

tha n gettin g used to and ti nke ring with it. Whi le it is tru e that we c ann ot

change death (the paroxysmal form of alienation), we can get used to it,

play with it and soften it.

It is thus quite natural that irony and humour lead us to the festive

dimension, in which the tragic, as we are too often liable to forget, plays an

important role. Borrowing the terminology of Georges Bataille, one can

say that the 'expenditure' sums up both the natural vitalism of the masses

and the derisory aspect of power (cf. the mechanisms of inversion, the

fools'

festivals, etc .) . Thi s 'e xp en di tu re ' is bu t a par oxy sma l way of

expressing irony, laughter or humour and in an almost institutional

manner. It is at the same time both cause and effect of this social

puissance

which is left un ex ha us te d by the ga mes and arc ana of powe r. Pla to was

* Transl. note: phus i s = g r o w t h



52

T H E T I M E

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interested only in the elite and was unconcerned with the ordinary man. He

even thought that, in order to avoid being exposed to the temptations of

power, the masses needed to be ruled by an 'intelligent hedonism' which

was 'the best practicable guide to a satisfactory life'.

4 7

This lesson was

heeded by many tyrants and various powers who were unstinting in

prov iding their popul ace with its qu an tu m of gam es in or de r to kee p th e

pe ac e. So me hav e point ed out , not unjustly, that this role is still playe d by

various shows, sports and other soothing television programmes. In the

familiar contex t of a soft tota lita rian ism, a pr og ra mm e such as Les Chiffres

et les lettres* has repl aced bloo dy circus ga me s. This the mat ic is not u nt ru e,

but it do es not ta ke into account the struc tural am bivalen ce of h um an

existence. The black and white absolutism that has prevailed in criticism,

offspring of the Enlightenment, and which continues to prevail in our

discipli ne, is inca pabl e of co mp re he nd in g the conflict of values that

underpins all social existence. One may however be convinced that the

fecundity of sociology lies in this acknowledgement. In this respect, it is

inter estin g to note a very fine analysis by the sociologist Henr i Lef ebv re,

representative emeritus of this critical approach, in which he cannot help

but unde rli ne the 'double dimens ion of ever yday life: trite and pro fou nd' .

In somewhat dated terms and while playing down his remarks, he is

oblige d to recognize that 'in the daily ritual s, the alien atio n, fetishism and

reification . . . the y all pr od uc e an effect. A t the same ti me , n ee ds ,

beco ming (to a certain extent) desire, enc oun ter objects and app rop riat e

t h e m ' . 4 8 In making this reference, I am trying above all to emphasize the

impossibility of reducing the polysemy of social existence. Its strength

resides precisely in the fact that each of its acts is at once an expression of a

certai n alie natio n a nd of a certain r esis tance . It is a mixt ure of the ord ina ry

and the exceptional, the morose and the exciting, the effervescent and the

rel axi ng. Thi s is part icul arly kee nly felt in the area of pla y, which can be

commercialized as well as being the realm of a real collective desire to

reappropriate existence. I have explained this phenomenon in all of my

previous books; it seems to me one of the essential characteristics of the

mass es. This charact eristi c is mo re or less self-evident; but it trans lates far

beyon d the Judaeo-Christian notion of separation (good-evil , Go d- Sa ta n,

true -fal se ) t he fact tha t the re is an organicit y to things and that , in a

differential manner, everything converges in their unicity. Along with

traditional cultural festivals, the multiplication of village feasts, folk

gatherings or better yet festive meetings grouped around the agricultural

produce of a given country are very instructive. Indeed, the celebration of

win e, hone y, nu ts, olives et c. , dur ing the tourist season is highly c omm er

cial, but also reinforces collective ties, at the same time as it shows how

these derive from natur e and its boun ty. In Fra nco pho ne Q ue be c, th e

Transl. note: a popular quiz show in France based on forming the longest word possible

from randomly drawn

l e t t ers ,

as well as devising a mathematical problem to arrive at a

randomly chosen number.




5 3

S o c i e t y o f P o p u l a r F e s t i v a l s h a s t h u s b e e n a b l e t o p u n c t u a t e t h e c a l e n d a r

w i t h a w h o l e s e r i e s o f g a t h e r i n g s a r o u n d t h e t h e m e of d u c k s , p h e a s a n t ,

b l u e b e r r i e s , a p p l e s a n d s o o n . T h e s e r e p l a y t h e cy c l e o f n a t u r e a t t h e s a m e

t im e a s the y r e in f o r c e the c o l l e c t ive f e e l ing Q u e b e c ha s o f

itself.

T h i s t h e n is h o w a n e x p e n d i t u r e , w h e t h e r c o m m e r c i a l o r r e c y c l e d , a s

so m e c yn ic s wo u ld p u t i t , i s a n ind ic a t ion o f r e s i s t a nc e a n d puissance. T o

se e k e v e r y da y p l e a su r e , t o l i ve f o r the p r e s e n t a n d e n jo y i t s f r u i t s , t o t a k e

p le a su r e in th e go od th in gs in l if e - a n y a na ly s t no t ye t de ta c he d f r om

e v e r y da y l if e i s a b le to ob se r ve suc h be ha v i ou r in e ve r y s i tua t ion a nd

i n s t a n c e w h i c h o c c u r t h r o u g h o u t t h e li fe o f s o c i e t i e s . T h e m e m b e r s o f t h e

w o r k i n g c l a ss h a v e a lw a y s b e e n e p i c u r e a n s o f e v e r y d a y l i f e . I n h i s b o o k ,

R . H o g g a r t m a k e s t h i s p e r t i n e n t r e m a r k a n d g i v e s m a n y e x a m p l e s . H e

un de r l i ne s tha t t h i s e p ic u r e a n i s m is d i r e c t ly t i e d to the m a ss e s d i s t r us t o f

p o l i t i c i a n s w h o s u p p o s e d l y h a v e t h e i r i n t e r e s t s a t h e a r t . S i n c e w e a r e a w a r e

of th e i l l u so r y na tu r e o f the i r p r om is e s , t he i r a c t io ns a r e ge n e r a l ly g r e e te d

w i t h s c e p t ic i s m a n d i r o n y . O n e m a y d i e fr o m o n e d a y t o t h e n e x t ;

t h e r e f o r e , it is i m p o r t a n t t o c o u n t e r t h o s e w h o a r e a l w a y s th i n k i n g o f

to m or r o w o r the da y a ft e r by r e a f f ir m ing th e pe r h a p s p r e c a r iou s r igh t s o f

th e p r e s e n t . Th i s r e la t iv i s t ph i l os op hy i s bo r n o f the ha r s h r e a l i t i e s of l if e

a n d u n d e r l i e s t h e a l o o fn e s s a n d h e d o n i s m o f t h e m a s s e s .

4 9

Notes

1.

E . D ü r k h e i m ,

Th e Elem entary Form s of the Religious Life,

N e w Y o r k , C o l li e r , 1 9 6 1 .

2 . C f . t h e e v o l u t i o n o f t h e h i s t o r y o f a r t in W . W o r r i n g e r , Abstraction and Em pathy: A

Con tribution to the Psychology of Style, t r a n s l. M . B u l l o c k , N e w Y o r k , I n t e r n a t i o n a l

U n i v e r s i t i e s , 1 9 6 7 . S e e p r e f a c e t o t h e F r e n c h e d i t i o n b y D o r a V a l l i er : K l i n c k s i e ck , P a r i s,

1 9 7 8 , p p . 1 3 - 1 4 .

3 .

C f . M . M a f f e s o l i ,

Essais su r la violence banale et fon datrice,

P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s

M e r i d i e n s , 2 n d e d i t i o n , 1 9 8 4.

4 .

I h a v e b o r r o w e d t h i s s c a l e o f ' h y p e r ' a n d ' h y p o ' f r o m t h e e n d o c r i n o l o g y o f B r o w n

S e q u a r t f o r m y b o o k

UOm bre de Dionysos. Con tribution a un e sociologie de Vorgie,

P a r i s ,

L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 2 ; I a m a l s o i n d e b t e d t o G . D u r a n d . C f . e s p e c i a l l y h i s a r t i cl e ' L a

N o t i o n d e l i m i t e ' i n

Eranos,

1 9 8 0 , F r a n k f u r t a m M a i n , J a h r b u c h e d I n s e l , 1 9 8 1 , p p . 3 5 - 7 9 .

5 . C f . f or e x a m p l e A . F a i v r e ,

Eck arthau sen et la theosophie chretienn e,

P a r i s , K l i n c k s i e c k ,

1 9 6 9 , p . 1 4 o r t h e s t u d y o n L o i s y b y E . P o u l a t , Critique et m ystique, P a r i s, L e C e n t u r i o n ,

1984 .

6 . C f. C . B o u g i e ,


C a m b r i d g e , C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s,

1 9 7 1 ; I w o u l d a l s o r e f e r t o A . D a n i e l o u ,

Sh iva et Dionysos, la religion de la natu re,

P a r i s ,

F a y a r d , 1 9 7 9 .

7 . T h e t i t l e o f m y d o c t o r a l t h e s i s , G r e n o b l e , 1 9 7 3 , p u r s u e d in M . M a f f e s o l i ,

Logiqu e de la

domination, P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 76 .

8 . J . L a c a r r i e r e , L'Ete grec, P l ö n , P a r i s , 1 9 7 6 , p . 1 4 8 .

9 . T h e

These d'Etat

u n d e r w a y a t t h e t i m e o f w r i t i n g b y T u f a n O r e l ( U n i v e r s i t e d e

C o m p i c g n e ) o n v it a l is m w ill u n d o u b t e d l y p r o v i d e n o t a b l e in s i gh t .

10 .

C f . M . L a l iv e d ' E p i n a y , Groddeck, P a r i s , E d i t i o n s U n i v e r s i t a i r e s , 1 9 8 4 , p . 2 4 . C f .

p p .

1 2 5 - 1 3 4 fo r t h e f in e b i b l i o g r a p h y .

11 .

C f . t h e a n a l y si s b y G . D u r a n d ,

Les Structures an thropologiques de Vim aginaire,

P a r i s ,

B o r d a s , 1 9 6 9 , p . 7 6 ,

et seq.

a n d h is c i t a t i o n o f G . B a c h e l a r d ,

La T erre et les reveries du repos,

P a r i s ,

C o r t i , 1 9 4 8 , p p . 5 6 , 6 0 , 2 7 0 .



5 4

T H E

T I M E

O F T H E TRIBES

12. C f . G . S i m m e l ,

Problimes de la sociologie des religions,

P a r i s, C N R S , n o 1 7 , 1 9 6 4,

p . 15.

13. C f. J . E . C h a r r o n , L'E sprit cet inconnu , P a r i s , A l b i n M i c h e l , 1 97 7 , p p . 8 3 , 6 5 - 7 8 .

1 4 . C f . G . D ö r f l e s ,

Ulntervalleperdu,

F r e n c h t r a n s l . , P a r i s, L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 4 ,

p . 7 1 , etseq; C f . a l s o G . D u r a n d , Les Structures anthropologiques, p . 5 5 . O n S i t u a t i o n i s m a n d

t h e l a b y r i n t h :

In ternationale situationisme,

A m s t e r d a m , V a n G e n n e p , 19 7 2. I h a v e a l s o

w r i t t e n a s h o r t m o n o g r a p h o n t h e la b y r i n th in G e n o a , D o c t o r a l n o t e s , U r b a n S t u d i e s

R e s e a r c h U n i t , U n i v e r s i t y d e G r e n o b l e , 1 9 7 3 . A l s o o n t h e i m p o r t a n c e o f g r o t t o e s t o N a p l e s '

v i t a li t y , c f. A . M e d a m , Arcanes de Naples, E d i t i o n s d e s A u t r e s , P a r i s, 1 9 7 9 , p . 4 6 a n d J . F .

M a t t e u d i ,

La Citi des cataphiles,

L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , P a r i s , 1 9 8 3 .

15 . C f . M . M a f f e s o l i ,

La Con quete du prisent. Pour une sociologie de la vie quotidienn e,

P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9 , C h a p t e r 3 , ' S o c i a l i t y ' s s p a c e ' , p p . 6 1 - 7 4 .

16 .

G . S i m m e l , ' L a So cie te " s e c r e t e ' ,

Nou velle revue de psychanalyse,

G a l li m a r d , n o . 1 4

( 1 9 7 6 ) , p . 2 8 1 .

1 7. J . F r e u n d ,

Sociologie du conf lit,

P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 1 4 .

1 8 . S i m m e l , Problimes de la sociologie des religions, p . 24 .

19 .

D ü r k h e i m , Elem entary Form s, p . 14 .

2 0 . O n t h e s o c ia l ' g i v e n ' , s e e M . M a f f e s o l i ,

La Violence totalitaire,

P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9 . C f .

t h e w o r k o f A . S c h u t z , Collected Papers, V o l s 1 , 2 & 3 , A m s t e r d a m , M a r t i n u s N i j h o f f

A m s t e r d a m , 1 9 6 2 - 1 9 6 6 .

2 1 .

O n t h i s s u b j e c t cf. t h e w o r k o f J . Z y l b e r b e r g a n d J . P . M o n t m i n y , ' L ' E s p r i t , le p o u v o i r

e t le s f e m m e s . . . ' i n

Recherches sociographiques,

Q u e b e c , v o l . 2 2 2 , n o . 1 , J a n u a r y - A p r i l ,

1981 .

2 2 . R . B a s t i d e ,

E lemen ts de sociologie religieuse,

p . 19 7 , c i t e d b y C . L a l i v e d ' E p i n a y , ' R .

B a s t i d e e t l a s o c i o l o g i e d e s c o n f i n s ' , L'A nn ie sociologique, vo l . 25 (19 74 ) , p . 19 .

2 3 . P o u l a t , Critique et m ystique, p p . 2 1 9 , 2 3 0 a n d t h e r e f e r e n c e s t o B a l l a n c h e : Essais de

Palingenesie sociale,

a n d t o L a m m e n a i s :

Paroles d'un croyant,

n o t e 2 6 .

2 4 . P o u l a t ,

Critique et m ystique,

p . 2 4 1 .

2 5 . B . J u l e s - R o s e t t e , Sym bols of Change: U rban Transition in a Zam bian Comm un ity,

N o r w o o d , N J , A b l e x P u b l is h i n g , 1 9 8 1 , p . 2 . R e g a r d i n g t h e im p o r t a n c e o f s y n c r e t is t r e l ig i on s

in la r g e u r b a n a g g l o m e r a t i o n s su c h a s R e c i f e , c f. R . D a M a t t a , Cidade e devoqao, R e c i f e ,

1980 .

2 6. E . D ü r k h e i m , La Conception sociale de la religion, dans le sentim ent religieux ά V h e ure

actuelle,

P a r i s , V i r i n , 1 91 9 , p . 10 4

etseq,

c i t e d b y P o u l a t ,

Critique et m ystique,

p . 2 4 0 . S t u d i e s

u n d e r w a y a t t h e C e n t r e d e t u d e s su r l a c t u e l e t le q u o t i d i e n ( C . E . A . Q . ) a r e a t t e m p t i n g t o

h i g h l i g h t t h i s c o n v i v i a l i t y ( k e e p i n g w a r m ) a m o n g u r b a n s e c t s . C f . a s w e l l t h e f o l l o w i n g

d e f i n it i o n : W e c a ll r e l ig i ou s e l e m e n t s t h o s e e m o t i o n a l e l e m e n t s t h a t f o r m t h e i n t er n a l a n d

e x t e r n a l a s p e c t s o f s o c ia l r e l a t i o n s , S i m m e l ,

Problimes de la sociologie des religions,

p . 2 2 .

2 7 . I f w e w i s h t o b e m o r e p r e c i s e i n t h e g r a d a t i o n o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s , o f a n y so c ia l l if e , o f a n y

s o c i a b i l i t y , o f a n y so c i a l i t y . M . M a f f e s o l i ,

La V iolence totalitaire,

C h a p t e r 2 , p p . 7 0 - 1 1 5 .

2 8 . K . M a n n h e i m , Ideology and Utopia, N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t B r a c e , 1 9 5 4 , p . 1 9 2 , etseq. ,

E . B l o c h ,

Thomas M ün zer, theologien de la revolution,

P a r i s , J u l l ia r d , 1 9 6 4 .

2 9 .

R e g a r d i n g t h e t h e m e o f e x p l o s i o n - r e l a x a t i o n , c f. D ü r k h e i m , Elem entary Form s.

3 0 . G . L e B o n ,

The Crowd,

N e w Y o r k , V i k i n g , 1 9 6 0 , p . 5 8 .

3 1 . C f. o n t h is s u b j e c t t h e e x c e ll e n t w o r k b y L . - V . T h o m a s , Fan tasmes au quotidien, P a r i s ,

M e r i d i e n s , 19 8 4 a n d t h e w o r k u n d e r w a y a t t h e C . E . A . Q . ( P a r i s V ) , a s w e l l a s V . G a u d i n -

C a g n a c . A l s o M a f f e s o l i , La Conquete du present, ' L e f a n t a s t i q u e a u j o u r le j o u r ' , p p .

8 5 - 9 1 .

3 2 . E . D ü r k h e i m ,

M ontesqu ieu et R ousseau , precurseu rs de la sociologie,

P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e

M a r c e l R i v i e r e , 1 9 6 6 , p p . 4 0 , 1 0 8 .

3 3 . C f . f or e x a m p l e F r e u n d ' s p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e s u b j e c t : F r e u n d ,


p .

3 1 .

3 4 . O n t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e e li t e s a n d t h e m a s s e s , c f. t h e a n a l y si s b y E . A .

A l b e r t o n i ,

Mosca and the Theory of Eliticism,

t r a n s l. P . G o o d r i c k , L o n d o n , B l a c k w e l l , 1 9 87 .

3 5 . O n t h i s t h e m e , cf. f o r e x a m p l e t h e a n a l ys is d o n e b y E . P o u l a t o n t h e c h u r c h ,

Catholicisme, dem ocratic et socialism e,

P a r i s, C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 77 , p . 1 2 1 , o r t h e o n e b y




55

E . R e n a n , Marc-Aurele ou la fin du monde antique, Par i s , L i vre d e Po ch e , 1984 , Ch ap ter 2 ,

p . 40 .

3 6 . C h a r o n , L'Esprit, cet inconnu, p . 216 .

3 7 .

B o u g i e , Essays on the Caste System, p . 131 . O n S ici ly , refer to my analys i s : Ma ffeso l i ,

Logique de la domination.

3 8 . C f. fo r e x a m p l e M . A u g e , Le Genie du paganisme, Par i s , G a l l i m ard , 1983 .

39 .

E . P o u l a t ,

Eglise contre bourgeoisie,

Par i s , Cas term an , 1977 , p . 131 . O n th i s a l oo f n es s ,

cf . Maffesol i , Essais sur la violence, Ch . 3 , p . 139 . W ith resp ect to the de mo nic wi sdo m , cf.

my ar t i c le L E rran ce e t l a con q u e te d u mo n d e , i b i d . , p . 157 .

4 0 . M a f f e s o l i , La Conquete du present, p p . 1 3 8 - 1 4 8 .

4 1 .

E . M o r i n ,

L'Esprit du temps,

Paris , Livre de P oc he , 1984, p . 87 . O n tele v is i on , cf. D .

W o l t o n , La Folie du logis, Par i s , G a l l i m ard , 1983 .

4 2 . M o n t e s q u i e u , De Vesprit des lois, Part I , Bo ok I I , Ch apte r 2 .

4 3 . F r e u n d , Sociologie du conflit, p . 2 1 2 , et seq.

4 4 . Cf . rema rk s an d re fer en ce s to Pu l c i n e l l a i n A . M e d a m ,

Arcanes de Naples,

Paris ,

E d i t i on s d es Au tres , 1979 , p . 84 an d 118 , et seq.

4 5 .

M a f f e s o l i ,


p p . 146 -147 .

4 6 . Cf . G . Freyre , The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian

Civilization,

N e w Y o r k , A l f r e d E .

Knopf,

1 963 , e .g . p . 268 . On subve rs ive laugh ter, cf .

M a f f e s o l i , Essais sur la violence, p . 78 .

47 . Cf . th e an a l ys i s d on e b y E . R . Dod d s ,

The Greeks and the Irrational,

B e r k e l e y ,

Un iver s i ty of Cal i for nia at Be rk el ey , 1956 , Ch apte r 7: Pla to , the irrat ional sou l , p . 216 and

th e q u ota t i o n o f P l a to , n o t e 11 , p . 211 . For an an a l ys i s o f con tem p ora ry f ree t i me , cf . J .

D u m a z e d i e r , Toward a Society of Leisure, t ran s l . E . M cC l u re , N ew Yor k , Free Pres s , 1967 .

4 8 .

H . L e f e b v r e ,

Critique de la vie quotidienne,

Vo l . I I , Par i s , I Arch e ed i teu r , 1961 ,

p p . 7 0 - 7 1 . T h es e p as s ages are s ymp tomat i c o f th e d i f f i cu l ty an au th or faces wh en rea l i ty d oes

n o t con form to h i s

a priori.

4 9 .

R . H o g g a r t ,

La Culture du pauvre,

Fre nch tran s l . , Paris , Ed i t ion s de Min ui t , 1970,

p . 183 . T h i s b oo k s i n teres t can n ot b e ove res t i ma ted ; i t i s th e f ru it o f an au th or wh o com es ou t

o f th e mi l i eu h e d es cr i b es .



3

1.

Bey ond po l i t ic s

A s a gene ra l ru l e , t he i n t e l l e c tua l w i l l approach a sub jec t in absentia,

i nves t i ga t e and then p re sen t h i s d i agnos i s . Thus , our d i sc ip l ine show s a

ce r t a in i nb or n mi s t ru s t o f t h e co m m o n sens e o f t h e m asse s ( t he w o rs t o f

m e t a p h y s i c s , s t a t e d E n g e l s ) . T h i s m i s t r u s t is l a c k i n g s o m e w h a t i n o r i g i n a l

i t y ; bu t it i s dee p ly ro o t ed in t he co l l e c t i ve m em or y o f t he sch o la r ,

u n d o u b t e d l y f o r t w o p r i n c i p a l r e a s o n s : o n t h e o n e h a n d , t h e m a s s e s * a r e

s h a m e l e s s l y p r e o c c u p i e d , i . e . w i t h o u t h y p o c r i s y o r d e s i r e f o r l e g i t i m a t i o n ,

w i th t he ma te r i a l i t y o f l i f e ; w i th t he nea r - to -hand , one migh t say , i n

c o n t r a s t w i t h a n i d e a l o r a d e f e r m e n t o f p l e a s u r e . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e

m a s s e s h a v e e s c a p e d t h e g r e a t n u m b e r s g a m e , t h e q u a n t i f y i n g , a c o n c e p t

w h i c h h a s a l w a y s b e l o n g e d t o t h e o r e t i c a l p r o c e d u r e . W e c a n s u m u p t h i s

con cer n wi th a saying of Tac i tus : Nihi l in vulgus m od icu m ( the m ul t i tu des

h a v e n o m e a s u r e :

Annals I,

29 ) o r w i th C ice ro s pow er fu l exp re ss io n

i m m a n i u s b e l u a ( t h e m o s t m o n s t r o u s a n i m a l :

Republic

I I , 45 ) . I t w o u ld

be ea sy to mul t i p ly remarks o f t h i s t ype conce rn ing the masse s ; such

c o m m e n t s r e p r o a c h t h e m , in v a r y in g d e g r e e s o f e u p h e m i s m , fo r t h e i r

mons t ros i t y : t he fac t t ha t t hey do no t e a s i l y l end themse lve s t o be ing

labe l l ed .

I t i s i n t h i s C i ce ro n ian t en de nc y tha t w e can p l ace D u rk he im s fe a r o f a

s p o n t a n e o u s s o c i o l o g y o r e v e n t h e s c o r n h e a p e d b y P i e r r e B o u r d i e u o n

t h e c u l t u r a l j a r g o n a n d t h e b r i c - ä - b r a c o f n o t i o n s c o n s t i t u t i n g p o p u l a r

k n o w - h o w .

1

A n y t h i n g h e t e r o g e n e o u s o r c o m p l e x is r e p u g n a n t t o t h e

a d m i n i s t r a t o r s o f k n o w l e d g e , j u s t a s i t w o r r i e s t h e b u r e a u c r a t s o f p o w e r .

By re fe r r ing to P l a to and h i s de s i re t o adv i se t he P r ince , w e may then

u n d e r s t a n d t h a t t h e c l o s e t i es b e t w e e n k n o w l e d g e a n d p o w e r g o b a c k v e r y

f a r i n d e e d .

S o m e t h i n g v e r y s pe ci fi c i s i n a u g u r a t e d h o w e v e r w i t h t h e a d v e n t o f

m o d e r n i t y . T h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n b r o u g h t a b o u t a r a d i ca l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n

of pol i t ica l l i fe , as wel l as of the ro le the in te l lec tua l was ca l led upon to p lay

w i th in i t . O n e can re fe r t o an ana lys i s by N i sb e t , w ho s t a t e d t ha t po l i t i c s

no w b ec am e an in t e l l e c tua l an d m or a l w ay o f l i f e . I t is poss ib l e t o

d i sc our se a t l eng th o n th i s f a c t ; how ev e r , o ne can say tha t i t i s t h e ve ry

f o u n d a t i o n o f t h e w h o l e o f n i n e t e e n t h - a n d t w e n t i e t h - c e n t u r y p o l i t i c a l a n d

* I m e a n , o f c o u r s e , t h e p e o p l e a s ' m y t h ' ( cf . n o t e 1 ) .

S O C I A L I T Y V S T H E SOC I AL



S O C I A L I T Y VS . THE S O C I A L

57

social thought. But it also explains the near-impossibility of our under

standing anything which strays from the realm of the political. For the

pro tag oni st of the social scie nces , th e pe op le or the mass are the object and

field which remain his private territory. This gives him a rationale and

justi ficat ion, bu t at th e sa me tim e it is ra th er difficult to spe ak of with any

degree of serenity. The dogmatic a priori and precon ception s proliferate,

which, according to a logic of 'ought', will try to mould the masses into a

'subject of history' or some such commendable and civilized entity. It is but

a short step from scorn to abstract idealization, given that this movement is

not irreversible: if the subject turns out not to be a 'good' one, then one

returns to the initial evaluation. This is a sociology which 'can only

recognize a social entity that is always restored to the order of the state'. 2

In fact, the masses as such, in all their ambiguity and monstrosity, can

only be perceived in a pejorative sense by the political intellectual, who

measures everything by the yardstick of the project (pro-jectum). At bes t,

the pe op le 's (t ho ug ht , relig ion, way of life) is con sidere d as proof of its

inability to be something else, an inability which must thus be corrected.3

As a matter of fact, we could try applying this criterion to ourselves and see

whether that which characterizes us is not in fact this inability to understand

the som eth ing else which is the people It is a shapeless mass, at once mo b

like and idealistic, gen ero us and wicke d, in sho rt, a contr adicto ry mixtur e

whic h, like any oth er living thi ng, is ba sed on a par ado xic al ten sion. Can

we not see such ambiguity for what it is?: the rather chaotic, indeterminate

mass which in a quasi-intentional way has as its sole 'project' its perdur

ability in existence. Taking into account the natural and social impedi

men ts which ab ou nd , this is no mea n feat.

Let us take a step or two back. To paraphrase Machiavelli, we could

consider the thinking of the public square rather than that of the palace.

This concern never disappears: from the cynic of Antiquity to the populist

of the nineteenth century, several philosophers and historians have

pursued this course. At various times, the primacy of the 'village point of

view' over the intelligentsia is even pr oc lai me d;

4

b ut it is be co mi ng crucial

at a time when 'villages' are burgeoning within our megalopolises. This is

not just any state of mind, pious vow or shallow proposal, but rather a

necessity which corresponds to the spirit of the times. This can be

summ ar ize d as follows: it is the 'lo cal ', th e terri toria l and pro xem ic t hat

determines the life of our societies and anything which appeals to local

kno wled ge and no longer to a projec tive and universal trut h. Und ou bt ed ly,

this requires the intellectual to be able to make himself a part of the very

thing he is describing; to experience

himself,

and why not, as a kind of

'modern narodnik\

5

* the prot agon ist and obs erve r of an every day knowl

ed ge. But ther e is an ot he r, equally impo rta nt con seq uen ce, which is to be

able to highlight the permanency of the popular thread running through all

political and social life.

*

Transl. note:

referring to the Russia n populi st mo ve me nt of the ninet eent h century.



58

T H E

T I M E

OF

THE TRIBE S

This means that History and significant political events are above all the

creation of the masses. In his writings on the philosophy of history, Walter

Ben jam in dre w ou r att ent ion to this po int ; in his own parti cula r style ,

Gustave Le Bon remarked that the kings were not the cause of the Saint

Bartholomew's Day massacre or the religious wars, any more than

Robespierre or Saint-Just were responsible for the Terror. 6 There may be

processes of acceleration or personalities who may be considered as

necessary vectors; there are undoubtedly objective causes which act, but

no ne of these is sufficient. T he y ar e simply ingred ien ts which ne ed , in

order to be combined, a specific puissance. This puissance may tak e

different names, like 'effervescence' (Dürkheim) or virtu (Machiavelli); it

is completely undecidable. Nevertheless, it is this 'je ne sais quoi' which

acts as a glu e. It is only after the fact tha t we are able to dissect obj ect ive

reas on from such and such an act ion , which will from then on seem frigid,

too predictable, completely unavoidable; whereas we know that it is

de pen den t abov e all, in bo th the literal and figurative sen ses, on a mas s in

heat. Witness Canetti's splendid description of the fire at the Vienna

Courthouse in which the police were acquitted of murdering workers.

T h a t was forty-six year s ag o, and the exc ite ment of tha t day still lies in my

bon es . . . . Since the n, I have known very precisely that I need not read a

single word about what happened during the storming of the Bastille. I

be ca me a pa rt of the crow d, I disso lved into it fully; I did no t feel the least

resistance to what it did.'

7 One can clearly see how out of the fire of

co mm on em oti on a com pac t and solid block is forged ; how every single

person is melded into a whole with its own autonomy and specific dynamic.

We could give many examples of these, examples which may be either

paroxysmal or rather anodyne; nevertheless they all underline the exist

ence, in the narrowest sense of the term, of an 'ex-static' experience at the

cor e of this bei ng- together in mot ion which is a revolut ionary o r political

mas s. This exper ience in fact owe s very little to the logic of the pro jec t.

Thus, appearances to the contrary, the above-mentioned puissance, which

is bo th cause and effect of the societa l symboli sm, can be te rm ed a sor t of

underground centrality which we find constantly in indiv idual histor ies and

communal life.

In

Ideology and Utopia,

Karl Ma nn he im was abl e to sum up this view:

'T he re is tho ugh t to be an intuitive and inspired sourc e of history which

actual history only imperfectly reflects.'

8

Thi s is a mys tica l, eve n myth ical

perspective, but one which sheds light on a number of aspects of the

concr ete life of ou r societies. Mo re ov er , the mystical is a mo re popu la r

derivation than one might suspect, at least as far as its rootedness is

concerned. In its etymological sense, it refers to a logic of union: that

which unites the initiates among themselves - a paroxysmal form of

religion (re-ligare).

One will remember that Karl Marx defined politics as the secular form of

religion. Thus, in the context of these remarks, and forcing the connection

somewhat, it would be utterly inept to say that in weighing human histories,



S O C I A L I T Y

VS . THE

S O C I A L

59

the emphasis placed on the mystico-religious perspective relativizes the

political inve stme nt. Th e former favours abov e all bein g-tog ethe r, wher eas

th e la tte r gran ts pr imacy to act ion and the finalization of that actio n. In

order to illustrate this hypothesis with an up-to-date example (and

everything has its use for understanding the spirit of the times), we may

recall that Ze n thou ght ( Ch 'a n) and mystic Tao ism , which are dee ply

rooted in the Chinese masses, are regularly resurgent and always in

opposition to the instituted forms of the ideology and official policy of the

Chinese state. The fragmentation of the concept and the spontaneity and

proximity they induce allows them to favour a half-hearted resistance or an

active revolt by the masses. 9 That is to say, the mysticism as I just

des crib ed it is a po pu la r repos itor y wh er e, bey ond individualism and its

projective activism, experience and imagination reinforce one another;

their synergy forming these

symbolic wholes

which are the bas is, in the

strongest sense of the word, of any societal life. 1 0 This has nothing

whatever to do with the spasmodic relationship uniting the subjective

aspect of a close intimism and the objectivism inherent in the economic-

political conquest. Rather, these symbolic wholes must be understood as

matrices, or in an organic manner; the various elements of the worldly

context intertwine and cross-fertilize, giving rise to an irrepressible vitalism

which ought to be explored in detail.

Naturally, it must be pointed out that the religious space in question here

has nothing to do with the usual manner of understanding religion in the

official Ch rist ian t rad iti on. Thi s is partic ularly so on two essential p oint s:

on the one hand, with respect to the equivalence of religion and interiority,

and on the other, with respect to the relationship generally seen between

religion and salvation. Mo reo ve r, these two points could be summ arize d by

the individualist ideology which dra ws a privileged relatio nsh ip b etw ee n

the individual and the deit y. Ind ee d, in the image of Gr ee k pol ytheism ,

one can conceive of an idea of religion which above all insists on the being-

tog eth er, on what I called 'im man en t trans cen den ce' - ano the r way

of describing the puissance which binds tog eth er small grou ps and com

muni t i e s . 1 1 Of course, this is a metaphorical perspective which allows us to

understand how the diminished presence of the political goes hand in hand

with the development of these small 'oracles' (P. Brown) which are both

cause and effect of the multiplication of numerous contemporary tribes.

Let us also state, if only by allusion, that, although the Christian religion

was officially a nd doctr ina lly soter iologica l and individua list , its practi ce by

the masses was otherwise convivial. It is not possible to broach this subject

in this limited spac e; ho we ve r, we may point out that, befor e bec omi ng

dogmatized in faith, popular religiosity - pilgrimages, the cult of saints and

other various forms of superstition - was above all an expression of

sociality. More im po rta nt th an the purity of doc trin e, it is the com mun al

life or survival which preoccupies the basic communities. The Catholic

Church did not fall into this trap, since, in an almost intentional way, it has

avoided restricting itself to being a Church of the pure. First, it fought



60

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

against heresies which sought to circumscribe it in such a logic (such as

Do na tis m) ; seco nd, it reserv ed the 'with dra wn' aspect of the prie stho od,

monachism and a fortiori herm itism to those who wished to he ed and live

the 'words of the gospel'. For the rest, the Church firmly maintained a

multitudinous dimension which at times flirted with moral or doctrinal

laxity. Such a perspective can be seen in the practice of indulgences which

led, as we know, to Luther's revolt, or the benevolence of the court Jesuits

which so displeased Pascal. This 'multitudinousness' can be linked to the

notio n of the repositor y menti one d earlier. It mak es a gro up responsible

for the sacred trust which is the collective life. 1 2 Thus, popular religion is

truly a symbo lic whol e which per mit s and reinforces the pr op er functioning

of the social bond.

As a form of amusement, I will propose a first sociological 'law': The

various forms of social structuring are only worthwhile in so far as they

remain adequate for the popular base which has acted as a support.

This law is appli cable t o the Chu rc h, just as to its worldly mani festa tion:

polit ics. Ren an said Ά Church cannot last without i ts p eo pl e' 1 3 and the

various decadent periods that are scattered throughout human history

could be seen in the light of such a re ma rk . The disconnectio n from the

base causes institutions to become hollow and empty of meaning. How

ever, against this, the perspective this book has adopted indicates and

underlines forcefully that although sociality can periodically structure itself

in institutions or specific political movements, it transcends them all. To

reuse a mineralogical image, they are but pse udo -me tam orp ho ses , taking

pa rt in a matr ix which outlives th em . This perd urab ilit y is wha t interes ts us

and which also explains how the massive political disengagement we can

see ar ou nd us tod ay is in no way a corre lative of an acce lera ted

dismantling, but rather a sign of renewed vitality. This perdurability is a

ma rk of the divi ne, which is not an ove rar chi ng and exte rnal ent ity, but

rather is located at the heart of the reality of the world, at once both its

essence and its destiny. One may refer in this regard to the classic

terminology of German sociology, for instance Tönnies ' Gemeinschaft-

Gesellschaft opposit ion or We be r's 'comm una l relation ships' (Vergemein-

schaftunge) and 'associative relation ships' (Vergesellschaftunge).

The community ethos identified by the first group of expressions refers

to a common subjectivity, a shared passion, whereas anything which has to

do with soc iety is essen tially r ational in nat ur e: it is a case of va lue

rationality (Wert) or instrum ental rationality (Zweck). On e of Web er 's

writings elucidates this point: he notes that all associative relationships

which 'spill over the framework of goa l-o rien ted assoc iation . . . may give

rise to sentimental values which surpass the objective established through

free will'. He goes on to say that a community may orient itself to a certain

rat ionali ty or finality. Th us , on e can some ti me s see tha t 'a kinship gr ou p is

like a commu ni ty an d on the ot he r han d, it functions an d is seen as

"associat ive" by i ts members ' .

1 4

In this way, Weber underlines that there





62


a n n o u n c i n g t h a t t h e m a c h i n e w o u l d f a v o u r t h is c o m m u n i t y 1 6 - th e

p o p u l i s t s c o u l d b e v e r y u s ef u l t o a n y o n e t o d a y w h o r e g a r d s t h e p r e s e n t a n d

t h e f u t u r e i n t e r m s o f a u t o n o m y o r m i c r o - s o c i e t i e s . T h i s p o p u l i s t p e r s p e c

t iv e s h o u l d b e r e m e m b e r e d w h e n tr y i n g t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e d e v e l o p m e n t o f

s m a l l b u s i n e s s e s , c o o p e r a t i v e s , t h e d i r e c t i n v o l v e m e n t w h i c h c h a r a c t e r i z e s

t o d a y ' s e c o n o m y , i n s h o r t , t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e e v o l u t i o n f r o m a

global

economy to a global ecology,

w hich i s l e s s d i sp osed to m as t e r t he w or ld ,

na tu re and soc i e ty t han co l l e c t i ve ly t o a ch i eve soc i e t i e s founded above a l l

on qua l i ty of l i fe .

In keep ing w i th t he sp i r i t o f t he t imes , t he l a s t c en tu ry and the beg inn ing

of t h i s c en tu ry saw

class

(o r t he p ro l e t a r i a t ) p rogre ss ive ly t ake t he p l ace o f

the masse s . Th i s p rocess , w h ich occur red p r inc ipa l ly i n re l a t i on to t he

pr ev a l e nc e of h i s to r y and po l i t i c s , is no w w e l l kn ow n. Inc r ea s ing ly , w e a re

aware of the d i f f icul ty in def in ing a g iven c lass as wel l as recogniz ing tha t i t

i s a lways

post festum

t ha t w e a t t r i bu t e a c e r t a in ac t i on o r ba t t l e t o t h e

w o r k i n g c l a s s o r t h e p r o l e t a r i a t a c t i n g i n f u l l c o n s c i o u s n e s s . 1 7

M o r e o v e r ,

m os t o f t h e t im e th i s qua l i t y i s on ly g ra n t e d to t ho se s t rugg le s t ha t con form

t o t h e e d i c t s o f t h e p o l i t i c a l b u r e a u . T h e r e m a i n d e r a r e v a r i o u s l y t e r m e d

p r o v o c a t i o n s , c o m p r o m i s e s , b e t r a y a l s o r c l as s c o l l a b o r a t i o n s . A p a r a l l e l

c an be d r aw n be tw ee n th e fac t t ha t t he w or k in g cl a s s i s l e s s an d l e s s

l i ab l e t o obey the va r ious i n junc t ions imposed on i t , and an obse rvab ly

d imin i shed be l i e f i n t he gove rn ing fo rce o f H i s to ry .

No future now*

t he

r e f r a i n o f t h e y o u n g e r g e n e r a t i o n s h a s l e s s e r b u t r e a l r e v e r b e r a t i o n s o n t h e

w hole o f soc i e ty . We may w e l l a sk ourse lve s i f t he ha rk ing back to t he pa s t

( fo lk lo re , t he reva lu ing o f popu la r f e s t i va l s , t he re tu rn o f soc i ab i l i t y , a

fa sc ina t ion w i th l oca l h i s to ry ) is a w ay o f e scap ing f rom th e d i c t a to r sh ip o f

f ina l i z ed , p rogre ss ive h i s to ry and thus a w ay to l i ve i n t he p re sen t . Th i s

m u c h i s c e r t a i n : in u n d e r c u t t i n g t h e m a j e s t i c m a r c h o f p r o g r e s s , t h e a b o v e -

ment ioned re j ec t i on o f t he fu tu re confe r s once more i t s l e t t e r s o f nob i l i t y

o n t h e m a s s e s . T h i s is m o r e t h a n m e r e w o r d - p l a y : it b r i n g s o u t t h e

a r i s toc ra t i c a spec t s o f t he masse s .

C o m p a r e d t o t h e p o l i t i c a l o r d e r , t h i s a r i s t o c r a t i c i s m t a k e s v a r i o u s f o r m s :

f i rs t of a l l , the scorn rese rved for pol i t ic ians of a l l s t r ipes . I have a l ready

a n a l y s e d t h is ' a l o o f n e s s ' o f t h e p e o p l e . T h e r e i s m u c h a n e c d o t a l e v i d e n c e ,

m a n y w i t ti c i sm s a n d r e m a r k s t o a t t e s t t o it s v e r a c i t y ; 1 8

t h e r e is r e a l l y no

n e e d t o g o o n . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e

versatility

o f t he m asse s i s no t ab l e .

T hi s ver sa t i l i t y , the f l ip-s ide of th e ' a loo fn es s ' , i s a spec ia l form of

inso l ence : w e a re i n t e re s t ed i n t hose w ho l i ve by the

libido dominandi

on ly

in so far a s t he y a re use fu l t o us o r c an g ive us som e th ing . Th i s i nc ludes t h e

w o r l d l y r e l i g i o n a s d e s c r i b e d a b o v e -

do ut des:

I g ive you my vote so tha t

y o u c a n r e t u r n t h e f a v o u r . B u t a t t h e s a m e t i m e t h i s d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e c l e a r

n o n - a d h e r e n c e o f t h e m a s s e s t o t h e p o l i t i c a l d o m a i n . T h e i r i n t e r e s t i s

en t i re ly dependen t on w ha t t hey can ge t ou t o f i t .

* Transl. note: Th is exp ress ion appe ars in Eng l i sh in the text .



S O C I A L I T Y

VS . THE

S O C I A L

63

Thi s insol en t versatili ty is also a shield agains t all forms of po we r.

Historians and sociologists continue to note the fact that the masses

altern ately wor ship the n burn at th e stak e a wide variety of spo kes men and

values; examples of this abound. The same could be said of ideologies and

beliefs which are cast down by the same persons who only a short time ago

were extolling their virtues.

1 9 Instead of getting bogged down in this

paradox, it would be better to see this situation as symptomatic of a basic

relativism with respect to overarching entities that have very little to do

with the proximity in which the lines of solidarity are drawn. In the murky

world of ideas and distant theories, all cats are black in the dark.

I previously mentioned the sacred duty of ensuring a continued exist

ence . It is an emb od ie d kn ow led ge - in an anima l way - t hat allows the

masses to resist. In fact, what we call versatility could well be a way of

guarding the essential and underplaying the factual, the

ad hoc.

The

leadership battle in all its theatricality is not insignificant, especially as

spectacle, however it is above all abstract, an d mo st of th e tim e wit hou t the

positive and negative effects attributed to it. If the role of the politician is

to excite - hence the required staging, the monumentality of the surround

ings and the symbols in which he or she is draped - the role of the masses is

simply to survive. Continued existence is all. It now becomes easy to

un de rs ta nd t he flip-flops and swi tched alleg iances as a funct ion of such a

concrete responsib ility. I will go a ste p furt her a nd say that , wi thout

burdening itself with excessive scruples or marginal uncertainties, the

people as mass ha s as its cen tral responsibil ity to tr iu mp h over o rdin ary

de ath . This is a task undo ubt edl y requ iring consta nt effort and a great

reserve of energy. It is in this very aspect that we can speak of the nobility

of the masses.

Going back to the dichotomy I posited between power and puissance

20

and playing around with the wording, I would propose a second law:

Power can and must deal with the management of life; puissance must

assume the mantle of survival.

Nat ur all y, I am playing with wor ds here (which is nece ssary whe n one

creates laws) and by 'survival' I mean that which at the same time founds,

surpasses and guarantees life. Survival, in Cannetti 's words, is ' the central

situation of power' [i.e. puissance];

21

it signifies that pe rm an en t bat tle

against a death in which we never wholeheartedly believe, whether that

de at h is strictly spea ki ng a na tu ra l one or whe th er it is a dea thl y imposition

of the 'pro-jective' aspect of the political-economic order in whatever form

it might take. One could compare this puissance to the mana, or ot he r such

exp ress ions use d to des crib e a collective force that trans cen ds individua ls

or specific factions. In my opinion, I would draw a link between puissance

and that 'most extreme concrete' (Walter Benjamin) which is everyday

life.

In the face of these histories made from both nothing and everything,

Political History has no consistency for a collective memory that knows

what is important.



64


Individual histories instead of History: this could well be the secret that

explains the perdurability of societies. Beyond the political order, great

cultural entities last across the centuries. The Greek, Roman, Arab and

Christian cultures are, as far as we are concerned, based on an internal

stre ngt h which is ever rene wing, comfor ting a nd reinvigor ating that which

the powers tend to label, confine and, in the end, destroy. There is a

collective will to live at work here that calls on the social observer to give it

greater scrutiny. Simmel remarked that, in order to understand a political

decision, one has to consider the whole life of the decision-maker and to

'judge those aspects of this life lying outside the bounds of polities'.

It is necessary a fortiori to sur pas s the confining fra mew ork of simple

political finality in or de r to co mp re he nd this ever- ren ewi ng basic decision

known as the 'survival of the species'. The life of every man and woman,

stubborn and irrepressible, forces us to do so. Must we see it, in the well-

chosen words of Gilbert Renaud, as the expression of a 'recalcitrant

sociality which resists domestication'? 2 2 In any case, I believe it will be

difficult to avoid answering this question in the dying days of this century.

2 . A natur al ' familiarism'

Co nt ra ry t o what is pe rh ap s difficult to adm it , it seems to me that ther e is a

close rapport, with perverse overtones, between the individual and the

political. Indeed, these two entities are the two essential poles of

modernity. As I have already explained, the principium individuationis is

the very thing determining the whole political-economic and techno-

structural organization that was inaugurated with the rise of the bourgeoisie.

Dürkheim, who was certainly one of the great theorists of this process,

not ed pe rem pto ril y th at 'th e role of the state is in no way negative. It has

the effect of guaranteeing the greatest degree of individualism the social

state al lows. ' 2 3 The state as an expression

par excellence

of the poli tical

order protects the individual from the community. In an anecdotal way, it

is int ere sti ng to no te tha t those who we re the most politicized in the sixties

those selfsame peop le who claimed tha t 'th e pers ona l is political' - also

state with the same degree of conviction, and sectarianism even, the

necessity of individualism. As far as they are concerned, there is no

funda mental contrad iction involved, but rather a difference in nuan ce.

Th us, it is fallacious t o draw a paralle l bet we en t he end of politics and

the withdrawal into the

self, or what is te rm ed t he retu rn of nar cissism.

This is a short-sighted perspective; in fact, I would postulate that the

saturation of the political form goes hand in hand with the saturation of

indiv iduali sm. Paying close att ent ion to this fact is an ot he r way of

investigating the masses. The conformism of youth, the passion for likeness

within groups or ' tribes', the phenomena of fashion, standardized culture,

up to and including the unisexualization of ap pe ar an ce , per mit us to claim

that what we are witnessing is the loss of the idea of the individual in favour

of a much less distinct mass. This mass has no need of the notion of



S O C I A L I T Y VS . THE S O C I A L

65

(individual, national, sexual) identity, which was one of the most import

ant conquests of the bourgeois order. I believe that an investigation of the

socio-anthropological basis of this fact can enlighten us as to the antinomic

relationship that exists between the mass and politics. This being said, one

mus t show that th e mass has alre ady ex iste d, tha t it is a manif estat ion of

the being -tog ethe r an d that it favours thos e elemen ts that the political

project (a tautology) omits or denies. First, we can highlight, if only

cursorily, the changing and chaotic aspects of identity. In a Pascalian

fashion, we can say that its truth varies according to temporal or spatial

front iers. T his is an apt su mm ar y of a re ma rk m ad e by We be r: 'id entity is

never, from the sociological point of view, anything but a simply floating

and relat ive condi t ion' .

2 4

With great acuity, he notes that, according to the

situation and the emphasis placed on a particular value, the relationship to

the self, the other and one's surroundings can be modified. It is understood

that 'identity' concerns the individual just as much as the grouping to which

he or she belon gs: it is wh en t he re is an individual ident ity at stake tha t a

national identity can be found. In fact, identity in all its various mani

festations is ab ove all the willingness to be som eth ing de te rm ined . Th is

acquie sce nce to be on e thing or an ot he r is a proces s tha t generally arises

later on in human or social evolution. The founding moments may

be characterized by the pluralism of possibilities, the effervescence of

situations, the multiplicity of experiences and values - all things which

characterize the youthful stage of mankind and societies. For my part, I

would say that this is a

cultural moment

of the highes t or de r. On the othe r

hand, the choice which eventually must be made in the development of a

per son al or social individuality and the fact that this effervescence and

pluralism in its varied aspects are eliminated, generally leads to what may

be called

civilization.

It is in the con tex t of this seco nd mo me nt do mi na te d

by the morality of responsibility that politics thrives.

I am leanin g he re on the classic dic ho tom y of Ge rm an though t

formalized by Nor bert El ia s: 2 5 bef or e civilizing and finalizing itself, a social

stru ctu ring in what ev er form it tak es is a veri tabl e cultural stoc kpot

seasoned by all manner of additional ingredients. This stockpot is frothing,

monstrous, exploding; but at the same time rich in future possibilities. We

can make use of this ima ge in or de r to show how the mas s is self-sufficient;

it does not project itself; is no t finalized, polit ici zed: it roils in its multi ple

ex pe ri en ce s. Thi s is why it is bo th ca use an d effect of the loss of the

subj ect. In my own ja rg on , I wou ld say tha t it is dion ysia c, confusi onal.

There are numerous contemporary examples which, with varying degrees

of distinctness, support this view. At these moments, a 'collective spirit' is

created in which aptitudes, identities and individualities dissolve; more

over, it in no way prevents this effervescent entity from being the site of a

real reappropriation. Each and everyone participates in this global 'we'.

Agains t the political, which paradoxical ly is foun ded on bot h the Τ and

the dis tan t, the mas s is con str uct ed on the 'we' and on prox imity . T he

de ve lo pm en t of life histo ries reinfo rces the fact that the subject often





S O C I A L I T Y VS . THE

S O C I A L

67

ma tt er s little wh et he r this link is real or ima gined. Th ink of Proust wh o,

after the de at h of his gr an dm ot he r, ima gine s he sees her traits t rans ferre d

to his mo th er . By tak ing up the imag e of the gr an dm ot he r, by identifying

with her , the mo th er ass umes the role which must be perp etu ate d across

the generations. With his typical sensitivity, Proust shows how death

becomes part of an indestructible vitality. It is in no way a sign of a

sociological imperialism to recognize as Halbwachs does that 'in reality we

ar e nev er alon e . . . since we feel inside ours elve s a qua nti ty of p e rs ons '. 2 9

Memory and collective remembrances, whether private, public or familial

in nature, are what allow a neighbourhood or a town, places where lives

are layered upon each other, to be inhabitable, indeed they make such

places inhabitable, permitting the feedback* established between the

group and the person. Naturally, this occurs in an organic way rather than

according to the rational equivalency of the political order. Renan

emphasized that for the early Christians the community's strength, and

here I would use the term puissance, was bas ed on the 'gre at found ing m en '

megala stoikeia).

It is ar ou nd their tom bs that the first chu rches we re

const ruc ted . In tu rn , Pe te r Br ow n has show n how such a sanc tuar y was

simply called 'the place' o topos) and tha t thes e place s wer e progressive ly

to be co me actual netw ork s criss-crossing the lands of the Med ite rra nea n.

Wh et he r in a religious or secul ar form, such a pract ice of foun datio n is

found regularly throughout human history. Beyond the urban or rural

mon ume nta lity ( pala ce, chur ch, various mo nu me nt s) , this feedback is

expressed in all commemorative ceremonies. From the Cult of Auglaurus**

of ancient Athens to all the national holidays of today, with the liturgical

calendar of the Christian Church in between, the same process of

anamnesis is at work: we exist as one body. In his analysis of Christian

practice in Breton villages, the sociologist Yves Lambert notes a particu

larly revealing ceremony. In speaking of the recently departed, the priest

sets the scene whereby the children of the village represent, in

equal

number, thos e who have passed away that ye ar .3 0 There can be no better

illustration of the fecundity and the meaningfulness of the idea of the

phylum. The social imagination constructs a history around it and is thus

constituted as such.

We should examine in the light of these specific examples how all these

groups are founded, in the simplest sense of the word, on the transcendence

of the individual. This is what drives me to speak of an

immanent

transcendence, on e which bo th surpasse s individuals and springs from the

con tinu ity of the gr ou p. Thi s is a mystical int erp ret ati on which can p er ha ps

be compared to that other mysticism contained within a number of

psychoanalytical traditions. For example, one could cite the case of

Groddeck, whose vitalist roots are well known. 'We are experienced by the

id', 'the id is a force', or 'the ego is nothing but artifice, a tool in the service

* Transl. note: f eed b ack ap p ears in En g l i s h in the text.

** God d es s of the City of A t h e n s .



68

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBES

of th e id' - ma ny oth er similar exam ples cou ld be cite d. It is sufficient t o

note that the 'id' in question can perfectly describe, in a metaphorical way,

the mass, the people or the group at issue here; it is a force that acts,

wh er ea s we belie ve we act upo n it; the ego is defined by it. He re we can

find all the ingredients constituting the small contemporary masses.

Furthermore, such an extrapolation allows us to highlight the close

connection between these entities and the natural order. Thus, we can see

this as something that goes beyond individualism in practice as well as in

theory.

Th e collective me mo ry is qui te a good way to desc ribe the symbolic

system and the mechanism of the above-mentioned participation. Of

cours e, the ter m is pe rh ap s a bit cliched or dat ed ; but it clearly und erl ine s

the fact tha t, just as ther e is no individual exis tenc e, the re can be no

singular thoug ht. Ou r consciousness is but a meeti ng groun d, th e crystal

lization of various currents which, with precise moments of symmetry,

intersect, attract or repel one another. Even the most dogmatic ideologies

are finished examples which can never be entirely unified. Thus we say that

a personal thought follows from the 'inclination of a collective thought'. 3 2

This is confirm ed in their own way by cont em po ra ry re sea rch ers in the

areas of theoretical physics and biology, such as R. Sheldrake who uses the

word 'chreode' (necessary direction) to describe the simultaneity of similar

or close discoveries in laboratories more or less isolated from one another.

These researchers have various starting points; but in sharing the same

'spirit of the tim es ', they converg e as a gr oup - albeit a sketc hy one -

rippled with conflicts. We can say the same for the constitutive groupings

of sociality; each, in its own way, creates its ideology and pieces together

its ow n small history from disp ara te ele men ts culled from th e four cor ner s

of the Earth. They may be borrowed from local tradition or they may cut

across these traditions. Nevertheless, their assemblage shows similarities

which will cons tit ute a sort of ma tr ix , giving rise to an d rein forcing

individual representations.

It would seem that this way of posing the problem might allow us to go

beyond the classic pons

asinorum

of the social scie nces : is hist ory

determined by individuals or a collection of undifferentiated groups? Or

exp res sed a no th er way, is it pro vid enc e's 'g rea t ma n' or th e blind action of

the masses at wo rk ? On th e on e han d, we find reas on an d its piercing light;

on the other we find instinct and its dangerous obscurity. Perhaps one can

imagine a middle ground, a precise 'social form' 3 3 which can explain

knowledge and eloquence as something other than an individual action or

an imposed structure. The 'collective memory' (Halbwachs) and Mauss'

habitus

ma y be such a form const itu ted of bo th archetypes and the var ious

intentionalities which allow us to adapt to these archetypes, to experience

th em , in a ma nn er of spea king. This , precise ly, is the spirit of the gr ou p, of

the clan, whose synergy and juxtaposition produce the spirit of the times.

Th er e is a con tin uou s proc ess of con tac t; an essential 'rel atio nis m'

wher eb y 'th e individua l life history is cor rec ted an d ex pa nd ed in the overa ll



S O C I A L I T Y

VS . THE

S O C I A L

69

life history' ,

3 4

leading to the communal life. Interaction and inter-

subjectivity create something qualitatively different from its constituent

par ts. The collective me mo ry can thus serv e, in the straightforward sense

of the word, as a revelation of individual acts, intentions and experiences.

It is a true sphere of communication, the cause and effect of the

community. In this way, thought, which appears the most individualized, is

but a part of a symbolic system at the very heart of all social aggregations.

In its pur ely instru men tal or rationa l aspect , thoug ht individualizes, just as

on the theoretical plane it dissects and discriminates; however, by being

int eg rat ed int o an org ani c com ple xit y, tha t is by leaving ro om for affect

and passion, as well as the non-logical, this same thought favours the

communication of the being-together. In the first case this leads to political

development as a factor uniting these disparate elements; in the second,

one may highlight the pre-eminence of the group or the tribe, that is, not

projected far into the future, but rather living for the most extreme

con cret e which is the pre sen t.

Thi s is th e simpl est and mos t pro spe cti ve exp ress ion of the sat ura tion of

th e political and its supp ort ing stru ctu re which is indiv idual ism. In t heir

stead we see structures of communication which are both intensive and

more compact. These affinity groupings revalue the ancient anthropological

str uct ur e of th e 'ex te nd ed family '. This is a str uct ure in which t he

neg oti ati on of pas sion or conflict is car rie d ou t in close qu ar te rs . W it hout

suggesting consanguinuity, this grouping fits in nicely with the perspective

of the phyl um th at is retu rni ng with the red epl oym ent of natur alism. It is

possible to state that the networks forming within our megalopolises are

rediscovering a role for themselves of mutual aid, conviviality, commensality,

prof essio nal supp or t and so me ti me s eve n of the cultu ral rituals which

characterized the spirit of the Roman

gens.

35 Wha te ve r na me we give these

groupings - kinship groups, family groups, secondary groups, peer groups*

- th er e is a pro ces s of tribal ism at wo rk that has always existed bu t whi ch,

acc ord ing to the er a, has bee n mo re or less val ued . What is cert ain is that ,

at the present time, it is alive and well, holding sway in the cellars of our

public housing projects or in the classrooms of the rue d'Ulm.**

Contemporary analyses such as those by Young and Willmot on the

sociability of neighbourhoods in large cities, or those of Raynaud on the

multiplicity of 'secondary groups', are ample evidence of the perdurability

of an

esprit de corps.36

Suc h a spirit is bo th the cau se an d effect of

interaction and reversibility, both of which are certainly among those

el em en ts most foreign to political life. It is to the m, the re fo re , that on e

must look for the contemporary form which sociality is assuming.

In a single word, the

economy

of th e political or de r, fou nde d on

reason, the project and activity, is giving way to the ecology of an

organic (or holistic) order, integrating both nature and proxemics.

*

Transl. note:

'pee r group s' appea rs in Engl ish in the text .

**

Transl. note:

site of the prestigious Eco le normale suporieure.



70

T H E T I M E

O F T H E

TRIBES

A l th ou gh suc h a c ha ng e m a y be c a us e fo r so m e d i squ ie t i n m a n y wa y s , it

is n o l o n g e r p o s s i b l e t o d e n y it s r e a l i t y . D ü r k h e i m a t t r i b u t e d t o s e c o n d a r y

g r o u p s t h e d y n a m i c w h i c h i n t e g r a t e s i n d i v i d u a l s in t o t h e g e n e r a l t o r r e n t o f

soc ia l l if e . S uc h a n im a ge ha s i ts ow n r e so na nc e . T he r e i s e f f e r ve sc e nc e in

the na tu r a l a nd soc ial v i t a l i sm , e spe c ia l ly a t c e r t a in t im e s whe n va lue s a nd

c on v ic t io ns se e m le s s su r e . M or e o ve r , i t i s poss ib l e tha t t he se se c on da r y

gr ou ps wh ic h m e ta s t a s i z e th r ou gh ou t the soc ia l bo dy , wh i l e s ign if y ing by

the i r p r e se n c e th e e n d o f c iv il i ze d m o de r n i ty , pa in t a m e a n ingf u l p i c t u r e o f

the e m e r g ing soc ie ta l f o r m .

N ote s

1 . Z . Y a v e t z , La Plebe et le prince, fou le et vie politique sous le hau t-empire romain , P a r i s ,

M a s p e r o , 1 9 8 3 . C f . t h e m a n y c it a t i o n s w i t h r e s p e c t t o t h e d i st r u s t o f t h e m a s s e s , f or e x a m p l e

p . 2 5 ; c f. a g a i n M . d e C e r t e a u , Arts de faire, P a r i s, U n i o n g en e r a l e d e s e d i t i o n s , n o . 1 0 - 1 8

( 1 9 8 0 ) , p . 1 16 a n d P . B o u r d i e u , Esquisses d'un e theorie de la pratique, G e n e v e , D r e z , 1 9 7 2,

p . 2 0 2 . W h i l e a c c e p t i n g t h i s i d e a o f t h e p e o p l e a s ' m y t h ' , I t h i n k w e m u s t g r a n t it t h e m e a n i n g

S o r e l d o e s . C f. J . Z y l b e r b e r g , ' F r a g m e n t d ' u n d i s c ou r s c r i t iq u e s u r l e n a t i o n a l is m e ' ,

An thropologie et societe, v o l . 2 . n o . 1 ( 1 9 7 8 ) ; F . D u m o n t , ' S u r la g e n e s e d e la n o t i o n d e

c u l t u r e p o p u l a i r e ' i n Cultu res popu laires et sociales con temporain es, Q u e b e c , P r e ss e s

u n i v e r s i t ä r e s d u Q u e b e c , 1 9 8 2 , p . 3 3 .

2 . R . N i s b e t , Th e Sociological Tradition, L o n d o n , H e i n e m a n n E d u c a t i o n a l , 1 9 7 0, p . 3 5 .

A l s o c f. G . R e n a u d , A VOmbre du rationalisme, la societe qu ebecoise de sa dependance a sa

quotidiennete, M o n t r e a l , E d i t i o n s S t M a r t i n , 1 9 8 4, p . 1 8 2 .

3 .

C f . P . B r o w n , Th e Cult of the Saints: I ts Rise and F un ction in Latin Christianity,

C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 19 8 1 , p . 2 0 , et seq. t o s e e h o w p o p u l a r r e l ig i o n is

a n a l y s e d f r o m s u c h a p e r s p e c t i v e .

4 . F . V e n t u r i , Les intellectuels, le peuple et la revolution. H istoire de populism e russe au

XIX*

siecle, P a r i s , G a l l i m a r d , 1 9 7 2 , p . 5 0 .

5 . T h i s is o n e o f M o r i n ' s e x p r e s s i o n s ,

L'E sprit du temps,

P a r i s, L i v r e d e P o c h e , 1 9 8 4 , p . 2 0 ;

o n t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s fo r t h e r e s e a r c h e r , cf. m y b o o k , M . M a f f es o li ,

La Conn aissance

ordinaire. Precis de sociologie com prehen sive,

P a r i s, L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 5 .

6 . G . L e B o n ,

The Crowd,

N e w Y o r k , V i k i n g , 1 96 0 , p . 7 7 .

7 . E . C a n e t t i , Th e Conscience of W ords, t r a n s l. J . N e u g r o s h e l , N e w Y o r k , S e a b u r y P r e s s ,

1979 , p . 2 .

8 . K . M a n n h e i m ,

ideology and Utopia,

N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t B r a c e , 1 9 5 4 , p . 8 1 .

9 . C f. K . S c h i p p e r ,

Le Corps taoi'ste,

P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 2 , p . 2 7 . B a s i n g m y s e l f o n V a n

G u l i k , 1 h a v e sh o w n t h a t w e c a n f in d p o p u l a r e x p l o s i o n s d e r i v e d fr o m T a o i s m u p u n t il t h e

p r e s e n t d a y ; M . M a f f e s o l i ,

LO m bre de Dionysos. Con tribution a un e sociologie de V orgie,

P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 2 n d e d i t i o n , 1 9 8 5 , p . 6 7 .

10. O n t h e l in k b e t w e e n e x p e r i e n c e a n d s y m b o l i c w h o l e s , c f. t h e r e f e r e n c e t o D i l t h e y b y J .

H a b e r m a s ,

Knowledge and Hu man Interests,

L o n d o n , H e i n e m a n n , 1 9 7 8, p . 1 4 7.

11.

O n i n t e r i o r i t y a n d t h e s o u l , I a m f o l l o w i n g t h e a n a l y s i s o f W . F . O t t o ,

Les Dieux de la

Grece,

p r e f a c e b y M . D e t i e n n e s , P a r i s , P a y o t , 1 9 8 1 ; c f. p . 2 4 a n d t h e p r e f a c e , p . 1 0; o n t h e

' o r a c l e s ' , a n d t h e g r o u p v i t a l it y t o w h i c h t h e y le a d , cf. P . B r o w n ,

The Making of Late

Antiquity,

C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , H a r v a r d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 78 , p . 3 8 .

12. O n ' m u l t i d i n o u s n e s s ' , a n d so c ia l i t y i n d u c e d b y p o p u l a r r e l i gi o si t y , c f. E . P o u l a t , Eglise

contre bourgeoisie, P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 97 7 , p p . 2 1 a n d 2 4 . C f . a l s o t h e g o o d d e s c r i p t i o n o f

p o p u l a r r e l ig i on b y Y . L a m b e r t , Dieu change en Bretagne, P a r i s ,

Cerf,

1 9 8 5 , e s p ec i a l l y w i t h

r e s p e c t t o ' i n d u l g e n c e s a s a " s p i r i t u a l in s u r a n c e p o l i c y " ' , c f. p p . 2 0 6 - 2 0 8 .



S O C I A L I T Y

V S . T H E

S O C I A L

71

13. E . R e n a n , Marc Aurele ou la fin du monde antique, Paris , Livre de Po ch e, 1984, p . 354 .

For a cr i t i q u e o f s ta t i s m, cf . J . Z y l b erb e rg , Na t i on a l i s m e-I n tegr a t i on -De p en d an ce ,

Revue

d'Integration europeenne, vo l . 2 , n o . 2 (19 79 ) , p . 269 , et seq.

14 . Μ . W e b e r , Econom y and Society, B e rk e l ey , Un i v ers i ty o f Ca l i forn i a Pres s , 1978 ,

p p . 40 -42 an d a l s o

The City,

G le nc oe 111., Th e Fr ee Press , 1956.

15 . Cf . K. Ma rx, Collected Works of Marx and Engels, N ew Yo rk , In tern at i on a l

Pu b l i s h ers , 1974 , vo l . 46 , p . 71 ; F . Ven tu r i ,

Les intellectuels,

p . 45 , ou t l i n es th es e h es i ta t i on s

with regard to the obschina.

16 . Cf . again Ve ntu ri , ib id . , vo l . 1 , p . 29 .

17 . O n th e s u b s t i tu t i on o f th e p eop l e b y c l a s s , c f. M an n h e i m ,


vo l . 1,

p . 6 0 , et seq.; for a cri t ique of the c lass s trug gle , cf. J . Freu nd, Sociologie du conflit, Paris ,

P U F , 1983 , p . 72 ,

etseq.

18 . Cf . M af fes o l i , La Connaissance ordinaire, p . 167 , and La Conquete du present. Pour

une sociologie de la vie quotidienne,

Par i s , P U F , 1979 .

19. C f . Y a v e t z ,

La Plebe et le prince,

p . 38 ,

et seq,

p . 54 regarding the turno ver of

emp erors , or th e a t t i tu d e toward s Ca l i gu l a ; L e B on , The Crowd, s h ow s th e s am e d egr ee o f

vers a t i l i ty a s to i d eo l og i es .

20 . M af fe s o l i , L a Vi o l e n ce to ta l i ta i re , Par i s , P U F , 1979 , Ch . I .

2 1 . Cf . Can et t i , The Conscience of Words, p. 16.

2 2 . G . S i m m e l ,

Les Problemes de la philosophic de Vhistoire,

Par i s , P U F , 1984 , p . 104 , an d

R e n a u d , Ä VOm bre des rationalismes, p . 2 5 7 . H i s p r o g r a m m a t i c p r o p o s a l a s a p p l ie d t o

s o c i a l it y in Q u e b e c s e e m s t o m e f u ll o f p r o m i s e .

2 3 .

E . D ü r k h e i m ,

Legons de sociologie,

P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 6 9 , p . 10 3 . A l s o r e f e r t o M .

M a f f e s o l i ,


c h a p t e r s 6 a n d 7 a n d

L'O mbre de Dionysos,

i n t r o d u c t i o n .

2 4 .

Μ . W e b e r , Essais sur la theorie de la science, Par i s , P l ö n , 1 9 65 ; ' E s s a i s u r q u e l q u e s

c a t e g o r i e s d e l a s o c i o lo g i e c o m p r e h e n s i v e ' , 1 9 1 3 , F r e n c h t r a n s l . , p . 3 6 0 .

25 .

C f. Ν . E li as , The Civilizing Process, N e w Y o r k , U r i z e n B o o k s , 1 9 8 2 .

26 . I am re ferr i n g h ere o f cou rs e to L e B o n , The Crowd, p . 51 an d J . B ea u ch a rd , La

Puissance desfoules,

Par i s , P U F , 1985 . O n li fe h i s tor i es an d th e t ran s i ti on f rom th e Τ to th e

w e , cf . M. Catani , Tante Suzanne, Paris , Librairie des M er id ie ns , 1982 , pp . 15 , 12 . Th e term

ef ferv es cen ce i s b or row ed , o f cou r s e , f rom

D ü r k h e i m .

27 . Μ . M au s s ,

Sociology and Psychology,

L o n d o n , R o u t l e d g e a n d K e g a n P a u l, 1 9 7 9, Ά

ca teg ory o f th e h u man m i n d : th e n o t i on o f p ers o n ; L . Du m on t , Homo Hierarchus, transl . M .

S a i n s b u ry , Ch i cago , Un i vers i ty o f Ch i cago Pres s , 1980 . R . Da M at ta ,

Carnavals, bandits et

heros, Par i s , S eu i l , p . 210 , etseq. O n the Mafia cf. my art ic le , La maff ia co m m e m eta ph ore de

l a s oc i a l i t e ,

Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie,

Par i s , P U F , vo l . 73 (198 2 ) .

28 . W . B e n j a m i n , Sens unique, Par i s , L . N . M a u r i ce Na d e au , 1978 , p . 72 .

29 . M . H a l b w a c h s ,


Par i s , P U F , 1950 , p . 2 .

30 . L a m b e r t , Dieu change en Bretagne, p . 45 ; Ren an s an a l ys i s , Marc Aurele, p. 126. On

B ro wn s top o s , c f. P . B row n ,

Society and the Holy in Late Antiquity,

L o n d o n , F a b e r a n d

Fab er , 1982 , p . 6 , et seq.

3 1 . Cf . the f ine prese nta t ion by M. Lal ive d Ep inay ,

Groddeck ou Vart de decontracter,

Par i s , E d i t i on s Un i vers i ta i res , p p . 24 , 40 .

3 2 . C f. H a l b w a c h s ,


p . 92 .

3 3 . I n th e s en s e u s ed b y S i mm el , f rom w h om I am b orrow i n g l ib era l ly h ere . Cf. Les

Problemes de la philosophic de Vhistoire, p . 74 , et seq.

34 . D i l t h e y , q u o t e d b y H a b e r m a s in Know ledge and Hum an Interests, p . 150 , et seq.

35. Cf . the analys i s by D ü r k h e i m t o t h is e f f ec t , L'A nn ee sociologique, v o l . 1 , p p . 3 0 7 - 3 3 2 ;

2 ,

p p . 3 1 9 - 3 2 3 a n d C . B o u g i e ,


C a m b r i d g e , C a m b r i d g e U n i ve r s i t y

P r e s s , 1 9 7 1 , p p . 3 6 , 5 0 .

36 .

C f . M . Y o u n g a n d P . W i l lm o t t ,

Fam ily and Kinship in East London,

H a r m o n d s w o r t h ,

P e n g u i n , 1 9 64 ; a n d E . R e y n a u d , ' G r o u p e s s e c o n d a i r e s e t s o li d a r i t y o r g a n i q u e : q u i e x e r c e l e

c o n t r ö l e s o c ia l ? ' i n

L'A nn ee sociologique,

P a r i s , v o l . 3 3 ( 1 9 8 3 ) , p p . 1 8 1 - 1 9 4 . I t i s u n f o r t u n a t e

t h a t t h i s s e c o n d s t u d y im p l ic i t ly r e l a t i v i ze s t h e s i gn i f i ca n c e o f r e c o g n i z e d g r o u p s .



4

T R IB A L IS M

1 .

T he a f fec tua l ne bu la

N o i s i a m o l a s p l e n d i d a r e a l t ä . T h i s sl ig h t ly c lu m s y p h r a s e w a s d i s c o v e r e d

in a l os t co rne r o f sou the rn I t a ly , and w i thou t any c l a im to p re t ence , i t

su m s up w ha t soc i a l i t y i s a ll ab ou t . I t con ta in s i n m in i a tu r e a l l o f soc i a l i t y s

v a r i o u s e l e m e n t s : t h e r e l a t i v i s m o f l i f e , t h e g r a n d e u r a n d t r a g e d y o f t h e

e v e r y d a y , t h e b u r d e n o f t h e w o r l d a r o u n d u s w h i c h w e b e a r a s b e s t w e c a n ;

a ll o f w h ich a re exp re s sed in t h a t w e w h ich fo rm s th e g lue ho ld in g

e v e r y t h i n g t o g e t h e r . W e h a v e d w e l l e d s o o f t e n o n t h e d e h u m a n i z a t i o n a n d

t h e d i s e n c h a n t m e n t w i t h t h e m o d e r n w o r l d a n d t h e s o l i t u d e i t i n d u c e s t h a t

w e a re no longe r c apab le o f see ing the ne tw orks o f so l ida r i t y t ha t ex i s t

w i th in .

In mo re t ha n on e re s pe c t , soc i a l ex i s t enc e i s a l i e na t ed , sub jec t t o t he

in junc t ions o f a mul t i fo rm

power;

ho w ev e r , t h e r e s ti ll r em a in s an a f f irm

a t i v e

puissance

t h a t , d e s p i t e e v e r y t h i n g , c o n f i rm s t h e ( e v e r - ) r e n e w e d

g a m e o f s o l i d a r i ty a n d r e c i p r o c i t y . T h i s is a r e s i d u e t h a t m u s t b e n o t e d . 1

In sh or t , it i s po ss ib le to s ta te tha t , in ea ch e r a , a ty pe of sens ib i l i ty

p redomina te s ; a s ty l e w hich spec i f i e s t he re l a t i onsh ips w e fo rge w i th

o t h e r s . T h i s s ty l is t ic v i e w h a s b e c o m e m o r e a n d m o r e p r o n o u n c e d (c f. P .

B r o w n , P . V e y n e , G . D u r a n d , Μ . M a f f e s o li ) . 2

I t a l lows us to account for

t h e p a s s a g e f r o m t h e

polis to the thiase,

o r f rom th e po l i t i c a l o r de r t o t he

r e a l m o f i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . W h e r e a s t h e f o r m e r f a v o u r s i n d i v i d u a l s a n d

r a t i o n a l , c o n t r a c t u a l a s s o c i a t i o n s , t h e l a t t e r p l a c e s t h e e m p h a s i s o n t h e

a f fec t ive , f e e l i ng d im en s io n . O n th e o n e han d is t he soc i a l , w i th it s ow n

consis tency, a s t ra tegy and a f ina l i ty , and on the o ther a mass in which

a g g r e g a t i o n s o f e v e r y o r d e r a r e c r y s t a l l i z e d - h a p h a z a r d , e p h e m e r a l a n d

h a z i ly d r a w n . T h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f t h e s o c ia l a n d i ts t h e o r e t i c a l a c k n o w l

e d g e m e n t w e r e n o t e a s i l y w o n . T h e s a m e a p p l i e s t o d a y f o r t h a t v a g u e

concep t w e ca l l

sociality.

T h i s e x p l a i n s t h e a p p r o x i m a t e , p a r t i a l , a n d

s o m e t i m e s c h a o t i c n a t u r e o f a n y a p p r o a c h t o t h e q u e s t i o n , m i r r o r i n g t h e s e

u n c e r t a i n g r o u p i n g s . B u t o n c e a g a in s o m e t h i n g i m p o r t a n t i s a t s t a k e , a n d I

w ould be w i l l i ng to be t t ha t t he fu tu re o f t he d i sc ip l ine depends e s sen t i a l l y

on our ab i l i t y t o convey the f renz i ed ac t iv i t y unde r cons ide ra t i on .

I n m y o p i n i o n , t h e e n d l e s s p o i n t i n g t o t h e e x a m p l e s o f n a r c i s s i s m a n d

the evo lu t ion o f i nd iv idua l i sm, i n a number o f soc io log ica l o r j ou rna l i s t i c

a r t i c l e s , r ep re sen t s t h ink ing a t i t s mos t conven t iona l . They a re o f l i t t l e

m e r i t u n l e s s t o i l l u s t r a t e t h e p r o f o u n d u p h e a v a l o c c u r r i n g w i t h i n t h e r a n k s



T R I B A L I S M

73

of intellectuals who have difficulty understanding anything of the society

which is thei r br ea d and but te r and w ho thus try to imp art a kind of

meaning in terms appropriate to the moral and/or political realm in which

they prosper. It is not my intention to fight a rearguard action; it is

sufficient to show, howe ver cut-a nd- dri ed it shou ld ap pe ar , that experienc

ing the

other

is th e basis of the com mu ni ty , ev en if it lea ds to conflict. Let

me be perfectly clear: I have no intention of adding to the moral mush so

trendy these days; rather, I would like to trace the outline of what could be

a logic of identificati on. T his identification is a certa in me ta ph or , on e tha t,

in the case of the ma ss , can function wit hout wha t is trad itional ly called

dialogue, exchange, or other stuff and nonsense. The identification of the

co mmu nit y can be com ple tely disind ividualizing by crea ting a diffuse union

that does not require one's full presence for the other (referring to the

political); it establishes rather a relationship in the emptiness - what I

would call a tactile relationship. With in the mas s, on e runs acro ss, bum ps

into and brus hes against ot he rs ; inte ract ion is esta blis hed , crystallizations

and groups form.

We can co mp ar e this to Walt er Benjam in's c omm en ts on Fouri er's

harmonious new world, a 'world in which morality no longer has any role',

a world in which 'passions are engaged and become mechanized in their

wor ki ngs ', a world in whic h, to use Fou rie r's own word s, undefined and

undifferentiated combinations and associations reign.

3

And yet, these

tactile relationships, through successive sedimentations, create a special

am bi ence - what I hav e called a

diffuse union.

I would like to suggest an

image to help us in our reflections: at its beginnings, the Christian world

was a nebula of entities scattered throughout the Roman Empire. This

proliferation secreted that lovely theory of the 'communion of the saints'.

This link was at once firm and flexible, but for all that, it ensured the

solidity of the ecclesiastical bo dy . It is this gr ou p effervescence and its

precise ethos which was to give rise to the civilization of today. It is

possible to imagine that we are face to face today with a sort of 'communion

of the saints'. Electronic mail, sexual networks, various solidarities including

sporting and musical gatherings are so many signs of an ethos in gestation.

Such tr en ds are the fram ework of this new spirit of the times which we call

sociality.

Let us first specify that the phenomenological and comprehensive

trad ition has look ed at this que sti on in deta il. I think par ticular ly of Alfred

Schutz who, in a number of his analyses, and especially in his article

entitled 'Making music together', made a study of 'syntony'

mutual tuning

in relationship) accord ing to which individuals in interac tion are epiphanized

in a

vivid

presence.*

Of co ur se , at the root of this we find the face-to-face

relationship; however, by a process of association, the whole of social

existence is involved in this form of empathy.

4

Moreover, whether by

contact, by perception or by look, the senses are always implicated in a

* Transl. note:

The p h ras es in italic appear in Engl ish in the text.



74

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

syntonic relationship. As we shall later see, this sensitivity forms the

substrate of the acknowledgement and the experience of the other. We

may note here and now that from this sensitivity springs the 'meeting of

mi nd s' , which is jus t ano th er way of saying compreh ensio n in its stronge st

sense. Although it should be the height of banality to say so, there is no

harm in repeating that the originality of the sociological procedure lies in

the fact that it is based on the materiality of the being -toge ther.

God (and theology), the Mind (and philosophy), the individual (and

eco nom ics ) step aside for this reg rou pin g. Ma n is nev er con sidere d in

isolation. And even when we grant, as I would tend to do, the prevalence

of the imagination, it should not be forgotten that it derives from a social

bo dy and in re tu rn r emate ria liz es ther e. It is no t a case of self-sufficiency as

such, but rather of constant retroaction. All mental processes arise from a

rel ati ons hip and its proc ess of action and retroact ion : the ent ire c om

mun ica tive or symbolist logic is fou nded t he re up on . This is wha t S pan n

calls the 'idea of matching'

(Gezweiung).

Thi s coup le effect can be

obse rve d be twe en par en ts and offspring, the ma st er and his disciples, the

artist and his admirers. 5 It is of cou rse unde rs tood tha t this cou ple effect

tra nsc end s the ele me nts of which it is co mpos ed ; this tra nsc end enc e was a

characteristic of the sociological perspective at its beginnings, only to be

clou ded by the medieva l comm unit y. How ev er, as the triu mph ant bou r

geois order claimed individualism as a principal vector, this community

model became increasingly left behind or served, α contrario only to justify

the progressive and liberating aspects of modernity. It remains true

nev erth eles s, that the corpora tist and solidarist myths were presen t - for

instance the statue of the Commander* - at the origins of these proceed

ings. Even Comte, the most positivist of sociologists, reformulates them in

his religion of humanity. We are only too aware of his influence on

Dü rk he im an d Fren ch sociology; but what is less well known is that ,

through the work of W.G. Sumner, the solidarist myth struck a chord in

American thought . 6

Without labouring the point, we can demonstrate that solidarity or the

religion of humanity can serve as the backcloth to the group phenomena

we are witnessing today, especially in so far as the logic of identity is

concerned. This latter phenomenon has served as the mainspring for the

economic, political and social order which has reigned for over two

cen tur ies . But alt hou gh it con tinues to function, its ste amr olle r effect no

longer has the same impact it once did. Thus, in order to seize the shared

sentiments and experiences at wor k in the vario us social situa tions a nd

attitudes of today, it is a good idea to take a different tack: the aesthetic

angle seems to me to be the least bad. By aesthetics, I mean the

etymological sense of the word, as the common faculty of feeling, of

experie ncing. Desp ite his rationalis m, Ad or no rema rk ed that aesthetics

could allow us to 'assist the non-identical in its struggle against the

Transl. note:

A char acter in Moliere ' s

Don

Juan.



T R I B A L I S M

75

aggressive identification compulsion that rules the outside world'.

7

There is

no better way to sum up the efflorescence and effervescence of neo-

tribalism which, in various forms, refuses to identify with any political

pro jec t wha ts oe ve r, to subs crib e to any sort of finality, and who se sole

raison d'etre is a pr eocc upat io n with th e collective pr es en t. All on e has to

do is to refer to the researc h and mon og ra ph s com ple ted on youth grou ps,

affinity associations, small-scale industrial enterprises, in order to be

convin ced. It only rem ain s to cond uct studies on telec ommu nica tion s

networks to confirm the prospective aspects of syntonic relationships.

The many lamentations of politicians, church officials and journalists

over growing disindividualization are a clue to the 'supra-singular' or

'supra-individual' realities. Without being in any way normative, it is

necessary to be able to weed out the consequences of this. Based on

psychological experiments conducted in the sixties, Watzlawick spoke of

the 'ardent and unquenchable desire to be in agreement with the group'.

At present, it is no longer a question of desire, but rather an ambience in

which we ba th e. Wha t was onc e Californian ex per ime nta tio n is now th e

ordinary reality of everyday life. Desire used to be understood in terms of a

subjec t's des ire: this is no longer th e case, how eve r. Th e concern for

conformity is a consequence of massification and within this, in an

incidental and haphazard way, the groupings occur. I spoke earlier of the

'ma ter ial ity ' of th e bei ng- tog eth er; th e oscillating mass -tri be is its illus

tra tio n. It is poss ible to ima gi ne , ins tea d of a sub jec t-a cto r, be ing con

fronted with interlocking objects; like a nest of Russ ian dol ls, th e large

object-mass conceals smaller object-groups which are diffracted to infinity.

In developing his ethic of sympathy, Scheler was careful to point out that

it is neither essentially nor exclusively social. It would be an all-

encompassing form, a matrix in a way. I in turn will form such a

hypo thes is. Like the pe nd ul um of hu ma n history, this form has now swung

bac k from the mar gin s to th e foref ront . It favou rs th e em ot iona l function

and the subsequent mechanisms of identification and participation. What

he term s the 'the or y of fellow-feeling as identific ation' explai ns th e

conditions of identification: those moments of ecstasy which may be

haphazard but which also may characterize the climate of an era. 8 This

theo ry of iden tifica tion an d the ecsta tic flight from th e self is in perfect

harmony with the evolution of the image and the spectacle (from the

spectacle as such to political displays) and of course with that of sporting

crowds, tour groups or quite simply passers-by. All of these instances go

beyond the

principium individuationis

which use d to be the touc hs tone of

any social organization and theory.

Is it necessary to establish, as Scheler proposes, a gradation between

affective 'identification', 'vica rious em ot ion' and 'fellow-feeling'? Far be tte r,

in my op in ion, if only for heu risti c pu rp os es , to ta ke not e of an 'affectual'

nebula, with an orgiastic or, as I have already analysed, dionysiac

tendency. Orgiastic explosions, cults of possession and situations of

identification have always existed; but sometimes they become endemic



76

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

and pre-eminent in the

conscience collective.

On wha tev er issue, we are

stirred in unison. Halbwachs addresses this by speaking of 'collective

interferences ' . 9

That which we think of as a personal opinion belongs in

fact to the group of which we are a member. Thus can be explained the rise

of these doxa which are the mark of con for mity, an d which can be found

in every group, even the one claiming to be the most detached: the

intellectuals.

This 'affectual' nebula leads us to understand the precise form which

sociality takes today: the wandering mass-tribes. Indeed, in contrast to the

1970s - with its stre ngth s such as the Californian count erc ult ure and the

European student communes - it is less a question of belonging to a gang, a

family or a community than of switching from one group to another. This

can give the impression of atomization or wrongly give rise to talk of

narcissism. In fact, in contrast to the stability induced by classical tribalism,

neo-tribalism is charact erized by fluidity, occasional gatherings and dispersal.

Thus we can describe the street scene of modern megalopolises: the

amateurs of jogging, punk or retro fashions, preppies and street per

formers invite us on a travelling road show. Through successive sedimen

tat ion , the aest heti c amb ience men tio ne d earlier is constit ute d. It is within

such an ambience that we can occasionally see 'instantaneous condensa

tions' (Hocquenghem-Scherer), which are fragile but for that very instant

the object of significant emot ion al inves tme nt. It is this sequ enti al aspect

that allows me to talk of the surpassing of the principle of individuation.

Let us evoke an ima ge: in describi ng the be aut y of the Ame ric an highway

and its traffic, Baudrillard reports on this strange ritual and the 'regularity

of the se flux(es) [which] put an en d to indiv idual des tin ies '. For him, 't he

only true society, the only war mt h pr ese nt, is that of a pro pul sion, a

collective compulsion' .

1 0

This image can provide food for thought. In an

almost animal way, we can feel a puissance which tran scen ds individual

trajectories or rather which situates them as part of a vast ballet. These

figures, as stoc has tic as they may be , in the end form n o less a cons tell ation

whose various elements fit together in a system in which neither will nor

consciousness play a part. This is the arabesque of sociality.

A characteristic of the social: the individual coul d have a function in

society, functioning in a party, an association, or a stable group.

A characteristic of sociality: the perso n (persona) plays roles, both within

his or her professional activities as well as within the various tribes in which

the person participates. The costume changes as the person, according to

personal tastes (sexual, cultural, religious, friendship), takes his or her

place each day in the various games of the theatrum mundi.

It is impossi ble to ove rsta te the case: the dra ma tic authentic ity of the

social is an swered by the tragic superficiality of sociality . I have alr eady

shown with regard to everyday life how there may be hidden depths to be

plumbed beyond the surface layer of things. Thus may be explained the

importance of appearances. I will not cover this as such in these pages,

exce pt to indic ate that it is a vect or of agg regatio n. In the abo ve -me nti oned



T R I B A L I S M

77

sense, aesthetics is a way of feeling in common. It is also a means of

recognizing ourselves. Parva esthetical Be that as it ma y, the hod ge -po dge

of clothing, multi-hued hairstyles and other punk manifestations act as a

glue; theatricality founds and reconfirms the community. The cult of the

body and other games of appearance have value only inasmuch as they are

par t of a larger stage in which eve ryone is bot h actor and spect ato r. To

paraphrase Simmel and his sociology of the senses, it is a question of a

stage 'c om mo n to us all'. Th e emphas is is less on that which distinguis hes

tha n on the overall eff ect . 1 1

Th e nat ur e of specta cle is to ac ce nt ua te , eit her directly or by eu ph em

ism, the sen sat ion al, tactile dim ens ion of social exis tenc e. Bei ng- together

allows us to touch: 'The majority of the people's pleasures are found in

the pleasures of the crowd or the group' (A. Ehrenberg). We cannot

comprehend this strange compulsion to group together without keeping at

the forefront of ou r minds this ant hropolo gica l const ant . I will ret urn to the

dichotomy presented by Worringer between abstraction and Einfühlung:

there are moments in time that are abstract, theoretical or purely rational,

and ot he rs in which cul tur e, in its br oa de st se nse , is constru cted from

participation and 'tactileness'. The return of image and sensation in our

societies is un do ub te dl y l inked to a logic of touch .

Under this heading too must certainly be placed the resurgence, albeit

in a com mer cia liz ed ma nn er , of popu la r festivals, carnivals and oth er

effervescent mo me nt s. In a ha ppy turn of ph ras e which is wor th not ing ,

Roberto Da Matta remarked that, at these moments, 'men are trans

formed and invent what we call the people or the mass'. 1 2

Invention must

be understood here in its most literal sense: to contrive, to find (in-venire)

that which exists. Th e paroxysm of the carniva l, its exacerbated theatricality

and tactileness clearly highlight the mechanism under review: the ground-

swell of the crowd and, at its heart, the small nodal points that form, act

and interact upon each other. The spectacle, in various forms, assumes the

function of communion. Circus and circle have the same etymological

roots; metaphorically speaking, one can argue that they act as a reciprocal

reinforcement of one another. For what characterizes our era more than

anythin g is the supple inte rse ction of a multip licity of circles whose

articulation takes the shape of sociality.

It is this theatricality, of the circus and the circle - the concatenation of

circles - that cha rac teri zes an ot he r aspect of sociality, namel y, religiosity.

This term should be seen in the most elemental light, that of reliance (Bolle

de Bai), and with reference to its etymological origins: religare - to bind

toget her . I have no wish to place my sociological reverie s in compe titi on

with the specialists. A s I do not ma ke a distinction be twe en t he religious as

such and the 'religious by analogy' (J. Seguy), I shall use this term to

describe the organic relationship in which we can see the interaction of

nature, society, groups and the mass. 1 3 To use a previously evoked image,

we are witness to a neb ula th at , like any (radio act ive ?) nebu losi ty, drifting

in and out , is pe rh ap s always pr es en t, but with varyin g effect, in the



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collective imag ina tion. It is imposs ible to de ny , howe ve r, tha t its effect

these days is certain.

In order to be a little more precise, let me say that this religiosity can

go hand in hand with de-Christianization or any other form of de

institutionalization. Sociality points to the cause as one of saturation of

great systems and other macro-structures. But the fact of fleeing, or at the

very least ignoring, institutions in no way means the end of the religare. It

can be vested elsewhere. This question is topical and sociologists, such as

Yves Lambert and Danielle Hervieu-Leger, continue to work away at it. 1 4

I would also add that this religiosity can accompany technological develop

ment, or even be reinforced by it (e.g. the microphone, the 'Minitel ').*

Whatever the case, to get back to the main line of argument of these

pa ge s, I wou ld say tha t the re is a link be twe en t he emot ion al and

religiosity; Weber devotes a paragraph in Economy and Society to the

'emotional community' and the 'congregational religiosity'. Among the

characteristics he attributes to them are 'neighbourhood' and especially the

plurality and instability of their expressions. 1 5 Would it be taking too many

liberties with interpretation to relate this to proximity, the tactile and the

ephemeral which drive our contemporary tribes? Regarding the new role

of tod ay 's Christi anit y, it has been poss ible to spe ak of 'affinity par ishes'

( D .

Her vie u-L ege r). I would relate this to what I have term ed 'elective

sociality'. This is a paradigm which, as such, serves as a methodological

tool. We can no longer do without the forms of fellow-feeling which, aside

from the causal relationship, give a more complete vision of an increasingly

complex world.

In fact, the symbolic relationship I have deliberately sketched out lies

within a vitalist framework not far removed from Schopenhauer's will to

live or Bergson's elan vital. Similar ly, sociality and the triba lism it gives rise

to are essentially tragic: the themes of appearance, the affective and the

orgiastic all lead to the finite and precarious; but, as L-V Thomas has

clearly pointed out, all death rites prepare for 'the passage back to life'.

1 6

This is the key to sociality which allows us to see a sign of the future in that

which is an endi ng. Th e disillusionme nt with respect to ever ythi ng that w as

meaningful in the bourgeois order should not mask the especially hardy

forms which are emerging. Through one's own death, the individual

permits the perdurability of the species. I will refer to the passage taken

from

The Memoirs of Hadrian:

I bel ie ve it cou ld be poss ib l e to share the ex is t enc e of ever yo ne , and this

s y m p a t h y wo ul d be one of the leas t rev oca ble typ es of immo rtal i ty . (M argu er it e

Y o u r c e n a r , Les Memoires d'Hadrian,

P a r i s ,

Gal l im ard , 1951)

Similarly, in going beyond the category of individualism, sociality permits

us to be aware of (and to be present at the birth of) its emerging forms.

Transl. note:

the French system of ho me min i-com puter s which hook into the nation' s

phone system and provide a huge variety of services from the home.



T R I B A L I S M

79

2 .

The 'un dire cted ' being-together

Briefly, it is wo rt h re me mb er in g, in or de r to serve as the basis of what

might be deemed the socio-anthropological structure of tribalism, that

social life can be determined only in relation to the group, whether directly

or

α contrario.

Self-evident as this migh t ap pe ar , it be ars rep ea tin g. So me

have even claimed that medieval society as an organic organizational

system constituted the model of 'sociological Utopia'. Th us , considering

just a few exa mp le s, we can show how this society formed a ba ckgr ound to

De Tocqueville's analysis of American democracy. Le Play also uses it to

develop his concept of 'founding families'; the same can be said of Tönnies'

'community ' or Durkheim's ' intermediate associat ions ' . 1 7

It seems to me

that, beyond its comparative uses, this medievalist nostalgia can serve to

remi nd us tha t, as op po sed to mecha nical or individualist perspe ctives ,

which are the legacy of nineteenth-century positivism, the

organic

perspec

tive cannot be totally discarded.

It has been said that Karl Marx was fascinated by the only revolution

that, to his mind, had succeeded: the bourgeois revolution of 1789; his

work, based on essentially bourgeois categories, shows the effects of this.

It is pe rh ap s even possib le to ma ke a similar claim for Dü rk he im with

resp ect to med ievalis m: tha t is, while rem ain ing a de fen de r of the prima cy

of the role of reason and the individual in society, he cannot help but note,

de facto

the importance of sentiment and community. I believe that the

distinction Dürkheim makes between 'mechanical solidarity' and 'organic

soli dari ty', an d especially his appli cation of the se conc ept s, is no longer

highly pe rti ne nt . R at he r, it is im po rt an t to unde rli ne that he was truly

obsessed by the reality represented by solidarity. 1 8 Th is is no trifling

ma tte r; inde ed, altho ugh it has not bee n adeq uate ly analysed by those who

hark back to the founder of the French School of Sociology, it is certain

that the problem of the pre-rational and pre-individualist consensus is for

him a basis on which society can and will be built. From this stems the

importance he lends to the conscience collective or to specific mo me nt s

(festivals, common acts) by which a given society will reinforce 'the feeling

it has of i tself . Nis be t rightly insists on this , since we to o often forget tha t

this perspective of the

communitas

surp asse s the utilitar ian and functional

ist aspect prevailing in the surrounding economic order.

Mo reo ve r, it is interest ing to no te that Halb wach s uses this perspective

to analyse the perm an en ce of the gro up , which is som ethi ng othe r t han

'an assemblage of individuals'. His comments about those educated at

the 'E co le ' (the Ecole No rm al e Supe rie ure , rue d' Ul m, of course ) could

just as easily apply to a study of Mafia figures. A community of ideas;

impersonal preoccupations; a stability of the structure which goes beyond

particularities and individuals: these are the essential characteristics of the

group which are above all based on shared feeling. This analysis contains

within it a so me wh at mystical logic of dep ers ona liz ati on . The 'imp erso nal

substance of lasting groups' 1 9 with its strong erotic and passionate



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connotations fits in well with the holistic perspective that is a feature of the

organic commu nit y; everything contribute s to its main ten anc e - dissension

and dysfunctions included. We need only observe the organization of

primary groups (family, friendship, religious, political, etc.) in order to be

convinced of the pertinence of such a dynamic.

This surpas sing or relativizing of individualis m is to be found in Ge rm an

sociology (in Tönnies, of course, but also in Weber or Mannheim). It is

also obvious in Simmel, who, especially with respect to secret societies,

demonstrated both the affective and feeling dimension of social relation

ships, as well as its flowering within small contemporary groups. This may

indeed be a highly interesting cultural fact in the comprehension of the

communications future of our societies. The analysis of basic structures or

social micro-groups allows us in effect to downplay the role of the

indiv idual, which has increased marke dly in influence since the Renais sance -

just like the frog in the fable who tries to minimize the fact that he plays a

minor role, rather than a leading part, in the events around him. Indeed, to

par aph ras e Plat o answering Prota gora s: why is the individual the mea sur e

of all things, rather than the pig on which he has feasted? In fact, the logic

of communication and the interaction that are especially visible within

groups tend to favour the whole, the architectonic and its resultant

complementarity. This is how we come to speak of a collective soul, a

founding matrix that encompasses and embodies everyday life in its

entirety.

Without being afraid of the simplicity of these remarks, or their

repetitive nature, we can perhaps talk of a natural sociality, preci sely by

drawing atten tion to the paradoxical aspect of the expression. Ind eed ,

desp it e the fact tha t it may ta ke on the form of aggression or conflict, th er e

is a propen sit y to form a grou p - wha t Par e to called the comb inin g instinct,

or the 'internal instinct', which, according to Locke, is at the heart of every

society. Without commenting on the content of this inclination, we may

consider that communication, both verbal and non-verbal, constitutes a

vast web connecting individuals. Of course, the prevalence of a rationalist

perspective used to mean that only verbalization was accorded the status of

a social connection. That being the case, it was easy to recognize that many

'silen t' situa tions we re not included in this link. This is certainly o ne of t he

reasons advanced by the individualist ideology inherited from the Enlighten

ment and completely foreign to the popular way of life, the festive and

daily customs and the habitus which lie at the dee pes t heart of ever yda y

life, with out necessarily eve r being verb alize d. Co nt em po ra ry analy ses of

body language, of the significance of noise and music and of proxemics, are

closely related both to the mystic, poetic and Utopian perspectives of

correspondence and architectonics, as well as to the reflections of theoretical

physics on the infinitesimal. 2 0 Wh at is ther e to say, but that reality is

noth ing oth er than a vast orde ring of ho mog en eou s and h ete rog ene ous

elements, of the continuous and the discontinuous. There was a time when

we pointed out the distinctive features within a given whole - that which



T R I B A L I S M

81

could be separated and particularized - whereas we are beginning to

realiz e tha t it is be tt er to con sider the sync hrony a nd the synergy of the

forces at work within social life. Consequently, we find that the individual

can not be isolated, but rath er he or she is tied , by cult ure, com mun ica tion ,

leisure or fashion, to a community which perhaps no longer possesses the

same qualities as during the Middle Ages, but has nonetheless the same

form, a form which must be closely examined. Taking Simmel as my

inspira tion, I hav e pro po sed describing the form as the 'thr ead of

reci proc ity' t ha t is wov en t hr ou gh ind ividu als. It is a kind of th re ad in

which the intersection of actions, situations and affects forms a whole,

hence the metaphor: dynamic in terms of the weaving; static in its social

fabric. Thus, just as the artistic form is cr ea te d from th e var iety of real or

fantastic phenomena, the societal form could also be a specific creation

based on the minuscule facts that make up everyday life. This process

thus treats the common life as a pure form, of value in and of

itself.

This irrepressible and infrangible 'impulse to sociality' (Gesselligkeit)

follows, according to the moment, either the royal route of politics and

the historic event or the underground path of the equally intense ordinary

life.

In this perspective, life can be seen as a collective work of art. Whether it

is a work of bad taste, kitsch or folklore, or even one of the various

manifes tations of co nte mp ora ry mass ent ert ain men t,* all this may seem

futile and devo id of me an in g. An d yet, while it is un de ni ab le tha t th er e

exists a 'poli tical ' socie ty, an 'e cono mi c' society, the re is on e unqualified

reali ty, an d that is the social existen ce as such which I pr op os e calling

sociality and which may be 'the play-form of socialization'. 2 1

In the

framework of the aesthetic paradigm so dear to me, the play aspect is not

bot her ed by finality, u tilit y, practi cal ity , or what we might call 're ali tie s',

but rather it is what stylizes existence and brings out its essential

characteristic. Thus, I believe that the being-together is a basi c give n.

Before any ot he r de ter min ati on or qualification, the re is this vital spontaneity

that guarantees a culture its ow n puissance an d solidity. La te r on , this

spontaneity can become artificial, that is,

civilizing,

producing rema rkab le

(political, economic, artistic) works. However, it remains necessary, if only

to appreciate better the new orientations (or reorientations), to come back

to the pure form of the 'und irec ted be ing- tog ethe r'. I nd ee d, this can serve

as the back gro un d, re vealing the new lifestyles re-em ergin g before our

very eyes. We are dealing with a new set of rules concerning the sexual

market, the relationship to work, the sharing of ideas, leisure time, and the

solidarity of basic groupings. In order to understand all of this, we need to

appl y the methodolo gic al tool which is th e organi c per spe ctiv e of the

group.

Transl. note: 'mass ent erta inm ent ' in Engl ish in the text.



82

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3 .

The 'religious model '

In describing the Elementary Forms of the Religious Life, Dü rkh ei m was

not trying to make an exhaustive analysis of the religion of Australian

tribes; his ambition was to understand the social context. The same can be

said of We be r: his Pro tes tan t ethic is op en to nume rous criticisms by the

sociology or history of religion stricto sensu, but this was cert ainly not his

subject. And what to say of Freud's Totem and Taboo In each of these

cas es, with different aim s, the write r is at te mp ting to up da te a logic of

'social attraction' . 2 2

It is in this pe rsp ect ive that I me nt ion the re ligious

mo de l. It is a perfectly m etap hor ica l per spe ctiv e, since it is tru e tha t,

beyond all specializations, and without wishing in any way to invalidate

them, it is important to use religious images in order to seize

in nuce

the

forms of social aggregation. This transversal or comparative view recog

nizes tha t it is from a collectively exper ienced i magi nation that hu ma n

history is ina ugura ted . Des pit e the caut ion we must exercise whe n deal ing

with etymology, religion (religare) - reliance - is a useful way of und er

standing social ties. Although it may annoy the purists, I still support

Berger and Luckmann's proposition: ' the sociological understanding of

"reality" falls so me wh er e in the middle be twee n that of the ma n in the

street and that of the philosopher'.

2 3

In addition, when one considers the

significant c aesuras in the history of atti tude s, it is easy to not ice tha t the

effe rvescence which is the ir cause and effect is very often ta ke n over by

small religious groups living as a whole, living and acting from a point of

view of totality. The political/ideal separation no longer makes any sense.

Lifestyles are experienced for their own sake, like that 'most extreme

concrete', according to Benjamin's expression, where the ordinary and

Utopia coexist on a day-to-day basis, along with need and desire, with

drawal into the 'family' and turning outwards towards the infinite. It has

been said that the dionysiac 'thiases' of the late Hellenistic period or the

small sects of early Christianity formed the basis of the social structures

that were to follow. Perhaps one can make a similar case for the

multiplication of affective-religious groupings which characterize our own

era. The use of the religious metaphor can then be compared to a laser

beam allowing the most complete reading of the very heart of a given

structure.

All those interested in the cult of Dionysus have underlined his late

arrival to the Gre ek pan th eo n, and his stra nge ness in many respect s. As far

as we are concerned, and while emphasizing his emblematic aspect, he

can be considered the paradigm of the founding otherness: at the same

time signalling the end and heralding a beginning. In this respect, it is

interesting to note that these 'thiases', which are religious groups devoted

to the cult of this str ang e and foreign divini ty, have a doub le func tion .

Thus, as opposed to traditional political cleavages, the thiases cut on the

diagonal, rejecting social, racial and sexual discrimination, before becom

ing part of the religion of the city-state. 2 4 On the one hand, they coalesce,



T R I B A L I S M

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constituting new aggregations, new primary groups and, on the other, they

revitalize th e new society. This doub le a tti tud e is the core of any

foun datio n. It is a pro ced ure rep eat ed regula rly, especially each time th at

one can observe the saturation of an ideology or more precisely a specific

episteme.

Renan shows clearly how at first it was small groups that gave birth to

what was later to become Christianity: 'only the small sects are able to

found something'. He compares them to 'small freemasonries', and their

effectiveness is primar ily based on the fact that the proximity of thei r

members creates profound bonds, which gives rise to a genuine synergy

between the convictions held by one another.

2 5 Isolated or lost in a too-

vast structure, which amounts to much the same thing, an individual and

his ideal in the end carry little weight; but when tightly interwoven, their

effectiveness is multi plied m an y times ove r by the other me mb er s of the

'fr eem aso nry '. Mo re ov er , this is wha t com pel s us to say that ideas have

their own richness, which, generally speaking, the positivism of the

ni ne tee nt h cent ury in its vari ous guises (Ma rxi sm, functionalism) called

into serious dou bt . It is tru e that the ec onom ic logic which prevaile d duri ng

the modern era and which favoured both the political project and the

atomization of the individual was incapable of integrating the dimension of

a collective imagination. At the very most, it was able to conceive of this

dimens ion as a spiritual sup ple men t, a privat e and superfluous 'ext ra',

leading, without any opposition, to the familiar 'disenchantment with the

world' (Entzauberung) which partic ularly prevailed in social the ory ,

obscuring the mythical (utopian) weight of the workers' movement.

The small group, however, tends to restore, structurally, the symbolic

power . St ep by st ep , on e can see a mystical netwo rk b eing built, carefully

yet solidly connected, leading one to speak of a cultural resurgence in

social life. This is the lesson taught by these eras of the masses - eras based

mainly on the concatenation of groups with splintered but exacting

intention alities. I pro pos e calling this the re-e nch ant men t with the world.

The sociologist Ernst Troeltsch has shown with great finesse the

distinction between the 'sect type' and the 'church type'. By extending this

typology still furt her, and per ha ps by emphas izin g its clear-cut na tu re , on e

can say that, just as there are eras characterized by the 'church type', there

also exist eras specifically known as being of the 'sect type'. In the latter

case, their founding aspect will be highlighted, since what characterizes this

aspec t is, on the one han d, the const antly r enew ed force of the be ing-

together, and, on the other, the relativization of the future - the greater

weight being granted to the present in the temporal triad. This is not

without or gani zati onal cons eque nc es: t hus, the sect is abo ve all a local

community which lives as such, and which has no need of a visible

institu tional org ani zat ion . It is enough for this commu ni ty t o feel it is an

active participant in the invisible communion of believers, referring to a

mystical idea of the 'co mm un io n of the saint s'. It is thus a small g roup



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operating on the basis of proximity and which is only a hazy part of a

greater whole.

An ot he r aspect of the 'sect type ' is the relativization of bur eau cra cy .

There may well be charismatic leaders and various gurus on the scene;

however, the fact that their powers are not based on rational competence

(theological kno wled ge) or on a sacerdo tal traditi on, rend ers them fragile

and does not favour their longevity. This is perhaps why it is said that

'eve ryth ing, in the sect, is ever ybod y's aff air ' . 2 6 It is per ha ps difficult to

speak in this context of a democratic attitude; in fact, this is a hierarchical

and org ani c sys tem , in which every single per son is ma de ind ispe nsab le to

the life of the gr ou p. Wh at is mo re , it is this reversibility that guar ant ee s

the constant dynamism of the whole. The structures created by the

mechanism of delegation which they then reinforce tend to favour a

nonchalant attitude among their members. On the other hand, the 'sect

type' makes each and every one of us responsible for one another, thus

inevitably giving rise to conformity and conformism. The present, proximity,

the feeling of being part of a group, responsibility - so many essential

chara cteris tics ar e at wor k in the group-se ct. It is thes e charac teristics that

allow the groups und er considera tion to be constit uted as a 'ma ss' . In de ed ,

the impe rialis m of the institution cann ot be un de rs tood wit hou t a rigid

structure, oriented towards longevity and directed by a solidly established

po we r. If, on th e ot he r han d, localism prevail s, it is entirely possible to

accommodate other entities operating on the same principles. Thus we can

explain the image of federalism or at least of cohabitation that the network

structure generally provides.

Fu rt he rm or e, it is inter esting to no te the popu lar basis of the 'sect typ e' .

Thi s is on e obs erv ati on on which eve ryo ne who has analy sed this

phenomenon can agree, from late Antiquity to our own day. It is especially

evident when we look at the Christian sects during their first four centuries

of ex is ten ce . It is well kn ow n tha t, at first, Chri stia nity attr ac ted the p oo r

and slaves. Moreover, in his efforts to suppress Christianity, Julian the

Apostate thought he was dealing with uneducated groups, unsupported by

any of the elites whom he considered to be the philosophers. The same

hold s tr ue for the medie val sects: it wou ld seem to be a con sta nt. In de ed ,

we can say tha t the sectarian st ruc tur e is op po se d, or at least indifferent , to

the clergy and the governing classes in general, 2 7 and this according to the

previously mentioned ideology of proximity. We can find in the con

formism and the reticence towards the overarching power the overall

perspective of the anarchists' logic: order without the state.

Thus we can develop Troeltsch's proposition concerning a sectarian ideal

type. It allows the social form of the network to be accentuated: an

unorganized yet solid whole, invisible, yet forming the backbone of any

entity. We know that, in general, historiography has reacted with supreme

indifference to the goldfish bowl which is eve ryda y history , to conce nt rat e

on just a few emerging crystallizations (men or events). The same can be

said of the social sciences (political science, economics, sociology): they all



T R I B A L I S M

85

igno re tha t which is un or ga ni ze d, or wors e still, den y its imp or ta nc e. Th e

'sect ty pe ', be cau se of its po pu la r dime ns ion, unde rli nes the existence of a

mass Christianity that can be seen as a sort of wellspring, irrigating the

roots of the particular institutions which may be represented by churches,

sects or designated movements. 2 8 The resurgence of basic communities or

affinity groups within contemporary churches shows just how far this spring

is from b ein g ex ha us te d. T he re a re times when it is not well care d for:

when we misuse it by laying waste to it. At other, more 'ecological' times

we realize how much we owe it, especially that solid bond formed by

sharing and helping one another in disinterested solidarity. This permits

the per dur abi lity o ver a long per iod of sociality. Th e small gr ou p offers the

finished mo de l of such an arch itec tonic st ruct ur e - in it we find in

miniature, and outside of all theoretical systematism, the realization of the

above-mentioned characteristics.

The guilds, whose roots are as we know to be found in the religious

brotherhoods, or those ancient parish subdivisions known as 'phratries',

are based on fraternal sharing. Their etymologies insist particularly on

conviviality, family solidarity - the small group that has its origins in the

far-off division into clans.

2 9 He re again, per hap s un de r different na mes ,

this basic structure, after having been forgotten, has a new currency or

form ; howe ve r, its form re mai ns essentially religious re-ligare).

That which has been called the 'sect type' can be seen as an alternative

to the purely rational governing of the institution. Regularly returning

to the fore, this alternative accentuates the role of feeling in social life,

which will aid the action of proximity and the welcoming aspect of that

which is nascent.

Tt is in this sense tha t the relig ious m odel is useful in descr ibing the

ph en om en on of ne tw or ks , which is not bo un d by any form of centrality ,

nor ev en , so me ti me s, rational ity. Co nt em po ra ry lifestyles - it is necessary

to stat e ove r and over - a re no longer stru ctu red ar ou nd a single pol e. In a

rather stochastic manner, they branch out from tremendously varied

occurrences, experiences and situations - all things that characterize

affinity groups. It all occurs as if the 'crazy love'* and the Objective chance'

of Surrealism, the encounter and the 'aimless drift' of the Situationists,

were progressively infiltrating the bloodstream of the social body. 3 0 The

tableau of life is no longer the work of a select few; it becomes a

mass process, given of course that the aesthetic to which this refers cannot

be summed up as a question of taste (good or bad aesthetic taste) or

of conte nt (t he aesthe tic obje ct) . It is the pur e aesthe tic form which

inte rest s us he re : the way in which the collective sense is exp erie nce d and

expressed.

Transl.

note: cf. A n d r e B r e t o n , VAmour fou, 1937.



86


4

Elective sociality

It is from t he idea an era ho lds of oth ern ess t hat it is possible to de te rm in e

the essential form of a given society. Thus, correlative to the existence of a

collective sense, we shall see the development of a logic of the network,

that is to say, that these processes of attraction and repulsion will be a

matter of choice. We are currently witness to the development of what I

shall call an elective sociality. This mec ha nis m has certainly always exist ed,

bu t, as far as moder nit y is con cer ned for exa mple , it was te mp er ed by t he

political corrective that brought compromise and long-term finality into the

pic tur e to supe rse de part icul ar interest s and localism. It is the them ati c of

everyday life and sociality (versus the political and social). On the other

hand, it highlights the fact that the essential problem of the social reality is

relationism, which can be translated in a more trivial way as the com

pa nio ns hip of individuals and gro ups . It is of cour se a given that the bond

itself is mo re im port an t than the elem ent s which are joi ned t oge the r. It is

less a case of the goal to be reached than the fact of being-together which

will prevail; in a Simmelesque perspective: the für-mit-gegeneinander.

Th us one can see the necessity of what I have called a formist sociology ,

tha t is, a way of thinkin g that recor ds forms and existing configurations

without in any way criticizing or judging them. Such a phenomenology is

the aesthetic attitude responding to an aestheticizing of contemporary life.

This characterizes a stochasti c app roa ch wh ich, using exa mpl es taken from

various sources, is only a musical variation on the theme of Zusammen

sein.31

Ho we ve r, the re is no ne ed to be afraid of soun ding a familiar ch ord ,

of re mo un ti ng th e attac k from all sides, for it is very difficult to un de rs ta nd

a group phenomenon with analytical instruments especially developed

from a political per spe cti ve. This , mo re ov er , is the reason for a co mm on

enough blunder being committed these days: analysing the retreat from the

political and the loss of a social sense in terms of a resurgence of indi

vidualism. Let us rather continue our meanderings, highlighting especially the

affective or 'affectual' (Weber) aspect of these groups.

It is strik ing tha t sociality in its founding m om en t is par ticu larl y intimi st.

The same holds true when we try to tighten the bonds or remind ourselves

of what is co mm on to all. In this res pect , the meal is a true sacr am en t

'rendering visible an invisible grace', as the catechism tells us. In a more

mo de rn ma nn er of speaking, it is a symbolic techn ique par excellence.

From the eucharist to the political banquet table, by way of small titbits

between friends, the list of these anamnetical procedures which seal

alliances, sooth e enmiti es and res tor e strained friendships is a long one

ind eed . Th e meal is used he re as a me ta ph or for thos e place s cre ate d inside

cenacles during periods of effervescence. From the multiplication of

private cults to the tight fabric of cells which offered hospitality to the

leaders of the new Christian religion and the revolutionaries of modern

t i m e s ,

3 3

the new social aggregations, the birth of alternative values, occur

thanks to what can be called the logic of the network, that is, something



T R I B A L I S M

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that emphasizes affective warmth or at least shows how it is significant to

the social structure or objective.

Th e exist ence of such an affectual drive is un de ni ab le in the political

realm, as has been frequently noted. It may be interesting to point out in

passing that it also has its effects in the economic sphere. Celestin Bougie

analyses this in his essay on the caste system. In a similar perspective to the

one that has been applied to professional bodies and trade associations, he

show s how the cast e is simply the pa rox ysm al 'pe trified' form of the

medieval guild. We are aware of the role played by the one and the other in

the structure of Western or Hindu industry and economics. This role only

exists thanks to the existence of convivial, solidarity or legal self-help

practices and any other cultural and religious forms of expression. 3 3 The

ec onom ic or de r is thu s sus tain ed by that which is usually assigned to the

symbolic order. This example shows clearly how worldly society is a whole,

which we in vain cut up into slices; and within this whole the convivial

bein g-to geth er - festive or ordi nary - occupie s a consi derab le p lace.

It is left onl y to Dü rk he im in his wis dom to recogniz e the role of th e

affect. I have already shown this (cf. Ly

Ombre de Dionysos)

with respec t to

his analysis of the corroboree festivals in The Elementary Forms of the

Religious Life. It is mo re sur pri sing to see th e pla ce he acc ords it in The

Division of Labour in Society. Th us , in a ra th er vitalist spirit, he a ttri but es

to the group a 'source of life

sui generis.

Fro m it em an at es a heat that

inflames or rea nim ate s he art s, that open s the m up to sym path y.' On e

cannot be any more precise; and he predicts that Outpourings of feeling'

will also have their place in the 'associations of the future'. We can almost

rea d into this an analysis of co nt em po ra ry n et wo rks. What is certa in is

that this famous theory of intermediate associations, which is perhaps

Du rk he im 's grea test cont rib utio n, is totally inco mpre hens ible if we fail

to int eg rat e this affective dim ensio n. Mo re ov er , it is obv ious tha t the

em phasi s on the gr ou p is a dec ons tru cti on of the individualism which s eem s

to prevail in those who claim Durkheimian positivism as their inspiration.

This individualism exists, to be sure, allowing early sociology to explain the

inn er dynami cs of mode rn it y, b ut at the same tim e it is bal anc ed by its

opposite, or more precisely by the remanence of alternative elements.

Wh at is mo re , this par ado xic al tensi on is the best gu ar an te e of the tonicity

of a given society.

One must thus understand the vitalism which occurs again and again in

the work of Dürkheim. Is this a nostalgia for the community? Perhaps. In

any case, it underlines the fact that, mirroring the individual body, the

social bo dy is a comple x orga ni sm in whic h function and dysfunction fit

together as best they can. Hence his comparison between the division of

social labour and the division of physiological labour: 'it never appears

except in the midst of polycellular masses which are already endowed with

a cert ain cohe si on '. This is a mos t organic conc ept tha t doe s not hesita te to

base itself on an 'affinity of blood' and 'an attachment to the same soil'; 3 4

the call to spontaneity, to the impulsive forces which go beyond simple



88

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OF

THE TRIBE S

contractual rationality, thus places the emphasis on relationism, on the

linked series of attractions and repulsions and basic elements of any social

entity. It has been possible to analyse the erotic constructions of the divine

Marquis de Sade as so many chemical compounds prevailing over each of

their elements. This paroxysmal metaphor may be useful for our investiga

tions: eros or passion favours the grouping of elements, according to the

'valency' inherent in each of these. There may be saturation; we then

witness the emergence of another compound. Thus, within the orbit of

spontaneous vitalism, we can see at work the conjunction and/or the

para dox ical ten sion of the static - the comm un ity , space - a nd the dynam ic

the birth and death of groups forming the community and living in this

spa ce. The old de ba te on stru ctu re and Histo ry is now being repl aced by

the debate on chance and the necessity of everyday histories.

Society thus understood cannot be summarized by any old rational

me ch an is m; it is exp eri enc ed and org ani zed , in the stronges t sense of the

term, through encounters, situations, experiences within various groups to

which each individual belongs. These groups cross each others' paths and

constit ute both an undif feren tiated mass and highly diversified pol aritie s.

Remaining in the vitalist framework, we can speak of a protoplasmic

reality issuing from the close conjunction between the nourishing sub

stance and the cell's nucleus. These images have the advantage of

highlighting both the importance of the affect (attraction-repulsion) in

social life, as well as showing that it is 'non-conscious', or to sound like

Pa re to , 'non- logi cal'. It is necessa ry to insist on such an organicity , for tha t

is wha t conditi ons man y of the attitu des dee me d irra tiona l which we see

around us today. And without being able to define it exactly (hence my use

of me ta ph or ), it is from such a neb ula th at we can unders tan d what I have

for the past several years been proposing to call sociality.

Just as I spoke of a re ma ne nc e with refer ence to Dü rk he im , we can also

say that Hegelian Romanticism contains a theoretical constant based on a

nostalgia for the community. Beyond egalitarianism and the social con

tract, he has a 'concentric' view of society; that is, the different circles of

which it is const itu ted fit to ge ther and have value only ina smuch as they a re

linked . Th us , for Hege l the stat e is a sort of communitas communitatum; it

is not individuals that com e first, but rath er the relation ship s bet wee n

t h e m . 3 5

Th is idea of int erc onnect ion is a re ma rkab le o ne , for it favours the

cem en tin g role that the affective plays - this close compan ions hip , in ot he r

words. In this way, as opposed to the traditional reading, the Hegelian

state may only be a hollow shell, a theoretical proposition whose sole

function is to highlight the sp on ta ne ous organiz ation of the various

elements that, bit by bit, constitute the whole. Of course, this organization

is far from un ifor m; it is in ma ny re spec ts very cha ot ic , yet it testifies well to

a society which, while not ideal, exists as best it can. In de ed , the logic of the

ne twor k an d the affect which serves as its vec tor are essen tially relativ ist.

Must we then say, as is generally clai med , that the group s const itutin g

contemporary masses are without ideals? It would perhaps be better to



T R I B A L I S M

89

note that they have no vision of what should constitute the absolutes of a

socie ty. Ea ch g ro up is its ow n abs ol ut e. This is the affective re lativism that

is parti cular ly tra nsl ate d by the conform ity of lifestyles.

However, this supposes that there is a multiplicity of lifestyles - a kind of

mult icul tura lism . In a bo th conflictual and har mo ni ou s way , the se lifestyles

confr ont and op po se eac h othe r. This self-sufficiency of the gro up may give

the impressi on of restrict ion. W ha t is certa in is tha t the sat ura tion of a

projective attitude, an intentionality oriented toward the future - 'ex

tensive' - is bal anc ed by an increa sed quali ty of rela tionship s which are

more 'in-tensive' and immediate. Modernity, by multiplying the possibilities

of social relationships, partly drained them of any real content. This was a

particular characteristic of modern cities and has played a considerable

part in the gregarious solitude we have rambled on about so much. For its

part, postmodernity has tended to favour within megalopolises both the

withdrawal into the group as well as a deepening of relationships within

the se group s, given that this de ep en ing is in no way syn onym ous with

unanimism, since conflict also has a role to play in them. Besides, that is

not the issue; on e ne ed only re me mb er th at attraction an d repulsion are

cause and effect of relationism. It is this rel ation ism tha t serves as a

vector for the above-mentioned 'concentric' (Hegel) or 'polycellular mass'

(Dürkheim). Naturally, this structuring into affinity networks no longer

has anything to do with the voluntarist presupposition generally found at

the root of the politico-economic association.

In de ed , what must be realized is that the 'affective' ('affe ctual') neb ula

being descri bed does not imply either a hum anis t or an ant hro pom orp hic

bias. This is of course my delenda est Carthago: th e indiv idual and its

diverse theories have nothing to do with it; no more so even than the action

of this sam e individual on Hist ory in pro gre ss. Within the fram ewor k

of the dionysiac them at ic , who se par oxy sma l expr essio n is confusi on, the

effervescent masses (sexual, festive, sporting, promiscuous) and the every

day mass es (cro wded , ordi na ry , cons um ing, following blindly . . .) go well

beyond the characteristics of the principle of individuation. To be sure, it is

not wrong to say that individual intentionalities play a certain role in the

process of interaction, but this should not prevent us from seeing that as a

social 'f or m', this proces s is ma de u p of a 'mu lti tud e of minuscul e ca nals,

the existenc e of which is un kn ow n to individual conscio usness' . Simmel

called this an 'effect of composition' (Zusammenschluss).36

Ind eed , with

out being able to say which is for emo st, it is tru e that th e pre- em ine nc e of

the group and the importance of the affect show how the density of

eve ryday life is abo ve all the product of imp ers ona l forces. Mor eo ve r, this

also explains its denial by the intellectuals who have been reflecting on

social existence since the eighteenth century.

And yet, this everyday life, in all its frivolity and superficiality, is truly

what makes any form of aggregation possible. I have said it before: the exis

and the habitus so ably describ ed by Maus s det erm ine the mor es and

customs that constitute us. They are nothing less than conscious. They



90


exist;

i m p e r a t i v e a n d c o n s t r i c t i n g i n t h e i r m a s s i v e n e s s . W e e x p e r i e n c e

t h e m w i t h o u t v e r b a l iz i n g t h e m ; p e r h a p s - a n d w e s h o u l d n o t b e af r a id t o

say i t - w e l e ad w h a t is qu i t e an an ima l i s t i c li fe . W e a re t hus re m in de d

o f t h e lo g i c o f n e t w o r k s a t w o r k w i t h in c o n t e m p o r a r y m a s s e s . T h e

d e p e r s o n a l i z a t i o n , o r r a t h e r t h e d i s i n d i v i d u a t i o n w h i c h i t i n d u c e s , i s

m o r e o v e r p e r c e p t i b l e i n t h e f a c t t h a t m o r e a n d m o r e s i t u a t i o n s a r e b e i n g

ana lyse d f rom th e pe r spe c t iv e o f a t m os ph e r e . I t i s l e s s i den t i t y an d t he

speci f ic t r a i t w h ich p rev a i l t ha n the vag ue and am big uo us - t h e qua l i fy ing

t e r m s o f ' t r a n s ' a n d ' m e t a ' c o m e t o m i n d , i n m a n y d o m a i n s a s w e l l , s u c h a s

fa sh ion , i deo log ie s , s exua l i t y , and so on .

The exp los ion o f sc i en t i f i c r e sea rch o r j ourna l i s t i c t r e a tmen t s re fe r r ing

t o ' a m b i e n c e '

(feeling, Stimmu ng)

i s i l l um ina t ing in t h i s r eg a rd . Th i s i s no t

w i t h o u t c o n s e q u e n c e f o r o u r a n a l y t i c a l m e t h o d s , p a r t i c u l a r l y a s c o n c e r n s

t h e t h e o r e t i c a l m o d e s t y w h i c h i n c r e a s i n g l y c h a r a c t e r i z e s t h e m . I t i s n o t

ne ces sar y to de lve in t o th i s qu es t io n in th es e pa ge s ; i t i s suff ic ient to p oin t

out tha t i t i s as a resul t of th i s t rend tha t a se l f -conf ident (and

self-

consc ious ) c iv i l i z a t i on , a se t o f r ep re sen ta t i ons domina t ed by the c l a r i t y o f

co nc ep t s and th e ce r t a in ty o f r e a so n , i s a t p r e s en t g iv ing w ay to w ha t I sha l l

ca l l the

twilight of organ izational models and ways of thinking of the world.

As wi th any twi l ight , th i s one i s not wi thout i t s charms; but i t a l so has i t s

ow n l aw s , w hich c an no t be i gno red i f w e w i sh to f ind ou r w ay .

5 .

T he law of secrecy

O n e o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , a n d b y n o m e a n s t h e l e a s t , o f t h e m o d e r n m a s s

i s su re ly t he l aw of sec recy . In penn ing a l i t t l e soc io log ica l s a t i r e ,

3 7

I t r ied

to show how the Maf i a cou ld be cons ide red a s a me taphor o f soc i a l i t y . I t

w as more t han a s imple i ns ide j oke ; spec i f i c a l l y , i n t ha t i t emphas i zed the

pro t ec t ive mechan i sm w i th re spec t t o t he ou t s ide w or ld ( i . e . i n re l a t i on to

the ove ra rch ing fo rms o f pow er ) , a s w e l l a s po in t ed ou t t ha t t he sec recy i t

en ge nd e r s is a w ay of conf i rming the g ro up . In t r an s l a t i ng the ima ge on to a

s l i gh t ly l e s s immora l p l ane (o r a t l e a s t one w hose immora l i t y w i l l no t be

undu ly exp lo i t ed ) , w e can say tha t t he sma l l t r i be s w i th w hich w e a re

f a m i l i ar - s t r u c t u r a l e l e m e n t s o f c o n t e m p o r a r y m a s s e s - s h o w s i m i l a r

cha rac t e r i s t i c s . In my op in io n , t he t he m e o f sec recy i s su re ly a p re fe r red

w ay o f unde rs t and ing the soc i a l con tex t be fo re us . I t may appea r

pa radox ica l w hen one know s the impor t ance o f appea rances o r t hea t r i c a l i t y

on the da i ly scene . The ka l e idoscope o f our s t r e e t s mus t no t a l l ow us t o

fo rge t t h a t t h e r e may be a sub t l e d i a l ec t i c be tw ee n d i sp l ay an d co ncea l

m e n t ; j u s t l i k e P o e ' s

Purloined Letter,

t he mo s t ov e r t d i sp l ay m ay be t he

b e s t g u a r a n t o r o f r e m a i n i n g u n d i s c o v e r e d . I n t h i s r e s p e c t , w e c a n s a y t h a t

t h e m u l t i t u d e a n d t h e a g g r e s s i v e n e s s o f u r b a n

images,

r e s e m b l i n g t h e

M a f i a ' s

borsalino,

i s th e c lea res t s ign of th e sec re t and de ns e l ife of

c o n t e m p o r a r y m i c r o - g r o u p s .

In h i s a r t i c l e on 'La Soc ie t e sec re t e ' , S immel emphas i ze s t he ro l e o f t he

m a s k , w h i c h w e k n o w h a s t h e f u n c t i o n , a m o n g o t h e r s , o f i n t e g r a t i n g





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TRIBE S

Inde ed , the essence of this atti tude is to favour self-preservation: a 'group

ego ism ', with the result tha t the gro up can develop almost auto nomous ly

within a larger whole. This autonomy, as opposed to the logic of politics, is

neit her ' pr o' nor 'c on' ; it is intentionally situated on the sidelines. This is

expressed by a distaste for confrontation, by a saturation of activism, by a

distancing from militancy - all things which can be seen in the general

attitude of the younger generation with respect to politics. And within this

generation can be found the thematic of liberation, represented by the

various feminist, homosexual or ecological movements. There are many

fine thi nke rs wh o label this as co mpromi se , degenera cy or hypocris y. As

always, the normative judgement holds little interest; it does not let us

seize the vitality at work within the avoidance lifestyles. In de ed , this

avoidance, this relativism, may be the tactic which guarantees the only

thing for which the mass feels responsible: the perdurability of the groups

of which it is constituted.

In fact, secrecy is the pa rox ysmal fo rm of the

aloofness

of the peo ple

whose socio-anthropological continuity I have already shown.

4 1

. As a social

'fo rm' (wit hou t men tio nin g its specific actua lizat ions, which may be the

exact opposite), the secret society allows for resistance. Whereas power

tends to encourage centralization, specialization and the establishment of a

unive rsal society and knowl edge, t he secret society is always found o n t he

marg ins; is secular, dec entrali zed, w ithout the baggage of dogmati c and

intan gible do ctr ine s. It is on this basis tha t the resistance resulti ng from the

people's aloofness can continue, invariably, across the centuries. Specific

historical examples, such as Taoism, 4 2 show the link between these three

term s: secrecy, the peopl e and resistance. Wh at is mo re , the organization al

structure of this conjunction happens to be the network, the cause and

effect of a paralle l ec on om y, society and even admini str atio n. Thu s, t he re

is especially fertile gro und for explor atio n h er e, even if it is not expr esse d

in the way to which we have been accustomed by modern political science.

This line of inquiry could pro ve richly instru ctive, al thou gh (and

because) it is rarely considered. I propose calling this the hypothesis of the

underground centrality:

Sometimes secrecy can be the way to establish contact with the other

within the confines of a limited group; at the same time it conditions

the attitude of the group towards whatever external force there may

b e .

This hypothesis is the hypothesis of sociality; its expressions may of

cour se vary wide ly, but its logic is cons tant : the fact of sha ring a ha bi t, an

ideology or an ideal determines the being-together and allows the latter to

act as a protection against any imposition, from whatever outside source.

As opposed to an imposed and external morality, the ethic of secrecy

is bo th feder ative and equalizing. Eve n the rough -hewn Chance llor

Bismarck, in speaking of a homosexual organization in Berlin, noticed this



T R I B A L I S M

93

'equalizing effect of the collective practice of the forbidden'.

4 3

H om o

sexuality was not in fashion then and neither was equality; and when one is

aware of the sense of social distance among the Prussian Junkers, one is

more ready to appreciate, as I have just pointed out, the nature and the

role of secrecy in this homosexual group.

The confidence established between the members of the group is

expr essed th ro ug h rituals: specific signs of rec ognit ion which have no o ther

goal than to strengthen the small group against the large. The same double

mo ve me nt men tio ne d earlier applie s; from the acad emic crypt ospe ak to

the 've rlan'* us ed by you ng toug hs, the mecha nism is the same : the secret

sharing of the affect, while reinforcing close ties, helps resist attempts at

uniformity. The reference to the ritual underlines that the essential quality

of gr ou p and mas s resistance is to be cagey rat he r tha n to go on the

offensive. Co nse que ntl y, it can be expressed thro ugh practices rep ute d to

be aliena ted or aliena ting. This is the etern al ambigui ty of weak ness behi nd

who se mask can hid e an un de ni ab le force, like the submissive housewife

wh o has no ne ed of ou tw ar d signs of po we r, a ssu red as she is of he r s tatu s

as verita ble domes tic tyrant . Or , as Can etti analyses with respect to Kafka:

how an apparent humiliation assures in return a real force to he who

submits to it. In his battle against the conjugal plans of Felice, Kafka

practises an untimely obedience. His taciturn ways, his secrecy 'have to be

viewed as necessary practices of this obstinacy'.

4 4

This is a procedure we

find at work in the group practice. Ruse, silence, abstention - the 'soft

underbelly' of the social - are fearsome weapons that one would be wise to

regard with suspicion. This applies to irony and laughter, which have

destabilized, either medium- or long-term, the most solid oppression.

Resistance takes a low profile with respect to the requirements of a full

frontal assault, but it has the advantage of encouraging complicity among

tho se wh o practi se it - this is the essential poi nt. Co mb at always tries to go

beyond itself, beyond those who lead it: it always has its own goal.

However ,

practices of silence

are abo ve all org an ic, tha t is, the en em y is

less im po rt an t th an th e social glue which the gr oup secret es. In the first

case, we are in the presence of a history in the making, either alone or in a

contractual association; in the second, we are dealing with a fate which we

conf ront collectively, eve n if only by force of cir cum sta nce . In this latt er

case, solidarity is not an abstraction or the fruit of rational calculation; it is

an imperious necessity which causes us to act with passion. It is exacting

work, giving rise to the above-mentioned obstinacy and ruse; for, without a

precise goal, the people has only one essential objective: that of ensuring

the long-term survival of the species. Of course, this instinct for preserva

tion has nothing conscious about it; therefore, it does not involve rational

action or decision. However, in order to be as effective as possible, this

Transl. note:

a for m of backwa r ds slang, in which the order of syllables is r eversed .

T h u s ,

V e r l a n '

is *ä l 'en vers' (r ever sed).



94

T H E

T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

instinct must be active at the de epes t level . Thi s is preci sely the justifica

tion for the link I have been proposing between small groups and the mass.

It also explains how what we call 'lifestyles', which are of the order of

proxemy, are as topical as they are.

This question should be re-examined in greater detail; however, one can

alread y rem ark that the conjunction of 'gro up pre serv atio n-so lida rity -

proximity' has found its favoured expression in the notion of family, which

should be taken in the sense of extended family. In this respect, it is

striking to note the effectiveness of this anthropological constant, despite

the failure of social historians and analysts to pick it up. From the cities of

Antiquity to the modern urban agglomerations, the 'family', as we

understand it, has had the role of protector, limiting incursions by the

overarching powers, serving as a bulwark against the outside. The whole

thematic of the

padroni,

of cliente lism and the var ious forms of the Mafia

find their origin here. Returning to the period of late Antiquity - so

relevant to these remarks - we can highlight how Saint Augustine

envisaged his apostolic role as such: the Christian community as the familia

Dei.

In pa rt , the spr ead of the Chur ch in its early days was de pe nd en t on

the quality of its leaders and the networks of solidarity which were able to

protect it from the demands of the state. 4 4

Ho we ve r, alt hou gh this social struc turing is particu larly well rep re sen te d

in the Medi te rr an ea n basin and alt hough it took on paroxys mal forms

th er e, it is in no way limited by th em . It mus t be forcefully stre ssed th at ,

alt hou gh they have been te mp er ed by a concer n for objecti vity, the social

structures that history describes to us, until and including the most con

te mp or ar y or the most rati ona l, are all ma rk ed by the affinity mec han ism s

mentioned earlier. Familialism and nepotism, in either the strict sense or

the metaphorical sense, have their place here; continually, through 'bodies',

schools, sexual inclinations and ideologies, they recreate protective niches

individual territories within great political, administrative, economic or

lab our entit ies. This is the ete rna l que stio n of the commu nit y or 'p ari sh'

which dares not make itself heard. And, naturally, in order to do this, no

means are spared, no matter how dishonourable: many studies have

up da te d the informal proc ess of 'pulling strings' in favour of the 'family'.

And from the top-level executives turned out by the 'Grandes-Ecoles' of

Paris, to the dock workers of Manchester working through the trades union

ne tw or k, mut ual aid is the same an d, as far as we are concer ned he re , is the

firm expression of a mechanism of ruse reinforcing a specific sociality. 4 6 It

would be interesting to highlight this illegalism at work inside th e social

circles that claim to be the guardians of the purest morality: senior civil

servants, the haute intelligen tsia, jour nali sts of rec ord and ot he r influential

figures. It is sufficient to not e tha t th er e ar e no 'ju st ', in the eyes of th e

'Universal' - it is as well to have no illusions on that score. I would add that

this is certainl y fort unate , since , after all, as long as they coun ter bal ance

each other, these various illegalities, mirroring the war of the gods so dear

to Weber, relativize and neutralize one another. To quote Montherlant,



T R I B A L I S M

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the re is always 'a certain morality contai ned within immorality . . . a

certain morality that the clan has forged for itself alone', the corollary of

which is an indifference t o mora lity in g e ne ra l.

4 7

Th e reflection on secrecy and its effec ts, even if an om ic , lea ds to two

conclusions which may appear paradoxical: on the one hand, we are

witness to a saturation of the principle of individuation, with the attendant

economic-political consequences and, on the other, we can see the

increasing dev elo pme nt of commu nic atio n. It is this proces s which may

give rise to the belief that the multiplication of micro-groups can only be

understood in an organic context. Tribalism and massification go hand in

hand.

At the same time, within the sphere of tribal proximity, just as in the

organ ic mass, there is ever greate r reco urse to the 'mask ' (in the ab ove-

mentioned sense). The further one proceeds masked, the more the

com mun ity bon ds are str eng the ned . In de ed , in a circular mot ion , in ord er

to recognize

oneself,

symbolism is required, that is, duplicity, which in turn

engenders recognit ion. 4 8 Thus it becomes possible, in my opinion, to

explain the development of symbolism, in its var ious gui ses , which we can

observe around us today.

Th e social is bas ed on the rational assoc iation of individuals having a

precise identity and an autonomous existence; as to sociality, it is

found ed on the fund amen tal ambiguity of symbolic structu ring.

In pursu ing th e analysis still furt her, the au to no my t hat is no longer in

the realm of the individual will relocate to the 'tribe', the small community

group. Many analysts do not hesit ate to poin t out this runaway autonomi za-

tion (usually a cause of great concern to them). Thus, secrecy may be

considered as a metho dolog ical lever for und erst and ing con tem por ary

lifestyles, for, in the succinct words of Simmel: 'the essence of a secret

society is au to no my ', an aut on om y which he likens to an ar ch y. 4 9 One has

only to remember that, above all else, anarchy seeks an 'order without the

st at e' . In a way , this is wha t stands out in the arch itec toni c at wor k inside

the micro-groups (tribalism), and between the various groups which

inhabit the urban space of our megalopolises (mass).

In conclusion, one can state that the 'disturbance', or perhaps it would

be better to say the deregulation, introduced by tribalism and massifica

tion, the secrecy and the clientelism that characterize this process, should

be cons idere d ne ithe r as som ethi ng entirely new , nor in purely negative

te rm s. On the one han d, it is a ph en om en on w hich is found freque ntly in

human history, particularly during periods of cultural change (for example,

the period of late Antiquity); on the other hand, by breaking the unilateral

relationship to the central power, or to its local delegates, the mass via its

groups will make use of competition and reversibility: competition

between groups and, within these, competition between the various

' bos s e s ' .

5 0

It is this po lyt he ism , mo re ov er , tha t may lead us to believe tha t

the mass is rather less homogenous than it is dynamic. Indeed, the fact of



9 6


b e i n g ' o n t h e o u t s i d e ' , a s m a y b e o b s e r v e d i n t h e s o c i a l n e t w o r k s , d o e s n o t

i m p l y t h e e n d o f t h e b e i n g - t o g e t h e r , b u t q u i t e s i m p l y t h a t t h i s b e i n g -

t o g e t h e r i s i n v e s t e d i n f o r m s o t h e r t h a n t h o s e r e c o g n i z e d b y t h e i n s t i t u t e d

l ega l i t y . T h e on ly se r io us p r ob le m i s t ha t o f t h e t h re sho ld a t w hich

abs t en t ion , t he fac t o f be ing ' on t he ou t s ide ' , s e t s o f f t he implos ion o f a

g i v en s o c ie t y . T h i s is a p h e n o m e n o n w h i c h h a s a l r e a d y b e e n o b s e r v e d ,

5 1

h e n c e n o t s u r p r i s i n g t o t h e s o c io l o g is t w h o , b e y o n d h i s o r h e r p r e f e r e n c e s ,

conv ic t i ons o r even sense o f nos t a lg i a , i s above a l l fu l l y aw are o f w ha t i s

a b o u t t o b e b o r n .

6 .

M ass es and l i festyles

Whethe r one use s t he t e rm l i f e s ty l e s o r even ( t he soc io logy o f ) eve ryday

l i fe ,

i t is c e r t a in t ha t t h i s t h em a t i c c an no lon ge r be g iven curs o ry

t r e a t m e n t . W e c a n n o l o n g e r b e c o n t e n t t o c r i t i q u e i t , w h e t h e r t h i s

' c r i t i c i sm ' i s done in t he name o f a non-a l i ena t ed l i f e o r i n t he i n t e re s t o f a

log i c o f w ha t ough t t o be . For my pa r t , I be l i eve t ha t t h i s ( re ) su rgence i s a

c l ea r i nd i ca to r o f t he pa rad igm sh i f t go ing on today . More spec i f i c a l l y , I

w ould pos tu l a t e t ha t t he soc i e t a l dynamism w hich , i n a more o r l e s s

u n d e r g r o u n d f a s h i o n , r u n s t h r o u g h t h e s o c i a l b o d y s h o u l d b e s e t i n r e l a t i o n

to t he ab i li t y o f m ic ro -g r ou ps t o c re a t e t hem se lv e s . Th i s is pe rh ap s a c a se

of

creation par excellence: -

p u r e c r e a t i o n . I n o t h e r w o r d s , t h e ' t r i b e s ' w e

a r e cons i de r ing m ay ha ve a go a l , may ha ve f ina l it y ; bu t t h i s i s no t e s sen t i a l ;

w h a t is i m p o r t a n t i s t h e e n e r g y e x p e n d e d o n c o n s t i t u t i n g t h e g r o u p

as such.

T h u s ,

deve lop ing new l i f e s ty l e s i s an ac t o f pure c rea t ion o f w hich w e

sh ou ld b e aw ar e . I t is im p or ta nt to ins i s t on th i s fac t , for i t i s a ' l aw ' of

soc iology to judge a l l th ings as a func t ion of what i s ins t i tu ted . This i s a

heavy cha rge w hich a t t imes cause s us t o pa ss ove r t ha t w hich i s new ly

e m e r g e n t . T h e m o v e m e n t b e t w e e n t h e a n o m i c a n d t h e c a n o n i c is a p r o c e s s

m u c h o f w h o s e r i c h n e s s r e m a i n s t o b e u n c o v e r e d . T h u s , t o b e m o r e

exp l i c i t , I w ou ld say tha t t he

constitution of contemporary micro-groups in

a network is the most final expression of the creativity of the masses.

T h i s b r i n g s u s b a c k t o t h e o l d n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y . I t w o u l d s e e m t h a t

a t e ac h foun d ing m o m en t - w ha t I w i ll c a ll t he cu l tu ra l m om en t i n

oppos i t i on to t he c iv i l i z ing moment w hich fo l low s - t he v i t a l ene rgy i s

c o n c e n t r a t e d o n t h e c r e a t i o n o f n e w c o m m u n i t y f o r m s . H e r e I c a ll u p o n

the h i s to r i ans : does no t e ach g rea t c ae sura i n human evo lu t ion - r evo lu t ion ,

decadence , t he b i r t h o f empi re - s ee t he r i s e o f an a r ray o f new l i f e s ty l e s?

T h e s e m a y b e e f f e r v e s c e n t , a s c e t i c , o r i e n t e d t o w a r d t h e p a s t o r t h e f u t u r e ;

t h e y h a v e a s t h e i r c o m m o n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o n t h e o n e h a n d , a b r e a k i n g w i t h

t h e c o m m o n l y h e l d w i s d o m a n d , o n t h e o t h e r , a n e n h a n c i n g o f t h e o r g a n i c

a spec t o f t he soc i a l aggrega t ion . In t h i s s ense , t he ' fused g roup ' o f t he

f o u n d i n g m o m e n t is m a r k e d b y t h e p r e v i o u s ly m e n t i o n e d s y m b o l i s m .

M i r r o r i n g t h e ci ty t r a n s p o r t e d t o t h e c o u n t r y s i d e i n t h e w o r k o f t h e f a m o u s

humor i s t A lphonse A l l a i s , w e can see t he r i s e o f w ha t migh t be ca l l ed



T R I B A L I S M

97

'villages within the city', that is, the face-to-face relat ions hips that

characterize the basic cells; it may be the result of solidarities, everyday

life, religio us prac tice s or eve n small profes sional assoc iations.

On these various points, historical analyses may allow us to shed some

light on the evolution of contemporary megalopolises and metropolises.

5 2

Indeed, the so-called 'Crisis of Western civilization', may perhaps be none

other than the end of great economic, political and ideological structures.

Moreover, in each of these domains we need only refer to the varied

experiences, decentralizations and other minuscule autonomies, to the

explosion of knowledge and the performative entities on a human scale, in

order to appreciate the pertinence of the tribal

paradigm

I am put ting

forw ard. T his pa ra di gm , it mus t be un de rl ined , is com plet ely foreign to the

individualist logic. Indeed, as opposed to an organization in which the

individual can de jure if no t

de

facto) be sufficient un to

himself,

the group

can be understood only within a whole. This is an essentially relationist

pers pect ive; whet her th e relationship is on e of attractio n or repulsion

makes little difference. The organicity we are examining here is another

manner of speaking of the mass and its equilibrium.

Goi ng bey ond a do min an t school of tho ugh t that accen tuate s the mac ro-

political and economic perspective, the research on contemporary urban

life would be well advised to bring up to date the symbolic relationship

which is (re)st ructu ring our nei ghb our hoo ds - and not grudgingly, but

willingly. The breakdown and uprooting of the nuclear family, the

resulting sense of isolation - all of these analyses no doubt motivated by

the best reformist or revolutionary intentions - cannot resist unbiased

observation and urban decay. One has only to look at the 'genuine

surprise' of Young and Willmott who, in their research carried out in the

East End of Lo nd on , rema rk ed upo n a 'quasi-tribal family and comm unity

sys t em ' .

5 3

This very pr ud ent 'qua si' is no longer appr opr iat e, now that

ideo logical ba rr ie rs are falling away and tribali sm is conf irmed on a daily

basis - for better or worse, it must be said - since, although the tribe is the

guarantee of solidarity, it also represents the possibility of control; it can

also be the cause of village racism and ostracism. Being a member of a tribe

may require self-sacrifice for the other, but also a degree of open-

mindedness in so far as the chauvinism of the small shopkeeper allows. The

car ica tur e of th e 'br oth er- in- law ' by th e car toonist Ca bu is a perfect

example.*

Whatever the case, putting aside any judgemental attitude, tribalism in

its more or less brilliant aspects is in the process of infiltrating lifestyles to a

greater and greater degree. I would be tempted to say that it is becoming

an end in

itself;

that is, through interposing groups, clans and gangs, it

reminds us of the importance of the affect in social life. Thus a pertinent

Transl.

note:

C a b u :

th e F rench ca r t o o n i s t who has m a d e a ca reer of a t t a ck ing the

tradit ional inst i tut ions of w o r k an d f a mi ly . Μ on Beau f ( 1 9 7 6 ) g iv e s a s t e r e o t y p e d v i e w of a

co n v en t io n a l , ev en ra ci s t wh i t e ma le .



98


recen t study on 'sec onda ry grou ps' points out that single mo the rs, feminists

and homosexuals are not seeking a 'temporary resolution of individual

sit uat ion s'; it is ra th er an 'overall reco nsi der atio n of the rules of solidari ty'

that is at issue.

5 4

Gain is secondary; it is not even sure that success is

de sir abl e, since it risks draini ng the warm th out of bei ng- tog ether. Wh at

has just been stated with regard to the organized movements in question is

even more true in the case of the multiplicity of scattered groups whose

sole pu rp os e is to share war mth . It so ha pp en s that such a gra dua l goa l

does not fail to rebound on the social whole.

It is precise ly this ne two rk which bi nds , as I hav e said, the gr oup and the

mass.

This bond is wi tho ut th e rigidity of the forms of org an iza tion with

which we are familiar; it refers more to a certain ambience, a state of mind,

and is pref erab ly to be exp res sed thro ugh lifestyles tha t favour ap pe ar an ce

and ' form' . 5 5 It is a case of a kind of collective unconscious (non-conscious)

which acts as a matrix for the varied group experiences, situations, actions

or wanderi ngs . It is striking in this regard to no te that con te mpor ar y mass

rites are the result of micro-groups that are both highly distinctive at the

same time as forming an indistinct and rather muddled whole - to which we

are referred by the orgiastic metaphor and the surpassing of individual

identity.

Let us pursue the paradox further: these tribal mass rites (mass rites and

tribal rites) are perceptible in the various sporting gatherings which,

through the influence of the media, take on a familiar significance. We can

see them at work in the consumer (consuming?) frenzy of department

stores, supermarkets and shopping centres which of course sell products

bu t sec rete eve n mor e a symbolis m, that is, the impressi on of parti cipat ing

in a common species. It can also be seen in those aimless wanderings along

the avenues of our great cities. When we pay close attention, this indistinct

companionship, resembling nothing so much as animal migrations, is in

fact constituted of a multitude of small cells that interact with each other. It

is also permeated by a whole series of recognitions, of people and places,

which turn this maelstrom of cultural signs into a well-ordered whole. Of

course, our eye needs to get used to this incessant flux; but if, like a hidden

camera, it can both take in the bigger picture and focus on detail, it will not

fail to appreciate the powerful architectonic which structures these wander

ings.

Let us remember that these phenomena are nothing new: the agora of

Antiquity or, closer to home, the passegiata of Ital y, or the eve nin g

promenade in the south of France all present the same characteristics, and

are considerable sites of sociality.

Finally, in the same vein, the rituals of evasion known as summer holidays

offer the spectacle of crowded beaches, prompting many chagrined observers

to deplore the promiscuity and discomfort engendered by such cramped

conditions. Here again, one must remember that these conditions allow a

kind of euphemized communion, and as Dörfles remarked, they 'remove any

distance between oneself and others, [and] construct a unique amalgam'.

5 6

On th e othe r ha nd , such cramp ed conditions are subtly differentiated and



T R I B A L I S M

99

tastes in clothing or sexuality, sports, groups and regions, have to share the

sam e coastal ter rain , recreati ng a com mun ity whol e with diverse an d

complementary functions. In a country such as Brazil, where the beach is a

veritable public institution, monographs have noted that in Rio the

numbering of 'blocks' (security posts spread over all the beaches) lets you

kno w whe re you are (X - leftist, Y - hom ose xu al, Ζ - golden youth , etc .).

In Bahia too, the different sections of beach are like so many meeting

places, according to the group to which you belong.

Wh at shoul d be ret ai ne d from the se few anec do te s is tha t th er e is a

constant movement back and forth between tribes and the mass, which is

part of a whole that fears emptiness. This horror vacui which manifests

itself for example in the non-stop music on the beaches, in the stores and in

man y ped est rian s tree ts, is an amb ien ce perh ap s reminiscent of the

permanent noise and the disordered restlessness of Mediterranean and

Eas ter n cities. Wh at ev er th e cas e, no domai n is spar ed by this ambie nce .

By way of su mm in g up , if we are to gra nt tha t the thea tr e is a useful mir ror

for appreciating the state of a given society, then it is appropriate to

remember both what the restlessness of our cities owes to the various street

spectacles, and the development of the 'primitive theatre' and the various

(re)surging cults of African, Brazilian and Hindu origin. I have no

intention of analysing these phenomena here; I only wish to show that they

are all based on a tribal logic which itself can exist only by invading,

through the concatenation of the network, the mass. 5 7

These are all things that contravene the spirit of seriousness, the

individualism and 'sep ara tio n' (in the Heg elia n sense) which cha racteri ze

modern productivist and bourgeois perspectives. These characteristics of

modernity have tried their best to control or sanitize the dances of

possession and other forms of popular effervescence. Perhaps we should

see here the revenge of the values of the South over those of the North:

'choreographic epidemics' (E. de Martino) are breaking out. It should be

remembered that they had an aggregative function. The act of lamenting or

enjoying

in a group

ha d th e effect of look ing after as well as reinte grati ng

the sick member into the community. These phenomena common to the

Med iter rane an basin (mae nad ism, tarantis m, various bacchana lia), to

India (Tantrism), or to the African or Latino-African cultures (candomble,

shango) are of the greatest interest in understanding group therapies,

parallel networks of medicine and the various manifestations of what

Schutz called 'making music together',* as well as the development of

sectarianism: all things which are the contemporary signs of ' the choreo

graphic epidemic' .

In fact, it is not a given lifestyle that can be considered prophetic; it is the

ju mb le itself that is pr op he ti c. In de ed , alth oug h it is impossibl e to tell what

will arise to form a new culture, one can nevertheless state that it will be

structurally pluralistic and full of contradictions ['contradictoriel']. In the

Transl. note: Thi s phrase appear s in Engl ish in the text.



100

T H E

T I M E

O F T H E

TRIBES

c a s t e sys t e m B ou g ie sa w un ion in the cu l t o f d iv i s ion . Th i s pa r a do x ic a l

t e ns ion ha s no t f ai l ed to g ive r i se to in t e n se c o l l e c t ive se n t im e n t s ' wh ic h

e m e r g e a b o v e t h e m a s s o f c a s t e s ' .

5 8

Such a f ine ins ight can surpass mora l

ju dg e m e n t t o se e the so l id o r ga n ic i ty o f the w ho le . F o r ou r pa r t , we m igh t

s a y t h a t m o d e r n i t y h a s e x p e r i e n c e d a n o t h e r p a r a d o x : t h a t o f u n i t i n g b y

b lu r r ing d i f f e r e nc e s , a nd the d iv i s ion tha t t h i s e n ge nd e r s . A t the ve r y l e a s t ,

i t a t t e m pt s to a t t e n ua te the i r e f fe c t s , wh ic h , i t w i ll be a g r e e d , i s no t w i tho u t

a c e r t a i n g r a n d e u r a n d g e n e r o s i t y . The entire political order is built on this.

B ut , m i r r o r ing o th e r e r a s a nd o t he r p l a c e s , it i s poss ib l e to im a g ine th a t t he

bo nd h o ld ing a g ive n e n t i ty tog e th e r m ig h t in f ac t be c on s t i tu t e d o f tha t

w h i c h d i v id e s (c f. t h e c o n j u g a l p o l e m i c ) . T h e te n s i o n b e t w e e n h e t e r o

ge n e i t i e s c ou ld be sa id to gu a r a n te e the so l id i ty o f the w ho le . Th e m a s t e r

c r a f t sm e n o f the M id d le A ge s kn e w a th ing o r tw o a b ou t th i s , a nd bu i l t o u r

c a t he dr a l s o n th i s p r in c ip le . Th i s i s t he

order of the mass.

Thus , l i f es ty les

wh ich a re fore ign t o ea ch o th er can ske tc h th e ou t l in e of a wa y of l iv ing

to ge th e r . A n d th i s oc c u r s wh i l e r e m a in ing c u r ious ly f ai th f ul t o the

spec i f ic i ty of ea ch . Fr om th is a ro se the r ichn ess of the grea t cul tura l

m o m e n t s , a t t h e i r v e r y f o u n d i n g .

Notes

1. On the

power-puissance

re l a t i on s h i p , c f. M . M af fe s o l i ,


Paris ,

PUF, 1979 , p p . 20 -69 , e s p ec i a l l y p . 69 .

2 .

O n s ty l e , c f . P . B rown , T h e Making of Late Antiquity, C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . ; H a r v a r d

Un i vers i ty Pres s , 1976 , p . 1 . G . Du ran d ,

La Beaute comme prisence paracletique, Eranos,

1984 , Fran k fu rt , In s e l Ve r l ag , 1986 , p . 129 ; Μ . M af fes o l i , L e Parad i gme es th o t i q u e: la

s o c i o l o g i e c o m m e a r t , Sociologie et Societes, M on tr£a l , vo l . 17 , n o . 2 (O c tob er 1985 ) , p . 36 .

3 . C f . W . B e n j a m i n ,

Essais,

P a r i s, D e n o e l - G o n t h i e r , 1 9 8 3 , p . 4 0 .

4 . A . S ch u tz , Fa i re d e la mu s i q u e en s em b l e . Un e e tu d e d es rap p ort s s oc i au x , Fren ch

transl . in Societes, Par i s , M a s s on , 1984 , v o l . 1 , n o . 1 , p p . 22 -27 . E xc erp te d f rom M ak i n g

mu s i c toge th er i n Collected Papers,\o\. 2, T h e H ag u e , N i jh o f f , 1 971 , p p . 159 -17 8 .

5 . C f. f o r e x a m p l e G u m p l o w i c z , Pracis de sociologie, Paris , 1896 , p . 337 , et seq; on O .

S p an n , c f . th e an a l ys i s b y W. Joh n s ton , L'Esp rit vienn ois, une histoire intellectuelle et sociale,

1848-1938 , Fren ch tran s l . , Par i s , PUF, 1985 , p . 365 .

6 . On socio lo gy s fascination wi th the med ieval com mu nity , cf. R . Nisbe t ,

The Sociological

Tradition,

L o n d on , H e i n em an n E d u cat i on a l , 1970 , p . 15 ; for a p recu rs or o f Am er i ca n

s oc i o l ogy , c f . P . S t -Arn au d , W.G. Sumn er et les debuts de la sociologie amiricaine, Q u e b e c ,

Pre sses de 1 Univers i te L ava l , 1984 , p . 107 .

7 . T . A d o r n o , Aesthetic Theory, L o n d on , Rou t l e d ge an d K eg an Pau l , 1984 , p . 13 ; c f. m y

d ef i n i t ion o f aes th e t i c s , M af fes o l i , L e Parad i gme es th et i q u e , p p . 3 3 - 4 1 .

8 . Cf . P . W atz l aw i ck , La Rea lite de la rialite, Fre nch trans l . , Paris , Seu i l , 1978, p . 91 and

M . S c h e l e r , The Nature of Sympathy, L o n d on , Ro u t l e d ge an d K eg an Pau l , c f. e s p ec i a l l y p p .

7 2 , 5 1 , etseq., p. 55 . O n crowd s , c f . J . B eau ch ard , La Puissance des foules, Par i s , P U F , 1985 .

O n s p ort , c f. A . E h r en b e rg , L e Footb a l l e t s es i mag i n a i res ,

Les Temp s modernes,

N o v e m b e r

1984 an d P . S an s o t , Les F ormes sensibles de la vie sociale, Par i s , P U F , 1986 . O n tou r i s m, c f.

Societis, n o . 8 , Par i s , M as s o n , vo l . 2 n o 2 , (1986 ) .

9 . S ch e l er , The Nature of Sympathy, pp. 96 -9 9 . O n th e d i on ys i ac t en d en c y , c f. M .

M a f f e s o l i , L'Ombre de Dionysos, contribution a une sociologie de l'orgie, Paris , Librairie des

M er i d i en s , 2n d ed i t i on , 1985 an d K . M an n h e i m,


N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t

B rac e Jova n ov i ch , 1954 , wh o s p eak s o f O rg i ast i c ch i a l i s m (p . 190 ) ; M . H a l b wa ch s ,

La

Memoire collective, Par i s , P U F, 1968 , p . 28 , on co l l ec t i ve i n ter feren ces .





102

T H E

T I M E

O F T H E TRIBES

2 6 .

J . S e g u y ,

Ch ristianism e etsociäte, In troduction a la sociologie de Ern st Troeltsch,

P a r i s ,

Cerf,

1 9 8 0 , p . 1 1 2 . Cf . h i s an a l y s i s o f t h e ' s ec t t y p e ' , p . I l l , er seq.

21.

C f . G i b b o n , The History of the Decline and F all of the Rom an Em pire, L o n d o n ,

M e t h u e n , 1 9 0 9 , V o l . 2 , C h . 2 3 , p . 4 5 6 ,

et seq.

O n m e d i e v a l s e c t s , c f. S e g u y ,

Christianism e et

societe,

p p . 1 7 6 - 1 7 9 .

2 8 . T h e e x p r e s s i o n ' w e l l s p r i n g ' w a s a p p l i e d b y E . P o u l a t t o p o p u l a r C a t h o l i c i s m i n

Catholicisme, dem ocratic et socialisme,

P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 77 , p . 4 8 6 . O n t h e p e r m a n e n c y of

t h e ' r e a l c o u n t r y ' , o f t h e C a t h o l i c b a s e , c f . E . P o u l a t , Eglise contre bourgeoisie, P a r i s ,

C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 7 7 , p . 1 5 5 . C f . a l s o t h e w o r k o f

Prof.

Z y l b e r b e r g a n d M a d a m e P . C o t e ,

U n i v e r s i t e L a v a l , Q u e b e c , F a c u l t y o f S o c ia l S c i e n c e s .

2 9 . O n t h e g u i l d s , c f. t h e a r t i cl e b y A . G u e d e z , ' U n e so c i e t o e n c la i r o b s c u r : L e

c o m p a g n o n f r a n s a i s ' , Revista de Ciencias Socias, U n i v e r s i d a d e F e d er a l d o C e a r a , F o r t a l e z a ,

B r a z i l , v o l . 5 , 2 n d e d i t i o n ( 1 9 7 4 ) , p . 3 6 . O n t h e ' p h r a t r i e s ' , c f . L a m b e r t ,

Dieu change en

Bretagne, p p . 4 0 a n d 2 6 4 .

3 0 . O n e m a y in t e r p r e t in t h e li gh t o f e v e r y d a y h i s t or y s u c h h i s t o r i c is t c o n c e p t s a s

' s i t u a t i o n a l d e t e r m i n a t i o n ' o r ' s e a t in li fe ' p r o p o s e d b y P . B e r g e r a n d T . L u c k m a n n i n

The

Social Construction of Reality,

p . 7. O n su r r e a l i sm a n d s i t u a t i o n i s m e t h i c s , c f. a l s o T a c u s s e l ,

L Ά ttraction sociale.

3 1 . W h i l e recogn i z i n g th e p r imacy o f re l a ti on i s m i n S i m me l , I am op p os e d to S e gu y s

i n d i v i d u a li s t i n terp reta t i on o f i t: Au x en fa n ts d e la s oc i o l og i e d e s re l i g i on s : G e or g S i mm el ,

Archives de sociologie des religions, Par i s , C . N . R . S . , 19 64 , n o 17 , p . 6 . Wi th res p ect to

aes th et i c i s m , c f. my ar t ic l e , L e Parad i gm e es th e t i q u e . Cf . a l s o Y . At o j i , L a Ph i l o s o p h i e d e

l ar t d e G eo rg es S i m me l : s on op t i q u e s oc i o l og i q u e , Societes, Par i s , M as s on ( for th com i n g) .

T h e t e r m

reliance

i s b orr owe d from B o l l e d e B a i ,

La Tentation commu nautaire.

3 2 . C on ce rn i n g th e exa mp l e o f p r i va te wor s h i p , c f. E . R . Do d d s ,

The Greeks and the

Irrational, B e rk e l ey , Un i ver s i ty o f Ca l i forn ia at B e rk e l ey , 1956 , p . 242 . Cf . a l s o P . B ro wn ,

Augustine of Hippo,

B er k e l e y , Un i vers i ty o f Ca l i forn i a Pres s , 1967 , on th e M an i c h aea n

n etwork s (p . 46 ) .

3 3 .

C f. C . B o u g i e ,


Cam b ri d g e , Cam b ri d ge Un i ver s i ty Pres s ,

1 9 7 1 , p p . 32 -3 5 . O n th e p l ay o f h u m an p as s i on s i n Q u e b e c s oc i e ty , c f. Re n a u d , A I'Ombre

du rationalisme, p. 167.

3 4 . E .

D ü r k h e i m ,

Th e Division of Labour in Society,

N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4. O n t h e

g r o u p a s a ' s o u r c e o f li f e ' , c f. t h e p r e f a c e ( p . 2 6 ) . C o n c e r n i n g t h e in t e r m i n g l in g o f g r o u p s , c f.

H a l b w a c h s ,


p . 66 .

3 5 .

Cf . N i s b e t ' s s o c i o l o g i ca l an a l y s i s i n Th e Sociological Tradition, ρ 5 5 .

3 6 .

G . S i m m e l ,

Les Problemes de la philosophic de Vhistoire,

Par i s , P U F , 1984 , p . 75 .

3 7 .

M . M a f f e s o l i , Cahiers International de sociologie, vo l . 73 (19 82 ) , p . 363 .

3 8 .

Refe r to my ch ap ters on th ea tr i ca li ty i n M af fe s o l i , La Conquite du

präsent. O n s e c r e c y ,

s e e S i m m e l s r e m a r k a b l e a r t i cl e L a S o c ie t o s e c r e t e in N ouvelle R evue de Psychanalyse

P a r i s , G a l l i m a r d , n o . 1 4 ( 1 9 7 6 ) .

3 9 . C f . R e n a n , Marc Aurile p . 2 9 4 .

4 0 O n t h e f o r e i g n s o c i o l o g i s t , c f. E . M o r i n ,

La M etamorphose de Plozevet

P a r i s, F a y a r d ,

1 9 6 7 , p . 3 7 . O n s o d a l i t y , c f . E . P o u l a t , In tigrisme et catholicisme intigral P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n ,

1 9 6 9 .

O n t h e r e d u c t i o n i s t f a n t a s y o f t h e s o c i o l o g i s t , c f . R e n a u d ,

A VOm bre du rationalisme:

S o c i e t y b e c o m e s a l a b o r a t o r y a n d m u s t c o n f o r m t o r e a l it y a s d e f i n e d b y t h e s o c i o l o g i s t

( p . 2 3 5 ) .

4 1 . C f . m y b o o k , La Conquete du present. O n t h e e g o t i s m o f t h e g r o u p , c f. S i m m e l s

a r t i c l e , L a S o c i e t y s e c r e t e , p . 2 9 8 .

4 2 .

C f . K . S c h i p p e r , Le Corps taoiste P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 2 , p p . 2 8 - 3 7 . I t s h o w s h o w s e c r e t

s o c i e t i e s d e p e n d o n t h e r e a l c ou n t r y .

4 3 . C f . B is m a r c k s m e m o i r s a s q u o t e d b y G . S im m e l , L a S o c t e t o s e c r e t e , op. cit. p . 3 0 3 .

F o r a g o o d i n t r o d u c t i o n o n h o m o s e x u a l i t y , c f. G . M £ n a r d ,

UH omosexu aliti dimystifiee

O t t a w a , L e m o a c , 1 9 80 .

4 4 . E . C a n e t t i , Th e Conscience of W ords t r a n s l . J . N e u g r o s h e l , N e w Y o r k , S e a b u r y P r e s s ,

1979 , p . 115 .



T R I B A L I S M

103

4 5 . C f. t h e r e m a r k a b l e b i o gr a p h y b y P . B r o w n ,

Au gustine of Hippo,

p . 194 .

4 6 . I w o u l d r e f e r t h e r e a d e r t o t h e st u d y o f e x e c u t i v e s c a r r i ed o u t b y A . W i c k h a m a n d M .

P a t t e r s o n ,

Les Carriiristes,

P a r i s , R a m s a y , 1 9 8 3. O n t h e d o c k w o r k e r s , c f. t h e s t u d i e s c i t e d b y

M . Y o u n g a n d P . W i l l m o t t , Fam ily and Kinsh ip in East London, H a r m o n d s w o r t h , P e n g u i n ,

1 9 6 4 , p . 9 7 ,

et seq.

O n p e r v e r s i t y a s r u s e , cf. R e n a u d ,

A VOm bre du rationalisme,

p . 186.

4 7 .

C f. H . d e M o n t h e r l a n t , a n d R . P e y r e f lt t e ,

Correspondance,

P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 8 3 , p . 5 3 .

4 8 . O n t h e d u p l i c i t y o f t h e s y m b o l , b e s i d e s w h a t is a l r e a d y k n o w n a s r e g a r d s t h e W e s t e r n

t r a d i t i o n , o n e m i g h t a l s o r e f e r t o t h e f u n c t i o n o f i t s C h i n e s e e q u i v a l e n t e x p r e s s e d i n t h e w o r d

' f o o l ' . C f . S c h i p p e r , Le Corps taoi'ste, p . 2 8 7 , n o t e 7 .

4 9 . S i m m e l , ' L a S o c i e t e s e c r e t e ' , p . 2 9 3 .

5 0 . O n t h e l i n k w i t h A n t i q u i t y , c f . P . B r o w n ,

Society an d the Holy in Late An tiquity,

L o n d o n , F a b e r a n d F a b e r , 1 98 2 , p . 1 1 6.

5 1 .

O n t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e p h e n o m e n o n o f t h e ' g r o u p a p a r t ' o n R o m a n s o c ie t y fo r

e x a m p l e , cf. R e n a n , Marc Aurele, p . 77 .

5 2 . O n t h e ' f u s ed g r o u p ' , c f. o f c o u r s e J . P . S a r t r e , Critique of Dialectical Re ason, L o n d o n ,

V e r s o , 1 9 7 6 , p . 3 5 8 . C o n c e r n i n g t h e c r e a t i v it y of c o m m u n a l f o r m s in A n t i q u i t y , cf. B r o w n ,

Th e M aking of Late Antiquity, p . 6 . O n p e r d u r a b i li t y a n d t h e a t t e n t i o n p a i d t o s o li d a r i t y , c f.

R e n a u d , Α Γ Ombre du rationalisme, p.

179.

5 3 . Y o u n g a n d W i l l m o t t , Family and Kinship in East London, p. 12. Cf. also a m or e recent

s t u d y : S . R o s e n b e r g , Annales de la recherche urbaine, no . 9 (19 81 ) . On rel ig ious grou ps in

Par i s an d Re c i fe , cf . M . Au b r ee , L es No u v e l l e s tr i b u s d e la ch re t i en n ete ,

Raison Presente,

Par i s , n o . 72 (1984 ) , p p . 71 -87 .

5 4 . E . Re yn au d , G r ou p es s econ d a i res e t s o l i d ar i t e organ i q u e : q u i exerc e le con tro l e

s oc i a l ? i n L'Annee sociologique, Paris , vo l . 33 (1 98 3) , p . 184 . On the s ign i f icance of gan gs , cf.

E . M o r i n , L'Esprit du temps, Par i s , L i vres d e Poch e , 1983 , p . 310 .

5 5 . Cf . my ar t i c l e , L e Parad i gme es th et i q u e . Cf . a l so

La Connaissance ordinaire,

Ch . 4:

vers u n formi s m e s o c i o l o g i q u e .

5 6 .

G .

D ö r f l e s ,

L'I ntervalle perdu,

F r e n c h t r a n s l ., P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 84 , p .

3 0 ,

et seq. I t g o e s w it h o u t s a y in g t h a t I d o n o t s h a r e D ö r f l e s ' f ea r c o n c e r n i n g c o n t e m p o r a r y

t r i b a l i sm a n d i t s ' f e a r o f t h e v o i d ' .

5 7 . O n t h e ' p r i m i t i v e t h e a t r e ' , c f. t h e r e f e r e n c e s a n d s t u d i e s c i t e d i b i d . , p . 1 6 3 . T a r a n t i s m

h a s b e e n t h o r o u g h l y a n a l y se d b y E . d e M a r t i n o ,

La Terre du remords,

F r e n c h t r a n s l . , P a r i s ,

G a l l i m a r d , 1 9 66 . O n t h e candomble, p l e a s e r e f e r t o R . D a M a t t a , Cidade e Devoqao, R e c i f e ,

1 9 8 0 a n d ' L e S y l l o g i s m e d u s a c r e ' i n

Societes,

P a r i s, M a s s o n , n o . 5 ( 1 9 8 5 ) , a n d V . C o s t a L i m a ,

A Fam iglia de Santo nos candombles, jeje-nagos do Bah ia, S a l v a d o r , 19 7 7. S c h u t z ' s ' M a k i n g

m u s ic t o g e t h e r ' i s a l s o t r a n s l a t e d i n t h e j ou r n a l

Societes,

P a r i s , M a s s o n , v o l . I , n o . 1 ( 1 9 8 4 ) .

O n T a n t r i sm , cf. J . V a r e n n e , Le Tantrisme, Pa r i s , 1 9 7 7 . O n s ec t s , c f. t h e fi n e a r t i c l e b y J .

Z y l b e r b e r g a n d J . P . M o n t m i n y , ' L ' E s p r i t , l e p o u v o i r et l e s f e m m e s ' , P o l y g r a p h i e d ' u n

m o u v e m e n t c u l t u r e l q u e b e c o i s , Rech erches sociographiques, Q u e b e c , U n i v e r s i t e L a v a l , v o l.

2 2 , n o . 1 ( 1 9 8 1 ) , p p . 4 9 - 1 0 4 . C f. a l s o t h e t h e s i s o f P . C ö t e , ' D e la d e v o t i o n a u p o u v o i r : l e s

f e m m e s d a n s le R e n o u v e a u c h a r i sm a t i q u e ' , Q u e b e c , U n i v er s it e L a v a l , 1 98 4.

5 8 .

B o u g i e ,


p . 142 .



5

1. O f tr ipl ic ity

W h i l e m o d e r n i t y h a s b e e n o b s e s s e d w i t h p o l i t i c s , i t m a y b e e q u a l l y t r u e

t h a t p o s t m o d e r n i t y is p o s s e s s e d b y t h e i d e a of t h e c l a n , a p h e n o m e n o n

w h ich is no t w i tho u t i ts e f fec t on th e re l a t i on sh i p t o t h e O th e r an d , m or e

spec i f i c a l l y , t o t he s t range r . Indeed , f rom the po l i t i c a l pe r spec t ive , a

m e c h a n i c a l s o l i d a r i t y t e n d s t o p r e d o m i n a t e b e t w e e n r a t i o n a l i n d i v i d u a l s

a n d b e t w e e n t h e m a s a g r o u p a n d t h e s t a t e . O n t h e o t h e r h a n d , w i t h t h e

c l an w e a re faced w i th an o rgan ic so l ida r i t y t ha t ma in ly accen tua t e s t he

w h o l e . T o q u o t e S i m m e l , i n t h e i n d i v i d u a l i s t ( a n d p o l i t i c a l ) p e r s p e c t i v e ,

t he gene ra l p r inc ip l e i s ' t ha t i n w hich w e t ake an ac t ive ro l e , r a the r t han

t h a t w h i c h i s c o m m o n t o a l l ' .

1

I t i s t h i s ' co m m on to a l l ' , w h i l e be in g s ha red

b y s m a l l g r o u p s , t h a t s e e m s p e r t i n e n t t o d a y . C o n s e q u e n t l y , b e y o n d a

sur face i nd iv idua l i sm or na rc i s s i sm, w e sha l l pay c lose r a t t en t ion to t he

gr ou p a t t i t u de s t ha t de ve lop in ou r soc i e t i e s - a t t i t ud es w h ich , i n my

op in io n , a r e i n ha rm on y w i th t he d iony s i ac l og ic o f soc i a l i ty . I t i s pe r fec t ly

obv ious t ha t t he mul t i p l i c a t i on o f sma l l a f f i n i t y g roups i n our mode rn

m eg a lo po l i se s ra i se s t he ques t ion o f t he i r m o re o r l e s s conf l i c tua l r e l a t i on

s h i p s .

I n a n y c a s e , t h i s n e o - t r i b a l i s m r e m i n d s u s t h a t c o n s e n s u s

(cum-

sensualis)*

i s n o t u n i q u e l y r a t i o n a l , s o m e t h i n g t h a t is t o o o f t e n f o r g o t t e n .

2

T o b e s u r e , t h i s h y p o t h e s i s o f ' s h a r e d s e n t i m e n t ' o b l i g e s u s t o r e t h i n k t h e

ro l e o f t he t h i rd pe rson o r ou t s ide r , t ha t i s , o f t he p lu ra l i n t he soc i e t a l

s t ruc tu re . The con juga l r e l a t i onsh ip o f t he i nd iv idua l - s t a t e may be cha rac t e r

i z ed a s t u r b u l e n t , h o w e v e r it s o r b i t u s e d t o b e w e ll d e l i n e a t e d . T h e

i n t r u s i o n o f t h e o u t s i d e r p u t s u s s q u a r e i n t h e c e n t r e o f a s t o r m w h o s e

re su l t s a re d i f f i cu l t t o fo re see . I t w ou ld be i n t e re s t i ng to examine some o f

the e s sen t i a l e l ement s o f t h i s e f fe rve scence .

J u l i e n F r e u n d , l i k e S c h m i d t a n d S i m m e l b e f o r e h i m , p o i n t e d o u t o n

numerous occa s ions t he impor t ance o f t he f i gure t h ree i n soc i a l l i f e . S ince

t h e n , t h e n o t i o n o f t h e t h i r d p e r s o n h a s h a d a n e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l d i m e n s i o n

w h i c h d i s c l a i m s r e d u c t i o n i s t s i m p l i f i c a t i o n s . 3 W ith th e f igure ' 3 ' , soc ie ty i s

b o r n a n d t h e r e f o r e s o c i o l o g y . I h a v e n o i n t e n t i o n o f c o n f r o n t i n g t h i s

q u e s t i o n h e a d - o n h e r e ; I s h a l l l i m i t m y s e l f t o s a y i n g t h a t f r o m a n t h r o p o l o

g i c a l r e s e a r c h ( L e v i - S t r a u s s , D u m e z i l , D u r a n d ) t o t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l

e x p e r i m e n t s o f t h e P a l o A l t o S c h o o l , o n e c a n f i n d e v i d e n c e o f t h e s t r e n g t h

* Transl note: w i th th e s en s e s ( ra th er th an th e u s u a l L at i n d er i va t i on o f con s e n s u s :

consentire).

P O L Y C U L T U R A L I S M




105

of triadism.

4

In the strongest sense of the word, cultural and individual

dynamism are based on the tension between heterogeneous elements. This

is a perspective that takes on increasing significance at the same time as a

symbol ist vision of the wor ld is re su rg en t.

5

We are now far, to be sure,

from the unity that has been, from the dawn of modernity, the goal of

Western rationalism. The metaphor of the triad lets us highlight the

paradox; the splintering; the break-up; the contradictory in action - in

shor t, the constitutive plurality of this co nte mpo rar y neo-triba lism.

Thus, succeeding the dream of unity is a sort of unicity: the adjus tment

of diverse elements. In the image of the coenesthesia which is able to

integrate, within the framework of conflictual harmony, bodily functions

and dysfunctions, the notion of the outsider emphasizes the founding

aspec t of differe nce. Wh at is mo re , this is not du e to the una nimi st

per spe cti ve of to le ra nc e, but is cau sed by wh at might be called th e

organicity of opposites; the famous

coincidentia oppositorum

of anc ien t

wisdom that, from medieval alchemists to Far Eastern Taoists, has given

birth to many organizations and many social representations. Especially

for Ta oi sm , in its desc ript ion of the 'in ter ior cou nt ry ', the field of cin nab ar,

the root of man is situated 'three inch es above the navel in or de r to exp ress

the trinity of He av en , Ear th and Ma n' . To highlight its richne ss still

further, the Tao sees the three as that which gives birth to the 'Ten

thousand ones ' . 6

Th e prec ed ing has often be en a naly sed ; it is en ou gh just to tou ch on it, if

only allus ively , in or de r to insist on th e fact tha t multipli city is the vital

prin cipl e. As for the up ho lder s of mon ist or dualist sys tem s, it is well to

remind them that effervescence and the imperfection of the three are what

accou nt for its pros pecti ve sharpne ss and dyn amis m.

Th er e are tim es when this plura lism is eit her den ied or for got ten ; we are

then witness to the creation of entity-types, conceived on the basis of

homogeneous models: unified nations, historical subjects (the proletariat),

linear progress, and so on. But these hypostases cannot weather the winds

of change and its harsh laws; whether in the case of the masses and their

behaviours or political structures, differential realities win out in the end.

And many are the examples which show that, following a process of

cent rali zati on an d unificati on, th er e is a swing bac k to parti cular ism and

localism, and in all domains. The example of French political history is

particularly instructive in this regard. Any unified entity is temporary.

Fu rt he rm or e, acc ount ing for diversity and complexity is a mar k of c om mo n

sense too infrequently adopted by intellectuals - on the grounds that it

contravenes the simplicity of the concept.

Infinity begins with the third person. With the plural, the living is

int egr ate d into sociological analysis. Of co ur se , this does not simplify the

task at hand, since, to quote Morin, the pluralism at work among the

people causes the latter to become 'polyphonous, even cacophonous' . 7

However, the risk must be assumed, since, on the one hand, unanimity and

unity are quit e often p ern ici ous for the stru ctu ring of th e city (cf. Ari sto tle ,



106

T H E

T I M E

OF THE

TRIBES

Politics, II , 1261 b - 7) ; and on the ot he r, altho ugh we are now sensitive to

the spirit of the times, we cannot help but acknowledge the irrepressible

growth of the plural in all its forms in ou r soc ietie s. Th e res ult ant

plu ricult ura lis m is cert ain ly not without risk, bu t arising as it do es ou t of

the conj uncti on of a princip le of logic and a princip le of rea lity , it is in vain

that we deny its significance; especially since, as for all periods of

efferv escenc e, this het ero gen iza tion in action is the matrix for the social

values of the future. Thus, in first recognizing this heterogenization, then

by analysing its components, we are capable of listing all that makes up the

social fabric of this fin de siecle; as well as that which is be comi ng cle ar in

that nebula which can be called

sociality.

Without having a definite sense of direction, let us point out once more

the orientation that sociality may take. It would no longer be based on the

Faus tian m onoval ence of 'do ing ' and its flip-side, the con trac tua l a nd

finalized associat ion ism I will sum up as the following: 't he ec onom y-

politics of the self and the world'. Quite on the contrary, in fact (hence the

'orgiastic ' metaphor I keep using), 8

the sociality which is be ing defined

integrates a good portion of passionate communication, pleasure in the

present and incoherence - all things that are characterized by both

acc ept anc e and reject ion. This amb iva lence has often bee n analy sed from a

psychological perspective; it is appropriate to examine the social sub

clauses of this ambivalence and note that it adapts easily to technological

change. We can indeed observe that, with the help of micro-electronics,

these extending forms of association that are

networks

(contemporary neo-

triba lism) are bas ed on integrat ion and the affective refusal. This pa ra do x -

a cle ar sign of vita lity - is in any case on e of the mos t useful keys to any

comprehensive project.

2 . Presence and estrangement

Thus ,

by relying on the classic dichotomy between culture and civilization,

we may note that the forme r in its found ing dy nam ism has no fear

whatsoever of the stranger. On the contrary, it has always been able to

flourish th an ks to all tha t it get s from t he outs ide while at the sa me tim e

remaining

itself.

In this regard, we must refer to all those examples given to us by human

histo ry; self-assuredness - which is a form of au to no my , henc e the ot he r' s

exclusion - favours the welcome of this other. In analysing the evolution of

French culture and language in Europe, Louis Reau underlines with the

utmost erudition that during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries,

foreigners in France were certain of receiving the 'most pleasant and

flattering we lc om e. Never had xenop hi lia , I wou ld even ve nt ur e to say

xenomania, been pushed further. '

9

This cannot fail to be instructive

('foreigners are spoiled'); and at the same time a specifically French way of

life and of thinking was becoming he ge moni c. It is this way each time

some thin g authentically strong is bor n. Puissance, as I have sh ow n,

1 0

has




107

not hin g to do with po we r and all tha t sur roun ds it: tha t is, fear and anxiety

both experienced and inflicted. Weakness leads to both the withdrawal into

the self and aggress iveness; whe re as civilization is ba rr ica de d beh ind a cold

fear, culture can grow and accept the outsider. This surely explains what

Reau highlights with astonishment (ibid., p. 314): no effort was made to

spread the use of French in the eighteenth century, yet we know how

phe nom ena lly its use increase d during this era. Fro m ancient Ath en s to

contemporary New York, by way of Florence in the quattrocento, we can

constantly see such poles of attraction that function in fact like processes

metabo lizing foreign eleme nts .

Thus ,

it has been possible to make a connection between the vitality of a

region like the Alsace and 'the constant arrival of new blood'. According to

F .

Hoff et, it is this mixing tha t explains the 'ma jo r wo rk s' prod uc ed in this

count ry . 1 1 Certa inly , although a trage dy of the bor der (Grenze Tragödie)

exists, it does not fail to be dynamic: bridges and doors, to use an image of

Sim me l's . Th e bor de r count rie s live life in a maj or key , the conse cutive

mixing and imbalances following movements of populations. But at the

same time, throughout the exogamy that this gives rise to, original

creations are born, the best expressions of the synergy of the static and the

labile qualities inherent in the social reality. This synergy is summarized in

the expression 'dynamic rootedness'. It should not be forgotten that this

'b or de r' tension explains the thinking of Spino za, Marx , Fre ud , Kafka and

oth ers . . . all of who m wer e bot h inte grat ed and distant. The strength of

their thinking perhaps has its origin in the fact that they are founded on a

double polar i ty: 1 2 presence and estrangement. These determined regions

and works of genius experience or indicate, in a heightened way, that

which otherwise constitutes, in a minor key, the everyday life of the

people. Before becoming a racist or a nationalist, or, on a more trivial

plane, the 'average bloke' so often described, the citizen 'knows' instinctively

that short of, or beyond, lofty and more or less imposed ideals, his

everyd ay life is com po sed of mix tur e, difference and mutua l arr ang eme nt

with the other; whether a foreigner or anomic figure with strange customs.

Firstly, let us draw a link between the mass and culture at its founding

mo me nt . This is not an accident al or abs trac t link: every time an era

be gin s, a city flourishes or a coun try is ep iph an ize d, it occu rs as a result of a

popular puissance. Onl y later is th er e confiscation (of the er a, the city, the

country) by a few who appoint themselves managers, owners and clerks of

legitimacy and kn ow le dg e. Seco ndl y, let us reco gniz e at this ju nc tu re a

capacity both for absorption and for diffusion. The above-cited examples

are abu nd an t proof of a confide nt entity integ rati ng and radi atin g. Let us

venture an organic image: a body in shape can show great flexibility; there

ar e no signs of rigidity o r pr ud en ce - the stuff of pr ec au ti on s an d pet tin ess

To use a term of Bataille's, there is a sort of sovereignty that wells up from

this conjunction - a form of triumphant animality that 'feels' how to strike

a balance between the particularity that preserves and the general that

int egr ate s us int o a vast worldly evo luti on. It is a ma tt er of to and fro



108

T H E T I M E

OF THE

TRIBES

between the nomadism and sedentariness that make up the human

adventure; between the yes and the no at the heart of any representation.

Among the plethora of historical examples that come to mind, there is

one particularly noteworthy one, that furthermore can be considered as

instructive for our time: of the fight over Donatism that presented a

difficult moment for early Christianity. In more than one aspect, it seems

to me that this per iod called 'La te Ant iqu ity ' is not without similarity to

our own. The historian Peter Brown in his remarkable work on Saint

Augustine examined with great insight the reasons why the Donatists were

opposed to the Bishop of Hippo.

1 3

In the framework of our reflections

here, I will retain, in simplified form, only one essential element of the

disputatio: acco rding to the Dona tis ts, it was neces sary to isolate th em

selves, remain a Church of the pure, cut off from the world with all the

consequences involved in such a choice. For Augustine, on the other hand,

it was important to feel sufficiently strong to assimilate the 'other', to be

flexible in or de r to win over the world; bec ause he was cer tain of

the validity, the universality and especially the prospective aspect of the

evangelical message. Thus our Bishop, who as a Manichaean knew the

delights of the utmost purism, did not hesitate to gather from the literary

an d phi loso phi c her ita ge of the pag an world any thing tha t could reinfo rce

the mes sage he he ra lde d. A t a tim e whe n a new world is being bo rn , the

que sti on is significant: t o the tranquil a ssur ance of the self-containe d sect,

Saint Aug ust ine preferr ed a wider

ecclesia

op en to the effervescence of

customs and men from all over the map. The city of God he sought to

establish was measured against the scale of a vast world and it is normal

tha t it shou ld also emb ra ce its tur bul enc e. It is only by payin g this price

that it will perdure - such a vision of genius from a founder of a new

culture

Let us take another look at this phenomenon, but this time referring to

an ot he r era : the mythical era (but is it any mo re so tha n the prev ious

one?). By referring to the dionysiac theme, which is also applicable to our

own era, we may note that in the city-state of Thebes - civilized, rationally

adm ini ste red a nd rat he r languid - th e irruption of Dionys us is also the

irruption of the stranger. Effeminate, perfumed, differently clothed: his

appearance, habits and the ways of thinking that he disseminates are

shocking in more than one sense. 1 4 The irruptio n of this foreign bod y

corresponds to the passage from classical Hellenism to the Hellenistic

perio d. Dionysus, latecom er god (demi-god?) upsets this period's perfection,

but because of this, allows it to blossom. That which exhausts itself, even in

its com ple ten ess , needs a dysfunction, e ven an externa l one , to com e and

recharge it. Moreover, most of the time, the foreign element usually only

actualizes a potentiality that had been neglected or kept in check. In the

above-mentioned logic, tension and paradox are thus necessary, a bit like a

graft that allows worn-out trees to bear beautiful fruit once again.

This intrusion of the foreign element may function as an

anamnesis:

it

reminds a social body that had a tendency to forget it, that it is structurally




109

heterogeneous; even if for reasons of ease it tended to try to restore

everything to unity. This reminder of the polytheism of values is particu

larly blatant in the case of dionysiac ceremonies. Dionysus, god from

'elsewhere', must integrate those Others': the metic and the slave of the

Greek city-state. It seems (cf. M. Bourlet) as if the thiase associated them

with the citizens. Thus, although only haphazardly and ritually, the

community performs as a function of the here and elsewhere. It will be

remembered that the cult of Aglaurus celebrated the city as unity; the

orgiastic thiase r emi nds t hat it is also unicity, i.e. th e conjunct ion of

opposites.

In short, to go back to our initial remarks, 'the languishing civilization

requires barbarians in order to regenerate' . 1 5 Is it paradoxical to say that

the stranger allows a new culture to be instated? The role of the Romans

with respect to the Greek civilization, of the barbarians with regard to the

end of the Roman Empire and, closer to our own time, the name 'Huns of

the West ' (die Westhunnen) that was given to the prot agon ists of the

French Revolution, or even the rallying cry 'Hurray for the Cossack

revolution', which was repeated by certain anarchists tired of bourgeois

weakness - they all underline the cultural importance of the founding

foreignness. Further, Mosco's recent film Des terroristes ä la retraite shows

easily how, during the Nazi resistance, many defenders of the idea of

France, and among the most vigorous, were stateless persons who had

arrived from disparate parts.* Less resigned than certain upstanding

Frenchmen, they fought and offered their lives in the name of ideals that,

for them, symbolized this country that they had chosen as the land of

welcome.

Wh at is cer tain is that all of the gre at emp ir es of hu ma n history are t he

product of a familiar blending. These few cavalier remarks here refer to the

work of historians who tackled this question and whose work may be

su mm ed up by the following quota tio n take n from the re ma rkab le book by

Marie-Frangoise Baslez who, with nuance and erudition, emphasizes that

'many cit ies owed their fortune to a heterogeneous population' . 1 6 This

statement can be supplemented by the hypothesis that it was the lack of

openness, the cool fear shown towards the stranger that led many cities to

their downfall. As we know, 'Rome is no longer in Rome';** but at a certain

po in t, it must me as ur e itself against the ot he r, that is, its het er ogen eo us

em pi re . I hav e tried to show that this was a ma tt er of s ocio- anthr opolo gical

structure. There is no need to return to Simmel's analysis of the stranger; it

is well kn ow n. O n the ot he r hand , in or de r to rema in faithful to the spirit

(as well as the letter), the sociologist must be able to reconsider the

im port ance of such a social 'fo rm' . It is not mere ly the dom ain of the pas t;

* Transl. note:

'T err orists in Ret ir emen t' (1983) is the tit le of a docu men ta r y by Mosc o shown

on Fr ench television. It recoun ts the r ole played by immigr ant un its in the Resistan ce.

** Transl. note:

' Ro me n'est plus dan s R om e, eile est tou te oü je

s u i s '

- R om e is no longer in

R o m e ,

it is wher ever I find myself (Pier r e Cor nei lle,

Sertorius,

III , I).



110

T H E


the Chi cag o School and Soroki n have shown its imme diac y for ou r mo de rn

era. Gilberto Freyre has also been able to underline how, taking the

example of Portugal, Brazil has constituted itself and energized itself

thanks to miscibility and mobility in all senses of the word.

1 8

A fortiori, in so far as ou r po st mo de rn era is conc ern ed , it is time to deal

with the consequences of the constitutive heterogeneity of our societies:

wha t is mo re , a he ter ogene ity t hat is only beg inni ng. In the cult ural

stock pots re pre sen ted by toda y's megalopo lises, it is no longer possible t o

deny the existence of the stranger, nor to disclaim his or her role. The

historical and mythical examples I have provided are like so many metaphors

allowing us to imagine the efflorescence of images, the hedonism and vitalism

that can be qualified as dionysiac. These are all things that, because they are

experienced in small groups, in a differentiated way; because they do not

de pe nd on a par ticu lar link and do not refer to unified rep re se nta tio ns ,

forbid us from seeki ng a one -di men sional e xpl ana tion. The value s of

Aufklärung which, when exp ort ed, be ca me the mod el for the whole world,

seem saturated. And in their stead, as in other periods of history, we can

see substituted a societal effervescence, favouring intermingling, miscibility,

the blending of West and East, in short: the polytheism of values. It is a

formless and indefinite polytheism, but one to which due attention should

be pai d, since it is charg ed with the fut ure .

The barbarians are at our gates, but should we worry? After all, we are

in part barb aria n ou rselve s.

3 . Th e polytheism of the people, or the diversity of God

After having shown the significance that should be accorded the outsider,

and after having given a few highlights of its role in the history of societies,

it may be interesting to isolate one of its essential characteristics. It is a

logical characteristic in a sense, and one that can for the best part be

described by Weber's expression, the 'polytheism of values'. It is necessary

to insist on this the ma tic , since it rem ain s very poo rly under st oo d, desiring

as we do to bri ng it back int o the real m of politi cs. More specifically: the

fact that a certain right-wing element uses, sometimes with conviction and

talent, in its cultural and political battle, the polytheist mythology, is not

enough to invalidate such a mythology nor to claim it as the property of a

given camp. It even seems to me that polytheism goes beyond the political

order; structurally, we might say, since the relativity of values results in

undecidability. Wh at can be mo re antith etical to the logic of politics?

Mo re ov er , if we wished to be even mor e prec ise, or mo re faithful to

the spirit behind these reflections, then perhaps we should mention

'henotheism' as Bougie did in writing about the Vedic religion in which 'all

the Gods become sovereign in turn' . 1 8

It is with such nua nc e and, let us stress onc e more , in a met aph ori cal

way, that the gods are convoked to enlighten us about the social. Indeed, I




111

have proposed linking the masses and the founding act of culture; it seems

to me that this conjunction allows us to welcome the stranger while

remaining ourselves (or even better, to nourish this self with the stranger).

In co ns eq ue nc e, it is possi ble to pr es en t polyt hei sm as th e sures t sign of the

'non-racism' of the masses.*

Let us make another detour. The essential feature of Judaism and later

Christianity was their intransigent monotheism. This is an essential

dem arc ati on line which doe s not be ar reco nsid erat ion . On the oth er h an d,

it should be remembered that, once this principle has been defined in

Christian life, there are a thousand and one ways to transgress it. From an

anthr opol ogica l point of view, Gilb ert Dur an d ma de an extreme ly fine

analys is, from his ob ser va tor y in Savoy, of the po pu la r faith and pra ctices

with which he is famil iar. In my ow n way , I ha ve also shown th at the cult of

saints may repr ese nt a polytheistic intrusion into mon oth eis t rigour, since

the theological distinction between the cult of ' latria', directed at God

onl y, and tha t of 'dul ia ', cen tr ed on sai nts, is a casuistry with little effect on

everyday life. Finally, religious sociology, with some mistrust to be sure,

has not left this pro ble m unto uch ed e it he r. 1 9 It is less a matter of meeting

he ad -o n tha n of stressing her e tha t th er e is an actualiza tion of the

traditional coincidentia oppositorum at wo rk , which like a th re ad weave s

its way thr ou gh rel igious and hen ce social life.

Christian mysticism and theo sop hy, to which Bö hm e and Meis ter

Eck ha rt attes t, have always kep t this pre occ upa tio n alive. Th e recen t thesis

of Mrs M. E. Cou ghtr ie, 'Rhy thm oma chi a, a prop aed euti c game of the

Middle Ages' has shown that within the monastic tradition, games can be

found tha t expre ss this irreduc ible pluralism , such as rh yth mom ach ia,

which is bas ed on highly formalized mat he mat ics . Thu s, in po pul ar

practices (pilgrimages, cults of saints), in mystic expression or in logical

sophistication, alterity, the foreign or the stranger have had many havens,

enabling a resistance to simplification and unitary reduction. 2 0

Ecstasy,

like the union of votive holidays, has allowed the expression of both the

identic al and the different. Th e 'c om mu ni on of sain ts' tha t is the basis of

the monastic prayer and the effervescence of the masses refers in a

euph emis tic or actualized m an ne r to a bein g-to geth er th at is in its

construction both varied and polyphonous.

This perspective has never been lost in what has presented itself as

Christian monotheism. Thus, in his analysis of nineteenth- and twentieth-

cen tury Catholic ism, Emile Poul at, with his characte ristic scrupu lousne ss,

asked the quest ion of how th e 'di spar ate coexists wit hout conflict'. W ha t

the n is the 'in he rit ance of this str ang e ph yl um , cap abl e of tak ing such

incompatible forms as the Catholic Cou nter -Ref orma tion , Christian

democracy and Christian revolutionaries?' 2 1 It is surely the idea of th e

* I use this ter m inten tiona lly, r eferr ing to Par eto' s ' non -logic' . Th er e may be somet hin g

illogical in the ' non -logic' , bu t it is no t, in the strictest sen se of the ter m, its essentia l

quality.

O n e could make an ana logous case for 'n on-racism'.



112 THE TIME

O F

THE TRIBES

People of God, the perfect analogon of th e coincidentia oppositorum of th e

d iv in i ty

-

' p o p u l a r C a t h o l i c i s m ; i n t e r - c l a s s i s t C a t h o l i c i s m ' ,

in th e

w o r d s

of

P o u l a t .

A n d it is

c e r t a i n t h a t b e y o n d

th e

va r ious po l i t i c a l exp re s s io ns , t h i s

popula r bas i s holds f i rmly

to the

p lu ra l i t y

of

w a y s

of

t h i n k i n g

and

b e i n g .

In

t h i s s e n s e ,

it can be

ca l led

a

p h y l u m ,

an

i n f rang ib l e

an d

p e r m a n e n t

b e d r o c k . T h e r e

is an

a s s u r a n c e t h a t lif e p e r d u r e s , t h a n k s

to the

mul t ip l ic i ty

of its e x p r e s s i o n , w h e r e a s a h e g e m o n i c v a l u e , p e r f e c t or not , t e n d s to

e x h a u s t

i t . O n e ma y

l ink th i s s t ruc tu ra l

coexistence to the

c o n t r a d i c t o r y

t h i n k i n g ( L u p a s c o , B e i g b e d e r ) t h a t is th e logical form of p o l y t h e i s m . Th e

i n s t i t u t i o n

of th e simultaneum,

w hich a l l ow s ,

in

ce r ta in smal l v i l lages

of

A l s a c e , P r o t e s t a n t s a n d C a t h o l i c s to p r a y , o n e a f te r the o t h e r , in th e s a m e

c h u r c h ,

can be a

g o o d m e t a p h o r , b e y o n d

all th e

fami l i a r con t ing en t

r e a s o n s ,

of

t h i s c o n t r a d i c t o r i n e s s

in

a c t i o n . L i k e p o l y t h e i s m

stricto

sensu,

p lu ra l i s t i c Chr i s t i an i ty show s

us th e

im p o r t a n c e

of

finding, over

a n d

o v e r

a g a i n , a modus vivendi for i n t e g r a t i n g ' t he o t h e r ' . T h e c o m m u n i t y , the

c o m m u n i o n

of

s a i n t s ,

th e

mys t i c a l bod y b ea r t h i s p r i c e .

A s to th e wa r

b e t w e e n the d i f fe ren t go ds , or the so m e t im es b loo dy confl ic t s r e su l t i ng

f r o m d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s

of th e

s a m e G o d , t h e y

all

l e ad

in th e en d to

t h e s t r e n g t h e n i n g of the s o ci al b o d y . H e r e , m y t h o l o g y j o i n s th e r e s u l t s of

t he l a t e s t r e sea rch

in

logic

o r

c y b e r n e t i c s ; d y s f u n c t i o n

a n d

c o n t r a d i c t o r i

ne ss have a far

f rom neg l ig ib l e p l ace

in the

s t r u c t u r i n g

of

rea l i ty

an d its

r e p r e s e n t a t i o n .

It

a l s o j o i n s c e r t a in W e b e r i a n a n a l y s e s , s u c h

as

th i s wel l -

k n o w n o b s e r v a t i o n t h a t b e a r s r e p e a t i n g : ' p o p u l a r w i s d o m t e a c h e s

us

t h a t

a

t h i n g m a y

be

t r u e e v e n

if it is not an d

w hi l e

it is

n e i t h e r b e a u t i f u l , h o l y

no r

g o o d .

B u t

t h e s e

a re

o n l y

th e

m o s t e l e m e n t a r y c a s e s

of

t h e w a r b e t w e e n

th e

g o d s

of

d i f f er e n t o r d e r s

and

d i ff e re n t v a l u e s . '

2 2 In

t h is te x t , W e b e r ,

wh o

m a k e s e x p l i c i t r e f e r e n c e

to it,

c lose ly l i nks po ly th e i sm

and the

p e o p l e .

P e r h a p s

we

s h o u l d

say

t h a t t h e r e

a re

p e r i o d s

in

w h i c h

th e

m a s s , s a t u r a t e d

wi th ra t io na l , f inalized, pr od uc t iv is t

a n d

e c o n o m i s t i c e x p l a n a t i o n s

and

p r o c e d u r e s , r e t u r n s

to the

n a t u r a l , ' e c o l o g i c a l ' s u b s t r a t e

of

all social l ife.

It

is

at

t h i s po in t t h a t

it

finds

the to and fro

m o v e m e n t t h a t

is

e s t ab l i shed

b e t w e e n

th e

v a r i e t y

of

n a t u r e

and the

m ul t i p l i c i ty

of

t he d iv ine . Th i s do es

n o t o c c u r w i t h o u t s o m e c r u e l t y ,

for

w h o s o e v e r s a y s p o l y t h e i s m , s a y s

a n t a g o n i s m . W h o s o e v e r t u r n s to n a t u r e , t u r n s to its ha rs h l aw s , i nc lud ing

v i o l e n c e

and

d e a t h .

Bu t the

f ights be tween

the

g o d s

or of

g r o u p s a m o n g

t h e m s e l v e s is at l e a s t be t t e r t han the d e n i a l of t h e s t r a n g e r . In w a r t i m e , h e

t a k e s

on a

h u m a n f a c e :

he

ex i s t s .

A n d

e v e n

if

h is c u s t o m s

a re

o p p o s e d

to

m y o w n , e v e n if I c o n s i d e r t h e m to be n e i t h e r ' b e a u t i f u l ' , ' h o l y ' n o r ' g o o d ' ,

I c a n n o t p r e v e n t t h e m f r o m b e i n g .

It is

t h i s r e co gn i t i o n t ha t l e t s

us

d r a w

an

a n a l o g y b e t w e e n r e l i g i o u s c a t e g o r i e s a n d soc i al r e l a t i o nsh ips .

W i t h

the

sa m e theo re t i c a l s ens i t i v i ty

as

W e b e r ,

th e

soc io log i s t S im me l

a s k s

us to

c o n s i d e r

G od as coincidentia oppositorum, a

c e n t r e w h e r e

the

a n t i n o m i e s

of

li fe b l end tog e th e r .

In th e

s a m e p a s s a g e

he

re fe r s

to the

t r ibe

( ' t h e o r i g i n a l r e l ig i o u s c o m m u n i t y w a s th e t r i b e ' ) an d to th e d e p e n d e n c e of

t he i nd iv idua l

on the

l a t t e r

- the

d e p e n d e n c e

o n G o d

b e i n g

in

effect

a

' s t y l i z a t i on ' ( t ha t is, at the s a m e t i m e i n - d e p t h and e u p h e m i z e d ) of th e




113

f o r m e r . 2 3 The tribes and their battles, the tight interdependence that

constitutes these tribes and at the same time the necessity of a God that

unit es opp osi tes - such is the mythico -epi stem olog ical fr ame wor k of the

dialectic of love and [of] estrangement' that seems to be at the root of all

social structuring. The fact that religion (re-ligare) is th e exp res sion of a

plu ral socie ty in th e sense th at I have just st at ed is in no way s urpr ising.

Indeed, let us remember that before becoming an institution, with its

accompanying rigidification, religious gatherings served above all as a way

of keeping warm, uniting against the harshness of the social or natural

'state of things'.

It is no less tru e tha t the se gat her ings and the inte rd ep en de nc e they

imply are a heady mixture of communication and conflict. To quote

Simmel once again, the 'side-by-side' experience, the living-together and

the 'all for one and one for all' can go hand in hand with a 'one against the

o t h e r ' . 2 4 We will come back to this later; however, harmony or equilibrium

can be conflictual. In this perspective, the varied elements of the social

whole (like the natural whole) enter into a tight, dynamic mutual

relationship - in short, suggesting the lability synonymous with the living.

The complexity with which Morin speaks to us possesses the same

char acte risti cs; and in this sense the de to ur I am suggesting is pe rh aps not

as useless as it may first appear, since, at the same time as the fear or the

reality of racism mounts, so does the growth of religious groups and

pluriculturalism, and affectual networks take on an increasingly prominent

place in the complexity of modern megalopolises. Obsessed by the

individualist and economic model, which predominated during the modern

period, we have forgotten that social aggregations are founded equally on

affective attraction and rejection. Social passion, whatever some may

think, is an unavoidable reality. By failing to include it in our analyses we

prevent ourselves from understanding a multitude of situations that can no

longer be passed over as so much trivia. This is especially so since, as in all

moments of 'cultural' foundation, the multiracial event bursts in. Without

trying to hide be hin d a foun ding fa ther , we can read a pa rt of Du rk he im 's

The Division of Labour in Society in this per spe cti ve. Whe th er or not it

pleases the epigones who invoke his spirit and set themselves up as

guardians of the Temple, friendship, fellow-feeling and, naturally, their

opposites enter, in a not insignificant way, into the analysis of solidarity.

Witness Durkheim's following statements: 'Everybody knows that we like

those who resemble us, those who think and feel as we do. But the

op po si te is no less tr ue . It very often h ap pe ns tha t we feel kindly

towards those who do not resemble us, precisely because of this lack of

resemblance ' (DLS

y

p .

54 .

Or t her e is Hera clitu s who mainta ins that

'co ntr ari ety is exp ed ien t and that the best agre em en t arises from things

differing and that all things come into being in the way of the principle of

anta gon ism. Differen ce, as likenes s, can be a cause of mutu al attrac tion'

( D L . S ,

p .

55 .

H e says tha t 'bo th typ es' are nece ssar y to nat ura l friend

s h i p s . 2 5 To suggest as an introduction to his work what I would call a



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contradictory friendship would explain this solidarity that lets us under

stand logically how that which differs also completes.

Cer tai nly , the re is an eleme nt of functionalism in this pers pec tive ;

ho we ve r, it is of little im port an ce in so far as it does not eli minate the

contradiction in an abstract way and in that it makes us think otherness,

with its specific dyn ami c. Until now , ant hro pol ogy or ethnol ogy ha d t he

monopoly on researching the other, just as theology was supposed to be

int ere ste d in the abs olu te oth er . It is difficult to maintai n such distinctions

today. The sociology of everyday life in particular has been able to draw

attention to duplicity, the double aspect of every social situation, to the

'aloofness' and the intrinsic plurality of what appe are d hom og ene ous . We

will not return to this. 2 6 On the other hand, we can resolutely direct our

reflections to the fabulous architectonic built on these duplicities and their

syne rgie s. This is full of vitality: disor der ed vitality, caco ph on ous, as I said

ea rl ier , as well as effervescent, yet difficult to deny.

I have already made reference to the period of Late Antiquity and its

analysis as a paradigm for our own time. It was an era filled with 'oracles',

as Brown indicates; and, he adds, when the gods speak, 'we can be sure we

are dealing with groups that can still express themselves collectively'.

2 7

In

these remarks, we can see that contemporary polyphony gives a good

account of the plurality of gods at work on the ongoing task of creating the

new 'culture'. I used the word paradigm in order to insist on the

effectiveness of this historical reference, for we who have conquered space

to o often forget tha t it is also possible to redu ce te mpora l dista nce as well.

We can speak of an 'Einsteinized' time that at once lets us read the present

by 'transporting images' (meta-phors) of the past. Thus, by emphasizing

th e vitality of th e god s - t hei r divers ity - we only stylize the effervescence

of our cities. But we should allow the poet to speak:

It

se em s to me that man is full of go ds l ike a sp on ge im me rs ed in the h ea ve ns .

T h e s e g o d s l i v e , attai n th e su mm it of thei r stre ngth th en die , leav ing their

p e r f u m e d

altars to othe r g o d s . Th ey are the very pr inc ipl es of any transforma

t i o n . T he y are the necess i t y of mo ve me nt . Th us I wa lk ed drun kenl y am on g a

t h o u s a n d div ine inc ar nat ions . (Ar agon , Le Paysan de Paris,

P a r i s ,

Gal l imar d ,

1926)

This movement from culture to civilization, then to the creation of

culture, can be read into the polytheism (antagonism) of values in which

we live today. Some would call this decadence, and why not, if by

de ca de nc e we me an that de at h is red ole nt of birt h. Flow ers that fad e,

exha ust ed by thei r own perf ecti on, bea r the pro mis e of beautiful fruit.

4 .

The organ ic balance

Cultures exhaust themselves; civilizations die; everything becomes

inscribed in the mechanism of saturation ably described by Sorokin. This is

noth ing we do not already know. Th er e is howe ver a mo re interesting




115

que sti on: what is it tha t causes life to pe rd ur e? T he glim mers of an answ er

may in fact be found in the Heraclitian or Nietzschean perspectives:

des truc tion is also con str uct ion . If the traditi on of political hom oge niz ati on

becomes saturated, by and of

itself,

through indifference or due to the

intru sion s of the stra nger, the n it is be cau se it has outlived its usefulness.

As a consequence, the equilibrium it set up ceases to be. This balance was

put into place to the detriment of what we can call difference. We must

now consider how this outsider or ' third person', an anthropological

structure we have followed every step of the way, can be integrated into a

new balance. Indeed, according to the logic of my arguments, and in

reference to many historical situations, we can postulate the existence of an

equilibriu m that is foun ded on the het ero ge neo us . Re tur nin g to a balanc e I

have already evoked earlier, we can say that the unity of bourgeois society

is succ eede d by th e unici ty of the masse s: the masse s no t as an historica l

subject, as in the case of the bourgeoisie or the proletariat, but rather as a

contradictory entity; or as a daily practice in which 'evil', the stranger, the

other, are not exorcized but integrated, according to varied measures and

norms, be they homoeopathic even.

Once again, in the perspective of social passion mentioned earlier, and

which we cannot do without, the problem facing our societies will be to

balance these opposing passions whose antagonisms are accentuated the

moment we acknowledge a natural plurality, a plurality of natures.

2 8

This

is wha t I me an by conflictual ha rm on y, since an equi libri um is mor e

difficult t o attain when passion tr ium phs ove r re as on ; this is a p he no me no n

quite easy to observe in both everyday and civic life.

We can beg in with a no tion th at is difficult to accept tod ay , and tha t

mo re ov er is not even tak en seriously: the not ion of hie rarc hy. Boug ie

re ma rk ed th at the all-embraci ng panth eism of India and its real polytheism

are tightly bound up in the caste system.

2 9

The welcoming characteristic

and the doctr inal n on -do gm ati sm of the Hi nd u religion is in fact bas ed on

its highly developed sense of hierarchy. This paroxysmal situation cannot

be exported as such or even serve as a model; but it is a good example of

how a society can cons truc t an equilibr ium bas ed on the coexi stenc e of

differences, codifying them with an accustomed rigour and building upon

this an architectonic not lacking in solidarity. For his part, Louis Dumont

in his Homo Hierarchicus was able to show a real in te rd ep en de nc e and the

reconciliatio n of comm un iti es pr od uc ed by this syste m. While it is true that

he leaves no room for individualism, he introduces us, in an astonishing

way, to a holistic understanding of society. These works are now well

kn ow n and he nc e nee d no fur ther co mm en t; it is sufficient to use them as a

support in understanding that the arrangement of small groups with

differen t lifestyles and opp os ing ide ologies is a social form that can be

balanced.

What the caste system proposes in an extreme way can be found in a

milder version in the theory of 'estates' in the Middle Ages. It was also a

ma tt er of doc trina l the ori zat ion , since it received rein forc eme nt from



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Thomist Catholicism for example, which proposed, based on the existence

of these 'estates', an idea of democracy that, as Poulat remarked, is

noticeably different from the meaning we give this term today. Thus, this

'democracy no longer pits the lower classes against the others any more

than it adv oca tes their harm on iz ati on , but is op po se d to any social forces

that compr omise their harm ony . . . i t defends proportional equality within

the hierarchical order,

all the while ma ki ng historical refe renc e to the

medieval tradition of the commune' . 3 0 1 would say for my part that this is a

social form found, apart from the examples already mentioned, in

populism, in Utopian constructions (like those of Fourier), in solidarity

perspectives and in their concrete realizations that, in a more or less

sophisticated way, have been strewn throughout our societies since the

nineteenth century.

It goes without saying that, despite any precautions we take ('pro

portional equality', for example), we are far from the egalitarianism - at

least stated - that has charac terized m oder nity since the French Revol ution

pr om ot ed it as a univers al ideal . It is neverth eles s true that we can find

both a real solidarity in this cultural span - even if limited to the group, or

at least to the proxem ic - as well as a way of living with an tago ni sm .

Fou rier , we may rem em be r, pr opo sed in his phalan steries a 'pastry war ', a

form of culinary competition that symbolized the attraction/repulsion

inherent in any sociality. This may even remind one of the ancient

philotimia,

min us the frivolous aspe ct. In de ed , it allow ed the rich and

powerful or the merely lucky to put back into the community a portion of

their gains, whether through public building projects, the construction of

shrines, or shelter for the needy. The philotimia also had a com peti tive

side: favoured by fortune, they and their accomplices issued challenges

that were difficult to refuse. Thus, the hierarchical order permitted

nonetheless an organic equilibrium, that in a coenes thetic way res pon ded

to the needs of the community, representing a ritualized game of

differ ence , in a ma nn er of spe aki ng. The re is no que stio n of a pro cla ime d

and programmed equality, but rather of real adaptation, balance and, what

is more, of a

libido dominandi

(legi timate violence) that can expr ess itself

at a lesser cost for the whole social body. Brown called this 'the model of

pa r i ty ' .

3 1

This perspective has the advantage of accounting for the two elements of

any worldl y life: conflict and comm un ica tio n. Mo re ov er , it offers a mod el

of 'profitability' of their joint exis tenc e. In this way, it is no t a nac hronist ic;

by applying it to the case of the development of Brazil, Gilberto Freyre

even speaks of a 'process of counterbalancing' . 3 2 Th er e is always the

danger of watering down the model, or of justifying oppression: only a

concrete analysis allows us to form an opinion; but in terms of logic, there

is no reason to condemn it out of hand. In any case, as far as these

reflections are concerned, we are thus able to understand how the

negotiations between antagonisms can serve to balance the whole and,

furthermore, how in the stranger confronting the citizen, the wanderer





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cyclical time divided into moments. This cyclical evolution gives each

group the assurance that it will be able to benefit once again from a

moment in time that is reserved for it alone. In this respect, we need only

know that the preparations for Carnaval are carried out by individuals well

ah ea d of ti me . Thi s ass ura nce is significant when we know that time

ma na ge me nt is the prim ordi al elem ent in wha t I have called 'confr onting

destiny'. For a determined period of time and in relation to other

mo me nt s, the peo ple k nows that it is capabl e of exercising its sove reignt y.

This moment of popular sovereignty then allows for the integration of

the anomic, the stranger. Da Matta speaks of 'periphery' and of 'edge'

( p . 65) . Referri ng to what I said earl ier, it is a ques tion of anam nes is. Th e

bandit, the prostitute and even death (the absolute other) may be

expressed as em bl em at ic figures. T he social body rem em be rs that it is an

inextricable blend of contradictory elements; and the multiplicity of guises

and the situati ons to which the y lead is illumina ting . Al so , it is qu ite

co mm on for an individual to cha nge cos tum es on a daily basis: an exte rnal

as well as internal multiplicity, in other words. In this way, the antagonists

are play ed against each oth er in an ent ert ain ing way, or exha ust them selv es

in the contests put on by the samba schools and individuals whose primary

con cern rema ins the cost of the cos tum es. No one is im mune to this

competition; and there are many anecdotes and direct observations that

will astoni sh the more calculating am on g us. Th e above- men tio ne d

philotimia could here be appli ed to the mas s: the ex pe nd itu re , even by

those who have nothing, is a way of putting back into the collective circuit

all that had been privatized: money and sex. Just as the powerful of ancient

times bought favour by const ructin g temp les , he re we are forgiven ou r

normal individuality by constructing cathedrals of light at this festive time.

Fu rt he rm or e, apar t from the collectively played antagon isms, apart from

the plurality of characteristics expressed in costume, we find the acceptance

of the st ra nger . The fact that it is re nd er ed em bl em at ic is a way of

acknowl edging its pres ence . Thus , although racism is per hap s not absent

from the everyday life of Brazil, the effervescence and theatricality of

Carnaval are a way of relativizing it and tempering it, to some extent.

Through these few characteristics of Carnaval, a form of organicity is

exper ien ced . Th e whole Carna val is inscribed in the organicity of the

tripartite festivities; within the Carnaval, we can find a specific organicity

that leaves real room for the multiplicity of functions and characteristics.

An d th e fact that this multiplicity is 'on ly' make -bel ieve doe s not cha nge

any thi ng. Th e imaginar y is increasingly gra nte d a role in s truct uring

society.

This ritual effervescence and cyclical contradictoriness permits the

reinforcement, in everyday life, of the feeling of participating in a

collective body. Just as Carnaval permits us to play the role of a general or

a count or so me other prom in en t figure, we can later ta ke glory in being

this general's chauffeur; or, as Da Matta reports, see an entire household

rejoice in the title of Baron being conferred on the boss. 3 4

There is almost




119

a 'participation', in the mystical sense of the term. It accentuates the

concrete, secondary effects (financial, privileges, favours), but also the

symbolic ones. By making common cause with a superior entity, I am

reinforced in my own existence. It leads us to attribute a wider spectrum to

solidarity, and not to limit it to its sole egalitarian and/or economic

dimension.

The difference experienced in the hierarchy may be the vector of the

social equilibriu m that so preoc cupie s us. An ot he r everyday examp le can

be the basic sociality; the neighbourhood life, the everyday life without

quality that is seen as a non -en tity in a mac ros cop ic pers pec tive, but that

rec ove rs its significance with the acce ntu ati on of pro xem ics . Her e we can

see the same mechanism of participation mentioned above. This participa

tion can be in a neighbourhood, in a group, or in the form of an

emblematic animal, a guru, a football team or a minor local leader. This is

a form of clien telism in whic h hier archy is called up on onc e mor e to play a

role. We 'belong' to a place, a group, or a local personality who thus

becomes an eponymous hero. Studies on the senior civil service, university

and senior executives all highlight this process. The intellectual microcosm,

for med as it is of perfect e xa mp le s of 'free spi rit s', canno t esca pe it: in the

scorn reserved for the work of competitors anathematized by the pro

fessor; in the low blows exchanged inside various commissions, and so on.

It remains to

participate

in the glory and the wra th of the mas ter . Ί am his

ma n' is not a ph ras e often he ard in Fre nc h nowa da ys , eve n if the reality

exists, whereas in Italy one can still frequently hear:

Ί ο sono di Vuno, io

sono delValtro. I am from his clan , his g r o u p . 3 5 Should we regret it? Should

we fight it? It is, in any case, interesting to observe its effects. Inasmuch as

in a given domain, groups can relativize themselves; this clan process can

admit the game of difference, the expression of everyone and thus a form

of balance. I have already said of the Mafia that it may be 'a metaphor of

socie ty ' . 3 6

When the rules of proper conduct are respected, there is

regulation and organic order, which cannot fail to be beneficial to all.

All the actors are an integral part of the same scene, while their roles are

different, hierarchical, sometimes conflictual. Reciprocal regulation is

surely a human constant, an anthropological structure found in all large

socio-cultural groups. This was highlighted by G. Dumezil and was

rediscovered in its own way by modern physics: Einstein's theory of

relativity is the

proof.

In each of these large groups we find a definite

pol yth eis m, whe th er it is affirmed or mo re or less hi dden . Even whe n the re

is an appa re nt monova le nc e of a value (a god ), one always finds an

alternative value or several, existing mezza voce, which hav e the ir own

effects on the social str uct ure a nd its equ ilib rium. Th us , for exa mpl e can be

seen the many heretical movements that existed within rigid medieval

Christianity or even the popular Hassidism that was to pierce the

intransigent Mosaical mo no th ei sm . 3 7

Just like che mis try , it is all a que stio n of combina tio n: t hro ugh the

differe ntiate d associa tion of el em en ts , we obt ain such and such a specific



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compound; but, with a minimal change or by moving an element, the entity

may t ak e on a new form. This is how, in the en d, on e social equi libriu m

passe s int o an ot he r. It is in the frame wor k of such a com bin ato rial logic

that we have tried to appreciate the role of the outsider; this third person

forms societies but is too often forgotte n. The ore tic al or an ecdota l

historical references were meant to underline that his acknowledgement

always corresponds to a founding moment, a moment of

culture.

On the

other hand, the weakening of culture in civilization tends to favour the

turning back to unity, to instill fear of the stranger. Another key idea is to

postulate that the effervescence surrounding the outsider is correlative

with an accentuation of the people, who are reinforced by the idea of

difference, which they know to be beneficial to each and every one of

them. Religious and mystical images are illuminating in this regard, for

they remind us and embody, in a manner of speaking, at the everyday

level, this collective Utopia, this imagined celestial community in which 'we

will all be identical and different, just as all points on the circle are identical

and different with respect to the centre'. 3 8

We can see tha t this allusive and met aph ori cal reflection is not un rel ate d

to contemporary reality; I have shown this throughout my analysis. The

sociality that is mani fest ing itself be for e our eyes is founde d, with grea te r

or lesser force , accordin g to the situati on, on the ancient anta gon ism

between the wanderer and the sedentary. As is the case with any passage

from one combinatorial logic to another, it is not without fear and

trembling, even on the part of observers that remain social protagonists as

well. But if we can create a work of lucidity which, outside of any

judgemental at t i tude, is ou r sole re qu ir em en t, the n we will be able to

recognize, to paraphrase Walter Benjamin, that 'every document of

civilization is also a do cu me nt of ba rba rit y'.

Notes

1. Ind eed , it see ms necessary to me to reverse these Durkhei mia n con cep ts, cf. my

p r o p o s a l s : M. Maffesoli, La Violence totalitaire, Paris, PU F, 1979, p. 210 , not e 1; G. Sim mel ,

Probleme de Philosophie de VHistoire, Paris, PU F, 1 984, p. 131. Cf. the idea of 'Hete ro-

cu l tu re introduced by J. Poirier.

2 . Cf. the preface to the 2nd editi on of M. Maffesoli ,

L'Ombre de Dionysos. Contribution a

une

sociologie de Vorgie,

Paris, Librairie des Meridi ens, 1985. On the 'we- Dio nys us' , I woul d

also

refer to the article by M. Bourlet, 'Dionysos, le meme et l'autre',

Nouvelle Revue

d'ethnopsychiatrie,

no. 1 (19 83) , p. 36.

3 . Cf. J. Freu nd, Sociologie du conflit, Paris, PU F, 1 983, p. 14. Natura lly, on e shoul d also

refer to L'Essence du politique, Paris, Sirey, 1965, Ch. 7. For a go od analysis of the outsider ,

cf. J. H. Park, 'Conflit et communication dans le mode de penser coreen', Thesis, Universite

de Paris V, 1985, p. 57, et seq.

4 .

As an exa mpl e of the contrad ictio ns of 'so-called dual organi zatio ns', Cf., C . Levi-

S trau s s ,

Structural Anthropology,

Ne w York , Basic Bo oks , 1976, p. 161; also G. Dum^zil,

Jupiter, Mars, Quirinus,

Paris, Gallimard, 1941, and G. Duran d,

L'Ame tigrie, lespluriels de

psycha,

Paris, Den oel -M edi ati on, 1980, pp. 83 -8 4, and the psychological experime nt

mentioned

by P. Watzlawick,

La Realita de la realite,

French transl. Paris, Seui l, 1978, p. 90.




121

5 . O n t r i a d i s m d e r i v e d f r o m a sy m b o l is t v is i o n , c f. G . D u r a n d ,

La Foi du cordonn ier,

P a r i s , D e n o e l , 1 9 8 4 , p . 9 0 ; a l s o M . L a l i v e d ' E p i n a y , Groddeck, P a r i s, E d i t i on U n i v e r s i t a i r e ,

1983 ,

p p . 5 6 - 5 7 fo r t h i s p s y c h o a n a l y s t ' s n o t i o n o f t r i n i t a r i a n d i v i s i o n .

6 . C f . K . S c h i p p e r ,

Le Corps taoi'ste,

P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 2 , p . 1 4 6 ( m y e m p h a s i s ) a n d p . 1 6 .

7 . C f. E . M o r i n , La Nature de l 'URSS, P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 3 , p . 1 8 1 . O n t h e d i ff e r e n t i a l

' r e a l i t i e s ' , c f. G . S i m m e l , Problemes de la Sociologie des religions, P a r i s , C . N . R . S . , 1 9 6 4, v o l.

17,

p . 1 3 ; f or a n a n a l y s i s o f A r i s t o t l e ' s t e x t , c f. F r e u n d ,


p . 3 6 ,

et seq.

8 . C f . P . T a c u s s e l ' s a n a l y s i s o f ' g e n e r a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ' i n

L' Attraction sociale,

P a r i s ,

L i b r a i r i e d e s M o r i d i e n s , 19 8 4 .

9 . L . R e a u ,

L'E urope franqaise au siede des Lu mieres,

P a r i s , A l b i n M i c h e l , 1 9 5 1 , p . 3 0 3 ,

et

seq.

10 . M a f f e s o l i , La Violen ce totalitaire.

11.

F . H o f f e t , Psychanalyse de VA lsace, S t r a s b o u r g , 1 98 4 , p p . 4 8 , 3 8 . O n e m i g h t a l so m a k e

r e f e r e n c e t o S ic il y o r t o t h e a c t i o n s of t h e E m p e r o r F r e d e r i c k I I .

12 .

C f . O . R e v a u l t d ' A l l o n e s ' n o t e i n

M usiqu es, variations sur la pensee juive,

P a r i s ,

E d i t i o n C . B o u r g o i s , 1 9 7 9 , p . 4 7 .

13.

C f . P . B r o w n ,

Au gustine of Hippo,

B e r k e l e y , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l if o r n i a P r e s s , 1 9 6 7,

p p .

2 1 3 - 2 1 9 .

14 . I w i ll r e f e r h e r e t o a l e a r n e d a n d e x h a u s t i v e a r t i c le t h a t a p p e a r e d a f t e r m y w o r k o n t h e

d i o n y s i a c , B o u r l e t , ' D i o n y s o s , l e m e m e e t l ' a u t r e ' , Nou velle Revue de I'ethn opsychiatrie. O n

w h a t h e j u s t l y c a l l e d ' t h e w o r k o f t h e e x i l e ' , c f. G . R e n a u d ,

A VO mbre du rationalisme,

M o n t r e a l , E d i t i o n s S t M a r t i n , 1 9 8 4 , p . 1 7 1 .

15 .

M . M a f f e s o l i , La Con naissance ordinaire. Precis de sociologie com prehen sive, P a r i s ,

L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 5 , p . 1 3 2 . O n t h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , cf. R e a u ,

L'Europe

franqaise,

p . 3 6 8 . C f . a l s o t h e w o r k o f C o e u r d e r o y ,

H ourra, la revolution par les Cosaques,

P a r i s, E d i t i o n s C h a m p L i b r e , 19 7 2 .

16 .

M . F . B a s l e z , L'E tranger dans la Grece An tique, P a r i s , E d i t i o n L e s B e l l e s L e t t r e s ,

1984 ,

p . 75 .

17 .

G . F r e y

r e , Th e M asters an d the Slaves: A Study in the Developmen t of Brazilian

Civilization, N e w Y o r k , A l fr e d E . Knopf, 1 9 6 3 , e . g . p . 2 1 9 . C f. a l s o R . M o t t a , ' L a S o c i o l o g i e

a u B r e s i l ' , Cahiers In ternational de Sociologie, P a r i s , P U F , v o l . 7 8 ( 1 9 8 5 ) . F o r G . S i m m e l ,

cf. G r a f e m e y e r , I . J o s e p h e d . ,

L'E cole de Chicago

( P a r i s , A u b i e r , 1 9 8 4 ).

18 .

C . B o u g i e ,


C a m b r i d g e , C a m b r i d g e U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s, 1 9 7 1,

p . 189 .

19 .

O n t h i s d i s t i n c t i o n a n d C h r i s t ia n p o l y t h e i s m , I r e f e r t o M a f f e s o li ,

L'Om bre de

Dionysos.

A s t o t h e w o r k o f D u r a n d , c f. in p a r t i c u la r

La Foi du cordonnier.

Fo r an an a l y s i s o f

p o p u l a r r e li g io n , s e e Y . L a m b e r t ,

Dieu change en Bretagne,

P a r i s ,

Cerf,

1 9 8 5 . W e m i g h t

r e t a i n o n e r e m a r k : ' t h e b l u n d e r s m a d e a b o u t p o p u l a r r e li g io n w o u l d n o t b e s o p e r s is t e n t if

m o s t s p ec i a l i s t s d i d n o t l i m i t t h em s e l v es t o q u e s t i o n i n g t h e ac t i v i s t s , t h e o f f ic i a l s . . . w h o a r e

o n l y t o o g l ad t o o b l i g e ' ( p . 1 7 ) .

2 0 .

C f . f or e x a m p l e A . F a i v r e ,

Eck artshausen et la theosophie,

P a r i s , E d i t i o n s K l i n c k s i e ck ,

1969 ,

p . 14 a n d M . E . C o u g h t r e e , ' R h y t h m o m a c h i a , a p r o p a e d e u t i c g a m e o f t h e M i d d l e

A g e s ' , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a p e T o w n , 1 9 8 5, p . 2 6 .

2 1 .

E . P o u l a t , Eg lise contre bourgeoisie, P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 19 7 7 , p . 5 9 a n d p . 13 0 o n t h e

Simultaneum,

cf . p . 87 an d

Catholicisme, dem ocratic et socialisme ,

P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 77 ,

p .

4 8 6 . I k n e w o f s u c h a v i ll a g e , W a n g e n , w h e r e t h e m a s s w a s ce l e b r a t e d in t h e p r o t e c t i v e

s h a d o w o f a s t a i n e d - g l a s s w i n d o w in w h i c h f ig ur e d t h e e y e o f t h e C r e a t o r c o n t a i n e d w i t h i n a n

i s o s c e l e s t r i a n g l e - a m a s o n i c s y m b o l if e v e r t h e r e w a s o n e a n d a n a b l e m e t a p h o r o f t r i a d i s m

2 2 .

M . W e b e r ,

Le S avant et le politique,

F r e n c h t r a n s l . b y J . F r e u n d , P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 5 9 ,

p .

93 .

2 3 .

T h e s e m e a n d e r i n g s a r e b a s e d o n S i m m e l ' s t e x t , ' P r o b l e m e s d e la s o c i o lo g i e d e s

r e l i g i o n s ' .

2 4 .

Ib i d . , p . 1 7.



122

T H E T I M E O F T H E

TRIBES

2 5 . E . D ü r k h e i m ,

Th e Division of Labour in Society,

N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 , p p . 1 7 ,

18 , et seq. O n d i f fe r e n c e in c o n j u g a l s o c i e t y , c f. I . P e n n a c c h i o n i , La Polimologie conju gate,

P a r i s , M a z a r i n e , 1 9 8 6.

2 6 .

O n t h e e v e r y d a y w h i c h ' h i d e s a f u n d a m e n t a l d i v e r s i ty ' c f. M . d e C e r t e a u a n d L . G i a r d ,

L'Ordinaire de la comm un ication,

P a r i s , D a l l o z , 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 1 . O n ' d u p l ic i t y ' , s e e m y c h a p t e r

' D e l ' a p p a r e n c e a u c y n i sm e ' i n La Conqu ete du present, pour un e sociologie de la vie

quotidienne,

P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9 .

2 7 . P . B r o w n ,

The Making of Late Antiqui ty,

C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . , H a r v a r d U n i v e r s it y

Pres s , 1 9 7 6 , p . 3 8 .

2 8 .

F o r a s im i l a r ob s e r v a t i o n f r o m a F r e u d i a n p o i n t o f v i e w c f. A . G . S a l m a ,

Les Chasseurs

d'absolu: Genäse de Ι α gauche et de la droite, Paris , Gr asse t , 1980 , pp . 21 , 22 and 24 on

H erac l i tu s .

2 9 . C f. B o u g i e , Essays on the Caste System, p . 5 5 ; L . D u m o n t , Homo Hierarchus: the Caste

System and its Implications,

Ch i cag o , Un i ver s i ty o f Ch i ca go Pres s , 1980 .

3 0 . P o u l a t , Catholicisme, democratie et socialisme, p . 85 , no te 33 and p . 86 .

3 1 .

B r o w n , The Making of Late Antiquity, p. 35 . Cf. his ana lysis of the ph ilotimia. W e are

far f rom wh at G . R en a u d i n A VOm bre du rationalisme, ca l l s socia l -s tat i sm (social-etatisme)

cf. p. 215.

3 2 . Cf . Frey

r e ,

The Masters and the Slaves, p . 93 .

3 3 . R . D a M a t t a , Carnaval, bandits et heros, Paris , Seui l , 1983 , p . 57 , et seq. O n

theatrica l i ty and the confr onting of dest iny , I wo uld refer to my boo k La Conquete du

present. Reg ard i n g th e s am b a , c f. M . S od re , Samba ο dono do corpo, R i o d e Jan e i ro ,

Cod ecr i , 1979 .

3 4 .

R . D a M a t t a ,

Carnaval, bandits et heros,

p . 183 an d th e re feren c es to M a ch a d o d e

As s i s , s ee n o te 2 .

3 5 .

A . M e d a m ,

Arcanes de Naples,

Par i s , E d i t i on d es Au tres , 1989 , p . 78 , p rov i d es a good

an a l ys i s o f c l i en te l i s m i n Nap l es . Wi th res p ect to b u s i n es s es , s ee A . Wi ck h am an d M .

P a t t e r s o n ,

Les Carrieristes,

Paris , Ra m say , 1984. I t cont ains a go od analys i s and class i f icat ion

o f n e twork s .

3 6 .

M . M af fes o l i , L a maf fi a co m m e metap h ore d e l a s oc i a l i t e

Cahiers International de

Sociologie, P a r i s , P U F , v o l . 7 3 ( 1 9 8 2 ) , p p . 3 6 3 - 3 6 9 .

37 . Cf . th e exa mp l es g i ven b y G . D u ra n d ,

L'Ame tigree. Les pluriels de psyche,

Paris ,

D en oe l , 1980 , p . 143 an d n o t es . O n E i n s te i n an d gen era l re l a t i v ity , c f. J . E . Ch aro n , L'Esprit,

cet inconnu,

Par i s , A l b i n M i ch e l , 1977 , p . 56 .

3 8 . J . L acarr i ere , L'Ete grec, Paris ,

P l ö n , 1 9 7 6 , p . 5 4 f o r a n a n a l y si s o f G r e e k m y s t i c i s m .



6

1. T h e c o m m u n i t y o f d e s t i n y

O b s e s s e d a s w e h a v e b e c o m e w i t h t h e g r e a t e n t i t i e s i m p o s e d o n u s s in c e

t h e e i g h t e e n t h c e n t u r y - H i s t o r y , P o l i t i c s , E c o n o m i c s , t h e I n d i v i d u a l - i t i s

d if fi cu lt f o r u s t o f o c u s o n ' t h e m o s t e x t r e m e c o n c r e t e ' ( W a l t e r B e n j a m i n )

th a t i s t h e l if e o f t he o rd ina ry pe rso n . I t w o u ld ap p ea r , ho w ev e r , t ha t t h i s

w i l l be a c ruc i a l , o r a t l e a s t unavo idab le , focus fo r decades t o come . A nd i t

i s no t ne w . Wi t h in t h e f ra m ew or k o f t he se pa ge s , ev e r f a it h ful t o my cau se ,

I sha l l t ry t o show bo th i t s an th ropo log ica l roo t s and the spec i f i c

m o d u l a t i o n s t h a t it d i s p l a y s t o d a y .

T h e r e a re t ime s w he n w h a t ma t t e r s i s l e s s a qu es t io n o f t he i nd iv idu a l

t h a n t h e c o m m u n i t y o f w h i c h h e o r s h e is a m e m b e r , o r w h e n t h e g r e a t

h i s t o r y o f e v e n t s is l e ss i m p o r t a n t t h a n h i s t o r i e s e x p e r i e n c e d e v e r y d a y : t h e

i m p e r c e p t i b l e s i t u a t i o n s w h i c h c o n s t i t u t e o u r c o m m u n i t y n e t w o r k . T h e s e

t w o a s p e c t s s e e m t o m e t o c h a r a c t e r i z e w h a t c a n b e r e n d e r e d b y t h e t e r m

' p r o x e m i c s ' . O f c o u r s e i t r e q u i r e s u s t o p a y a t t e n t i o n t o t h e r e l a t i o n a l

componen t o f soc i a l l i f e . Man in re l a t i on : no t on ly a s fa r a s r e l a t i ons

b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s a r e c o n c e r n e d ; b u t a l s o t h o s e w h i c h l i n k m e w i t h a

l a n d s c a p e , a c i t y , a n a t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t t h a t I s h a r e w i t h o t h e r s . T h e s e a r e

t h e d a y - t o - d a y h i s t o r i e s :

time crystallized in space.

T h e his to ry of a p lac e

n o w b e c o m e s a p e r s o n a l h i s t o r y . T h r o u g h a p r o c e s s of s e d i m e n t a t i o n , t h e

an od yn e - ma d e u p o f rituals, o do u rs , no i se s , im ag es , a rch i t e c tu ra l

c o n s t r u c t i o n s - b e c o m e s w h a t N i e t z s c h e c a l l e d a ' f ig u r a t iv e j o u r n a l ' . A

jo ur na l w h ich t e ac he s w ha t w e mu s t say , d o , t h i nk , l ove . I t i s a j ou rn a l t ha t

t e aches us t ha t ' he re w e may l i ve , s i nce he re w e a re l i v ing ' . Thus , a 'w e ' i s

fo rmed tha t a l l ow s each o f us t o see ' beyond the ephemera l and ex t ravagan t

individua l l i fe ' ; tha t a l lows us to fee l ' l ike the spi r i t of the house , the

fami ly , t he c i t y ' . The re i s no be t t e r w ay o f de sc r ib ing the change in ou t look

w hich I be l i eve w e mus t make . In t h i s d i f fe ren t focus , an emphas i s w i l l be

p l a ced o n w h a t i s co m m o n to a l l , on w ha t is do ne b y a l l , if on ly on a

m i c r o s c o p i c l e v e l : ' h i s t o r y f r o m b e l o w ' . 1

I t so ha pp en s t ha t such an em ph as i s i s ex pre sse d regu la r ly . It m ay be t ha t

it is a t t h e s e m o m e n t s o f f e r m e n t a t i o n t h a t , g r e a t i d e a l s b e i n g s a t u r a t e d ,

the w ays o f l i f e t ha t w i l l gove rn our de s t i n i e s a re e s t ab l i shed th rough a

m y s t e r i o u s p r o c e s s o f a l c h e m y . It is a q u e s t i o n o f t r a n s m u t a t i o n , s i n c e

n o t h i n g i s c r e a t e d ; s u c h a n d s u c h a m i n o r e l e m e n t , o n c e a g a i n c o m e s t o t h e

f o r e g r o u n d , t a k e s o n a p a r t i c u l a r s i gn i fi c an c e a n d b e c o m e s d e t e r m i n a n t .

O F

P R O X E M I C S



124

T H E

T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

Such is the case for those various forms of primary groupings which are

the basic elements of any social structure. In analysing the Hellenistic

civilization, F. Chamoux observed that what we easily term a period of

decadence was once considered the 'golden age of the Greek city-state'.

This may no longer designate a History in progress, but its intense daily

activity demonstrates a certain vitality, a specific force that invests itself in

the strengthening of the 'community cell, upon which all civilization is

founded ' . 2 Inde ed , the great forces may confron t on e an ot he r in or de r to

run t he whol e world or to creat e His tor y; as to the city, it is conten t to

assu re its per dur abi lity , to pro tect its ter rito ry, to organ ize itself ar ound

co mm on myt hs. Myth versus Hist ory: to retu rn to a spatial ima ge , the

extension (ex-tendere) of Histo ry is conf ronte d with the 'in-t ensi on' (in-

tendere) of myt h which will favou r tha t which is shared and its inhe rent

mechanism of attraction-repulsion.

Mo re ov er , this is on e of the factors of polycu lturalis m which we hav e

already touched on (Chapter 5). Indeed, the territory-myth pai r that is the

organi zing princi ple of the city is bo th cause and effect of such a st ructure.

That is, like a nest of Russian dolls, the city reveals other entities of the

same type: neighbourhoods, ethnic groups, associations, various tribes that

will organize themselves around (real or symbolic) territory and common

myths. These Hellenistic cities are founded essentially on the double

polarit y of cosm opol itan ism and roo ted ne ss (which, as we kn ow , was to

produce a specific civilization).

3 What does this say other than that all these

groups, strongly united by common sentiments, will structure a collective

me mo ry which in its very diversity is a founding str uct ure . Thes e gro ups

may be of many types (ethnic, social); structurally, it is their diversity that

assures the unicity of the city. As Lupa sco said of the physical or logical

'contradictoriness', it is the

tension

be twe en the variou s gro ups that assure s

the durability of the whole.

Th e City of Florence is an illuminating example of this. When Savanarola

wished to describe the ideal type of a republic, it was the Florentine

structure that served as his model. And just what was it? Very simple, if

the truth be told , and very different from the pejo rativ e con no tat ion

generally given to the description 'Florentine'. So in his De Politia, he

bases the architectonic of the city on the idea of proximity. The civitas is

the natural combination of smaller associations

(vici).

It is the inte rpl ay

of these elements that guarantees the best political system. In an

almost Durkheimian way, he bases the solidity of the system on those

'intermediate zones', which escape extreme wealth as well as the direst

pover ty .

4

Thus ,

the exper ienc e of the co mm on life is the very fou nda tion of the

gr ande ur of a city. It is true that Flo ren ce has kno wn glory ; a nu mb er of

observers have pointed out what this owes to an ancient 'popular civic

tradition'. The classical humanism that produced the works we know today

could also be fertilized by the culture of the

volgare.5 Thi s fact should be



O F P R O X E M I C S

125

re me mb er ed , for alth ough the foreign policy of the city was not rem ark

able,

its domestic vitality, in all domains, had an impact that was to remain

significant for a long time. This vitality was founded on what could be

called a micro-loc alism tha t cre ate d cu ltu re.

Th e 'natur al comb ina tion ' I men tio ned previously is of course reason

ably cul tur al, that is, pr od uc ed from a co mm on e xp eri ence , from a series of

adjustments that were more or less able to constitute a form of balance

from very het ero gen eo us ele men ts: conflictual ha rmo ny of a sort. This

struck W eber as significant; in his essay on the city, he no tes th e to and fro

mo vem en t which is established be twee n the peo ple

(popolo)

and the

political str uct ure . Of cour se , this is only a ten de nc y; but is neve rthe les s

instructive and accounts for the adjustment between the above-mentioned

civitas and vicus. We can find in it so me th ing of the co smo polit ani sm/

rootedness dialectic of Hellenistic cities; but here the two poles would be

the patrician family and the people. They neutralize one another to an

ex te nt ; the 'chiefs of eco nomic all y and politically powerful families . . .

distributed the positions among themselves' . 6 As the political expression of

the polytheism of values, this sharing of honours is a way of tempering

power while distributing it. At the same time, thanks to this quasi-state

struct ure , the city possessed its own au tonomy (e conomic, military, financial)

and could then negotiate with equally autonomous cities.

However, this autonomy was relativized within the city itself by the

organization of the popolo. As a cou nte rpo int to the patricia ns, the popolo

represented the 'fraternization of professional associations (arti or paratici)\

This did not prevent it from recruiting a militia and paying its employees

(the Capitanus populi and his ba nd of officer s).7

One might say that this

fraternization came out of proximity: nei ghb our hoo ds and associations

represented puissance, the basic sociability of the cities in ques tion . In this

way, appearances to the contrary, the close and the quotidian are what

assu re sove reignty ove r exi sten ce. Such a st at em en t is occasionally necess

ary, and there are several historical examples to illustrate it; but as always,

what can be seen at these specific moments can only translate an

underlying structure that in ordinary times guarantees the durability of a

social entity, whatever it may be. Without giving it a too-precise political

con not ati on, the 'm ass ' is con stan t; in its variou s guises, the simplest

expression of the recognition of the local as the community of destiny.

The noble, through opportunism and/or political alliances, can vary,

cha nge terri tory ; the mer chan t, by the dema nds of his profession, inevitably

circulates; as to the mass, it guarantees stability. As Gilberto Freyre points

out with respect to Por tuga l, the mass is the 'de pos ito ry of the natio nal

feeling which was lacking in the ruling class'.

8

Of course, this remark is in

ne ed of nu an ce ; bu t it is sur e tha t faced with the freq uen t c om pro mis es of

the governing classes, one finds a certain 'intransigence' in the popular

layers. They feel more responsible for 'la patrie'; taking this term in its

simples t mean ing, the fat her lan d. Th is is easily un de rs to od : as the least

mobile class, the mass is stricto sensu the 'genius of pl ac e' . Its day-to-day



126

T H E


life assu res a link bet wee n tim e and spac e; it is the 'non-c ons cious'

guardian of sociality.

It is in this sens e that we must under sta nd the collective me mo ry , the

memory of everyday life. This love of the nearby and the present is

moreover independent of the groups that invoke it. To express it in the

ma nn er of Walt er Ben jam in, it is an aura, an all-encompassing valu e,

which I hav e already propos ed calling an 'imma nen t tra nsc end enc e'. It is

an ethic that acts as a glue between the various groups that participate in

this space-time. Thus, the stranger and the sedentary, the patrician and the

ordinary man are, volens nolens, full pa rti cipants in a force tha t surpas ses

and assu res the stability of the whol e. Ea ch of these el em en ts is for a tim e a

prisoner of this glutinum mundi tha t, accor ding to the alchem ists of the

Middle Ages, guaranteed the harmony of the global and the particular.

As I hav e said earl ier, there is a tight link bet wee n spac e and eve ryday

life, which is surely the repository of a sociality we can no longer ignore.

Many studies of cities have highlighted this point; it comes across, albeit

prudently, in the preface by Raymond to the book by Young and Willmott:

'we must believe that, in certain cases, urban morphology and working

class lifestyle manage to form a harmonious whole'. 9 Of course, such

harmony exists; it is even the outcome of what I am proposing to call the

'community of destiny'. And for those familiar with the inside of the

courees

of the no rt h of Fra nce or the

bätisses*

of the sou th an d centr al

regi ons of the coun try , ther e is no doub t that this 'mo rpho logy ' serves as a

crucible for the adjustment between various groups. Naturally, and it

cannot be emphasized enough, any harmony also brings with it a dose of

conflict. Th e commu ni ty of destiny is an ac comm odati on t o the natur al and

social en vi ro nm en t, and as such is forced to confron t h ete rog eneit y in its

various guises.

This heterogeneity, this contradictory mix, no longer belongs to a history

that can be acted upon - especially through political action - but rather a

history with which one must negotiate, with which one must work for

better or for worse. And this cannot be judged from the point of view of a

life tha t is any thi ng but alien ate d, from a logic of 'ou gh t'. Refe rring to

the Simmelesque metaphor of the 'bridge and the door', which link and

which separate, the emphasis on the spatial, on territory, makes relational

man a mixture of openness and reserve. We know that a certain affability is

often the sign of a powerful 'aloofness'. All of this serves to show that

proxemics in no way means unanimity; it does not postulate, as history

does,

the surpassing of the contradictory, of that which embarrasses (or

those who are embarrassing). As the trivial expression goes: ' let 's make

d o ,

hence an

appropriation,

even if rela tive , of exis tenc e. In de ed , in not

aiming for a possibly perfect life, a celestial or terrestrial paradise, we get

use d to wha t we ha ve . It is tru e that, bey ond t he vari ous and often po or

Transl. note: couree:

in the Nort h of Fr an ce, a small dark cour tyar d shar ed by sever al poor

h o u s e h o l d s ; bätisse:

a building pr incipally constr ucted of ma sonr y.





128

T H E

T I M E OF

THE

TRIBES

Returning once again to a thematic that since Durand and Morin has left

no intellectual indifferent, it must be recogniz ed tha t ther e is an e ndles s

process at work that goes from the culturization of nature to the

naturalization of culture; this allows us to understand the subject in both

his social and natur al mil ieu. It is im po rt an t in this res pec t to be sensitive to

the changes under way in our societies. The purely rational and progressive

mode l of the Wes t, which spre ad over the worl d, is bec omi ng sa tur ate d,

and we are witnessing an interpenetration of cultures which recalls the

third term (contrad ictorines s) I men tion ed. Alon gside this Westerni zatio n,

which, since the end of the previous century has been accelerating, there

are many signs around us that refer us to what may be termed an

'Ea ste rn iza tio n' of the worl d. This is exp ress ed in specific lifestyles, new

habits of dress, without neglecting to mention new attitudes towards the

occupation of space and the body. On this last point especially, one must

be aware of the development and the variety of 'alternative medicines' and

various group therapies. Moreover, research currently under way high

lights the fact that, far from being marginal, these practices, in various

guises, are branching off into all parts of the social body. Naturally, this

goes hand in hand with the introduction of syncretist ideologies, which,

attenuating the classic body -soul dic hotomy, surreptitiously enc ou rag e a n ew

spirit of the times to which the sociologist ca nno t rema in indifferent. On e

can find this intrusion of 'foreignness' occurring occasionally, as was the

case with the Egyptomania as explained by Baltrusaitis; but it would

appear that the process it triggers is no longer the privilege of an elite;

rather it gives rise to those small tribes that by concatenation and various

intersec tions have a cultural i mp ac t.

1 2

Th e essential quality of the above- men tio ned signs is a new deal for th e

space-ti me relationsh ip. To return to the notions I have been propo sing

since the begi nnin g, the emphasis is plac ed on the nea r and the affectual:

tha t which unite s on e to a pla ce, a place that is experi enc ed a mo ng ot he rs .

By way of heuristic illustration, I would refer to Berque, who stated that 'it

is no t impos sible that certai n cont em po ra ry aspec ts of Wes ter n cult ure

intersect with certain traditional aspects of Japanese culture'. 1 3 If one pays

close attention to this analysis, one will discover that the highlights of this

inte rsec tion a re its emphas is on the glob al, on na tu re , on the re latio nshi p

to the envi ron men t, which all pro duc e a com mun al type of beha viou r: ' the

nature/culture relationship and the subject/other relationship are indissolubly

linked to the perception of space' (p. 35). To abstract oneself as little as

possible from one's milieu, which must be understood here in its widest

sense, conjures up, strictissimo sensu, a symbolic vision of exi ste nce, an

existence in which 'immediate perceptions and near references' (p. 37) are

privileged. The link between the spatial, the global and the 'intuitive-

emotional' (p. 32) are an indelible part of the forgotten, denied, decried

tradition of sociological holism. Such a tradition of organic solidarity, of

the founding being-together may never in fact have existed; but it remains

nevertheless the nostalgic basis, either directly or

α contrario,

of ma ny of




129

our analyses. The thematic of Einfühlung (e mp at hy ), which come s down to

us from G e rm a n R om an ti ci sm , is the best way of expr essi ng this cour se of

resea rch . 1 4

Paradoxical as it may appear, the Japanese example could be a specific

form of this holism, of this mystical correspondence that confirms the social

as muthos.* In de ed , whet he r in bus ine ss, eve ryd ay life or leis ure, few

things escape its reach. It so happens that the contradictory mix to which

this leads is significant t oday at every level - politic al, economi c, industrial

which causes a certain fascination for my contemporaries. Should we

speak of a 'Nippon paradigm' to use Berque's words (p. 201)? Possibly,

especially if the term paradigm, as opposed to model, describes a supple

and perfectible s truc ture . Wha t is sure is that this para dig m adeq uately

explains the mass-tribe dialectic that is my principal preo ccu pati on her e;

this endles s and rath er undefined m ov em en t; this 'form' with out centre an d

without border: all things composed of elements, which, according to

situation and current experiences, fit together in changing figures and

according to several pre-established archetypes. This ferment, this cultural

effer vesce nce, is en ou gh to caus e ou r individualis tic and individualizing

rea son to he sit ate . Bu t after all, is th er e anyth ing new in this? Ot he r

civilizations were founded on ritual games of disindividualized personae,

on collectively experienced roles, and still produced solid and notable

social arch itec ton ics. Le t us not forget: th e affectual confusion of the

dionysiac myth has produced significant effects of civilization; it is possible

that our megalopolises are the site of their rebirth.

2 . Genius loci

Many times I have tried to show that the emphasis on the quotidian was not

a narcissistic turning inward, an individualist gesture, but rather a re-

cen trin g towa rd somet hin g that is ne ar by , a way of experie ncin g in the

present and collectively the anguish of time passing. Thus we can speak of

the tragic (as op po sed to dr ama tic , which is progressive ) ambi enc e that

cha rac teri zes the se eras . It is inte rest ing to no te also that they favour the

spatial aspect and all of its many territorial manifestions. In a succinct way,

we can therefo re say that space is con cen tra ted time . History is abbre

viated to day-to-day histories.

An historian of medicine has remarked on an astonishing parallel

between the 'innate Hippocratic warmth' and the fire of the Indo-

European domestic altar. They are both felt, he states, 'as unusual sources

of heat. They are both placed at central locations and dissimulated: the

ancient altar dedicated to the family cult at the centre of the house and

invisible from outside; the innate warmth proceeding outward from the

Transl. note:

' mut hos ' = myth.



130

T H E

T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

heart, hidden in the deepest reaches of the human body. And both

symbolize the protective force.' 1 5 This relates to my hypothesis of the

underground centrality that characterizes sociality, hence the importance

of the 'genius of place'. This collective sentiment carves out a space, which

has in turn an effect on the sentiment in question. This makes us aware of

the fact tha t ever y social form is pa rt of a pa tt er n tr aced by the passage of

the centuries, that it is an offshoot of this, and that the modes of living that

constitute it can only be understood in terms of this substrate, in short, the

entire thematic of the Thomist habitus or the Aristotelian exis.

This constitutes a common thread of ancient memory. The cult of

Auglaurus, symbolizing the City of Athens, or the lares gods of Ro ma n

families, is te sta me nt to this. Re na n ma ke s the ironical poin t that what he

calls 'civic childishness' impedes accession to the universal religion.

1 6

It is

an easy irony, since it is cult ural; this 'mun icipaliza tion ' ha d inde ed a

function of 'reliance', turning an indefinite whole into a harmonious

system, in which all elements, in a contradictory way, fit together and

strengthen the whole. Thus, by raising altars to the glory of Augustus,

Romans were able to integrate conquered states into the solid and flexible

network of the Roman Empire. Civil religion has, stricto sensu, a symbolic

function. It expresses at best an immanent transcendence, which, while

surpa ssing individual at omi zat ion , owes its overall chara cte r only to the

elem ent s of which it is com pos ed. T hu s, the 'domest ic altar' , wh eth er a

family or, by association, a city altar, is the symbol of the social glue. It is a

place where space and time are easily discerned; a place which legitimizes

ove r and ove r again the state of bei ng- together. E ach founding mo me nt

needs such a place: whether in the form of an anamnesis, such as various

festive moments, or through scissiparity, in the case of the settler, or the

explorer who takes with him a bit of nat ive eart h to serve as the founda tion

of what will become a new city.

It is well kn ow n tha t Christ iani ty at its beg inn ings reva lue d this loca lism.

It is around such collective spaces that it grew stronger; one has only to

consult the work of Peter Brown in order to be convinced of this. He even

speaks of 'a cult of the civic saints'. It is around a

topos,

a place where a

holy ma n has taugh t and is bu rie d, tha t a churc h is fou nde d, built and

propagates his message. These topoi then gradually became connected to

on e ano th er thr oug h such flexible mean s as I have bee n discussing. Befo re

it became the overarching organization that we now know, the Church was

at first a voluntary, even federative alliance of autonomous entities with

their own traditions, their own ways of expressing religion and even,

sometimes, their own (theological) ideologies. 'Local associations remained

very strong'; and even such and such a topos arouse d 'int ense feelings of

local patr iot ism '. It is in these te rm s that Brow n desc ribes the growt h of

Christianity around the Mediterranean basin.

1 7

For him, it is precisely

because of these

topoi

in which collective feelings were inves ted, bec aus e

each community had 'its' saint, that the Church was able to implant itself

and give rise to civilization. This localist tradition was to develop in a solid




131

and lasting way, never to be entirely annihilated by the centralizing force of

the institutional C hu rch .

To give just a few examples, we are reminded of the fact that, later on,

monasteries were to play the role of reference point, principally because

they were the repositories of relics. Duby remarked that the saint 'kept up

a corp orea l residen ce throu gh the vestiges of his earthly ex is te nc e' . 1 8 It is

mainly thanks to this that the monasteries became havens of peace; that

they were able, on the one hand, to extend this function of preservation to

the liberal arts, to agriculture and technology, and, on the other, to expand

and build up a close network of houses that became sanctuaries of culture

for what was to be co me th e Chris tian Wes t. It is wo rth reflecting on wha t is

much mo re than a me ta ph or : pres ervat ion of the saint/preservation of life;

the rootedness (more or less mythical, besides) of a saint turned into the

refuge, in the strong sense of the term, of a history in progress. To play

with words a bit, one can say that location becomes connection ['lieu

devient l i e n ' ] . This reminds us that we are perhaps in the presence of an

anthro polog ical str uctur e that ma ke s the aggregation aro und a space a

basic given of all forms of sociality - space and sociality.

Be that as it may, within the framework of my reflections here, this

relationship is the essential characteristic of popular religion. This is a term

tha t shoul d caus e many t o tr em bl e, since it is tru e that the cleric, he w ho

knows, always has difficulty avoiding an overarching view; avoiding

abs trac ting himself from what he is desc ribin g. An d yet this ter m pop ula r

religion is adequate; besides, it is almost a tautology, meaning as far as we

are concer ned wh atev er is pro xem ic. Before bec omi ng a theolo gy, or even

a specific morality, religion is above all else a place: 'We have a religion

just as we have a name, a parish, a family.' 1 9

It is a

reality:

just as I am a

product of a nature in which I feel an active participant. We can find in this

the noti on of hol ism : religion defined on the basis of spa ce is the glue

asse mbli ng an ord er ed w hol e which is bo th social as well as na tur al. This

constant is remarkable for its structural significance. Indeed, the cult of

saints in popular religion may be a useful tool for understanding the

co nt em po ra ry effect of a given gu ru , football p layer, local star or eve n

chari sma tic lu min ary - t he list is far from a closed one . If we are to bel ieve

the specialists, popular religious practices: piety, pilgrimages, cult of saints

are characterized by their local flavour, everyday rootedness and their

expression of collective feelings - all things which are in the realm of

proxemics. The institution may restore, regularize and manage the local

cult of a given saint, and with greater or lesser success; but it remains

non ethe less tr ue that one of its prim ary characteristics is spon tanei ty,

which should be understood as that which surges, expressing its own

vitalism.

This living, natural religion can be summarized with a few words from

He rv ie u- Le ge r wh o sees it as the expres sion of 'w ar m . . . relat ions . . .

found ed on proximity, conta ct, the solidarity of a local co mm un it y' . 2 0

There is no better way of describing the link between religion and space in



132


a do ub le po l a r i t y w hich foun ds a g iven en t i t y . Phys i ca l p ro x im i ty and d a i ly

r e a l i t y h a v e a s m u c h i m p o r t a n c e a s t h e d o g m a w h i c h r e l i g i o n i s s u p p o s e d

to con ve y. In fac t , in th i s case it i s th e co nt a in er th a t preva i l s ov er th e

co n t en t s . Th i s ' r e l i g ion o f t he so i l ' i s o f t he u tm os t pe r t i ne nc e fo r

apprec i a t i ng the mul t i p l i c a t i on o f ' u rban v i l l age s ' , t he rev i t a l i z a t i on o f t he

n e i g h b o u r h o o d a n d r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n n e i g h b o u r s w h i c h e m p h a s i z e i n t e r -

sub je c t iv i t y , af fi ni ty an d sh a re d sen t im en t . I sp ok e ea r l i e r o f im m an en t

t r a n s c e n d e n c e ; w e c o u l d e v e n s a y n o w t h a t p o p u l a r r e l i g i o n b r i n g s

t o g e t h e r t h e ' d i v i n e a n d t h e e v e r y d a y m e n t a l h o r i z o n s o f m a n '

2 1

-

s o m e t h i n g t h a t o p e n s u p w i d e a v e n u e s o f r e s e a r c h . B u t m o r e t h a n a n y t h i n g

e l s e , t h e s e r e m a r k s e m p h a s i z e t h e t e r r i t o r i a l c o n s t a n c y o f t h e r e l i g i o u s

d im en s io n . T h e so il i s t ha t w hich g ive s b i r t h an d w h e re a l l soc i a l

a g g r e g a t i o n s d i e a l o n g w i t h t h e i r s y m b o l i c s u b l i m a t i o n s .

T h i s m a y a p p e a r r a t h e r m y s t i c a l ; b u t a s E r n s t B l o c h s o c a p a b l y

d e m o n s t r a t e d , i t is a m a t t e r o f s p i r i tu a l m a t e r i a l i s m , w e ll r o o t e d , I m i g h t

ad d ; o r , even b e t t e r , it i s a qu es t io n o f t he i nex t r i c ab l e m ix o f t he co l l e c t i ve

i m a g i n a t i o n a n d i ts s p a t i a l s u r r o u n d . T h e r e is n o p r e - e m i n e n c e t h e n , b u t

r a t h e r a c o n s t a n t r e v e r s i b i l it y , a s e r i e s o f a c t i o n - r e t r o a c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e

two poles of exis tence . In order to i l lus t ra te th i s , l e t us say tha t soc ia l l i fe i s

t h e c u r r e n t w h i c h , i n a n e n d l e s s p r o c e s s , p a s s e s b e t w e e n t h e s e t w o b a n k s .

Wha t c an w e say o f t h i s , excep t t ha t t he bond be tw een the co l l e c t i ve

s e n t i m e n t a n d s p a c e is t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f a h a r m o n i o u s a r c h i t e c t o n i c i n

w hich , t o re tu rn t o t he image o f t he Psa lmi s t , ' t oge the r a l l a re a s one ' .

W i t h o u t b e i n g k n o w l e d g e a b l e e n o u g h t o g o i n t o it i n d e p t h , I r e f e r t o t h e

B r a z i l i a n

candomble,22

l e ss fo r i ts sync re t i s t r e p r e se n ta t i o ns t ha n i ts

t e r r i t o r i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . I n d e e d , t h e

terreiro*

i s s t r ik ing in i t s in te r na l

s y m b o l i c h a r m o n y . T h e l a y o u t of i ts h o u s e s , p l a c e s o f w o r s h i p a n d

ed uc a t i on , t he ro l e p l ayed by na tu re , w he th e r w i th a c ap i t a l ' n ' , a s i s t h e

ca se w i th t he g rea t

terreiros,

o r on a sm a l l e r s ca l e re p r e s en ted by a s ing l e

room - a l l a re evidence of the t ight mix, the hol i sm of the var ied soc ia l

e l e m e n t s . A s m u c h f o r t h o s e w h o l i v e t h e r e , o f c o u r s e , a s f o r t h o s e w h o

o n l y c o m e o n o c c a s i o n , t h e

terreiro

i s a po in t o f r e f e re nc e . O n e ' i s ' f rom a

g i v e n

terreiro.

I t is i n t e re s t i n g to no t e t ha t t he symb ol i sm ind uce d by th i s

m od e l is t he n d i f f ract ed in a m ino r w ay th ro ug ho u t t h e w h ole o f soc i a l li f e.

T h e cu l t pa ro xy sm , in i ts va r iou s gu i se s , eve n w h en no t iden t i f i ed a s such ,

informs a hos t of da i ly prac t ices and be l ie fs in a t ransversa l way: in a l l the

c i t ie s an d tow ns o f t h e co un t ry . Th i s p roces s is w o r th n o t in g , for in a

c o u n t r y w h o s e t e c h n o l o g i c a l a n d i n d u s t r i a l p o t e n t i a l is n o w r e c o g n i z e d b y

eve ryone , t h i s ' ho l i s t i c ' pe r spec t ive a r i s ing f rom the

candomble

is far from

b e i n g e x t i n g u i s h e d . T o s o u n d l ik e P a r e t o , it r e p r e s e n t s a n e s s e n t i a l

(qu in t e s sen t i a l ) ' r e s idue ' fo r any soc i a l comprehens ion . In any ca se , i t i s a

spec i f i c fo rm of t he space -soc i a l i t y re l a t i onsh ip , t he t r ad i t i ona l roo t edness

* Transl. note: terreiro

i s a p lace for wo rship of the

candombla,

from a smal l courty ard to an

agricu l tural es tate .




133

the postmodern perspective, in short, of a contradictory logic of the static

and the dyna mic , which in this case is arti cul ate d ha rmo nio usl y.

To co me back to the materi al spirituality I previously men tio ned , what

does this logic teach us? Mainly, that space guarantees sociality a necessary

security. We know that limits fence one in, but also give life. All of

'formist' sociology can be summarized by this statement.

2 3

Just like the

rituals of anam ne sis or the handfu l of land I just me nt io ne d; just like the

cosmic concentrate represented by the terreiro, the dome stic Ro ma n or

Ja pa ne se a lta r, the stability of spa ce is a focal poi nt, an ancho r for the

group. It allows for a certain perdurability within the teeming and

effervescent life in pe rpet ua l re ne wal . Wh at H al b wachs said of the family

spa ce , 'the calming image of its con tin uit y', can be app lied to ou r con

tem po rar y tri bes. By sticking to its spac e, a gro up transform s (dynamic)

and adapts (static). In this way, space is a social given that makes me and is

itself made. All individual or collective rituals, whose importance is again

being recognized, are the cause or effect of such a permanence. It is really

a question of a 'silent society', of the 'strength of the material milieu'

(Ha lbwachs ) 2 4

wh ich is nece ssar y to the existent ial bal anc e of every

individual as well as the gr ou p as a wh ol e. Wh et he r we are talking abo ut

the family property or the urban 'property', whether it limits my intimacy

or is its arch ite ctur al f ram ewo rk (familiar walls, hou se s, str eet s), it is all a

part of a founding proxemics that accentuates the vividness of the spatial

fr am ew or k. All of this gives secu rity as well as allowing for res ist anc e; in

the simple sense of the ter m, it is wha t allows us to pe rd ur e, to hold back

the various natu ral a nd social impo siti ons . Thi s is the comm un ity of

destiny. Thus, the 'genius of place' is not an abstract entity; it is also a

cunning genius that continuously drives the social body and ensures the

stability of the whole above and beyond the multiplicity of varia ble details.

This dialectic has curiously been ignored, especially considering how

careful we have been to underline the progressive aspe ct of huma nit y. But

to apply a distinction develo ped by Wor ring er, al thou gh there are

mo me nt s whe n the social pro duc tio n, that is, acc omm oda tio n to the wor ld,

is essentially 'abs trac tive' (mech anic al, ration al, ins trum ent al) , ther e are

others when it returns to Einfühlung (or gan ic, imag ina ry, affectual). As I

have shown , ther e are eras durin g which, according to different balan ces,

these two perspectives can be found occurring jointly. Thus, the architec

ture of cities, which must be understood here in the narrowest sense of the

term, the fitting into a given space, can be both the application of a precise

technological development as well as the expression of a sensitive being-

together, the former referring to the dynamic, the latter favouring the

social static. It is this second case that interests us here; what has been

called the desire for security is a by-product of it. In a study which

inaugurated his reflections on cities, Medam even speaks of 'the ancestral

need for protection', which he moreover ties to the collective imagination

and everyday life. 2 5 Sh elter, the refuge as an un der gro un d but n o

less sovereign reality of all life in society, the puissance of social ity



134

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T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

responding to, without necessarily opposing, the power of the socio

economic structure. In neglecting this paradoxical tension we risk forget

ting that, alongside the abstract political responsibility which theoretically

and practically has prevailed since the nineteenth century, there is a much

mor e con cr et e responsibi lity which is that of the space we live in, t he

co mm on te rri tor y. Of cour se , while the form er is mac ros cop ic, the latter is

concerned with the small number, since it comes out of a shared

experience, which I propose to call an existential

aesthetic.

Such a perspective does not easily lend itself to individualist ideologies

or to the the me of liberation which came out of Enli ghte nmen t philosop hy.

To ret ur n to an analysis of Boug ie' s, the 'sense of co mm on responsibiliti es'

with respect to the land, and the solidarity that it induces, are not

favour abl e to the 'in de pe nd en t initiatives of indiv idual s'. This is a reflec

tion on the caste system; but this valuing of proxemics in 'joint villages' can

shed some light on the tribal resurgence. The same can be said for the

infamous

obschina

of pre-sociali st Russi a. Jus t as was the case for the

castes and their interdependence, this peasant community was linked to a

feudal s tru ct ur e, and as such within the con text of the increasingly rational

world was deserving of destruction; but 'from the peasants' point of view' it

was full of ideals of solidarity t ha t were wort h no ting - which is in fact w ha t

the populists and anarchists did. 2 6

In bot h cases, serv itude or an aliena ting social stru ctur e are conf ront ed

collectively. An d this com mun ity of destiny is foun ded on the c om mo n

responsibility, whether symbolic or not, of a territory. One may make the

hypothesis that dependence and servility may be completely secondary,

on ce they are relativ ized, sha red within the framewo rk of an affectual

ne tw or k. I can just hea r the cries of ou tra ge of the convent ional maj orit y,

denouncing such a hypothesis as at best anachronistic, at worst reaction

ary. Wha t does this ma tt er , for up on a clear- eyed con tem pla tio n of a

number of social structures, one becomes aware that, beyond the claims of

abstract autonomy, they are all characterized by a high degree of

heteronomy which must be acknowledged. This negotiation may lead to a

political confronta tion (historical pr edo min an ce) ; somet imes it may be

invested in the establishment of collective refuges (spatial predominance).

It is no t up to us to decid e which is be st , but ra ther to poin t out tha t the

latte r att itu de has its own adv ant ages.

In this res pec t, th ere is a pa ra do x worth notin g. While we are able to

pick up here and there reference to the relationship between the Jewish

pe op le an d agri cul ture , it is genera lly recogn ized t hat this was not the

dominant characteristic of their history, it being understood that this is the

result of ma ny causes which esc ape reduct ive simplification. Nev ert hel ess ,

as F. Ra ph ae l says, 'the rela tionship of the Jews to the land is bot h com ple x

and more ambiguous ' .

2 7

Indeed, they seem to be the protagonists

par

excellence of a dyna mic (his tori cal) vision of the wor ld . Thi s is in pa rt t ru e;

but at the same time, the dia spo ra, the out side r statu s of the Je w, ma ke s no

sense without taking into account his relationship to the land of Canaan.




135

Here is a land which is, in the simplest sense of the term, 'mythical'. It is

the basis of the union; it reinforces the community. The community may be

scattered, it nevertheless remains in organic solidarity, thanks to a process

of constant territorial anamnesis. This attachment to place was,

stricto

sensu, an eth os ensu ring the perdur ability of the com mun ity across many

vicissitudes, and far from minor ones , as Histo ry shows. Here is the par adox:

arising periodically throughout a long historical development, the 'mythical'

land will be diffracted into a variety of territ ories tha t may be epheme ral ,

fragile, under constant threat, but which nevertheless constitute refuges,

constantly being reborn, in which different Jewish communities will find

energy.

In this respect, the ghetto is almost the archetype of what I am

attempting to describe. Louis Wirth, in his now classic book, showed how,

in both Europe and the United States, the ghetto offered a kind of security,

this 'family fold' which, while reminding one of one's origins also had a

recreational function. Th us , as con trasted with the formalism that governed

the Ge nt ile wor ld , th e Je w found in th e gh ett o a lan gua ge, daily rituals,

friendship; in short, the familiarity that makes life tolerable. The analysis

emphasizes the 'small group' structure which prevails inside the ghetto,

and the 'emotional ' ambience that results. 2 8

To return to the image of a

nest of Rus sia n dolls , the ghet to is a pa rt of the gre ate r urba n entity and

serves itself as a shell encompassing a variety of sub-groups which gather

acco rding to the ir plac e of orig in, the ir religious or edu cat ional pre fere nce s

as so man y tribes sharing a co mm on terri tory.

Wh at can be re tai ne d from this examp le is the con ver gen ce of, on the

one hand, the spatial affiliation and, on the other, the emotional glue.

Thus, the ghetto can allow us to shed light on a number of contemporary

groups which define themselves in terms both of territory and of an

affectual sharing. Whatever the territory in question or the content of

the affection - cultural pursuits, sexual tastes, clothing habits, religious

representations, intellectual motivations, political commitments: we can

easily go on listing the factors of aggregation - they can also be circum

scribed on the basis of the two poles of space and symbol (sharing, the

specific form of solidarity , and so on ). This is wha t best charac teriz es the

intense communication which in many ways serves as a breeding ground

for what I am calling neo-tribalism. Let us clarify that this fact did not

escape Dürkheim who, reflecting on 'secondary groups', noted both the

' terri torial basis ' and the 'material neighbourhood' . 2 9

Thi s att ent ion t o

proxemics at a time when The Division of Labour in Society was at its most

influential shou ld be poin ted o ut . It shows how every society is founde d on

a kind of contract between the living, the dead and those who are to come.

I me an by this that social ex ist enc e is possib le in any place only be cause

there is a specific aura in which, volens nolens, we parti cipat e. Th e territory

is th e specific crystallizati on of such an aura . Nei gh bo ur ho od life, with its

small rituals, can be analyse d from this str ang e phyl um . Thi s Dü rk he im , in

hardly less metaphorical terms, calls holism.



136


Th e very force of eve ryday life, even when unp erc eiv ed, is built upon

this phylum. Sociality or proxemics is thus constituted of a constant

sedimentation which lays down a path; which builds 'territory'. The

str anger , the wa nd er er , is int egr ate d or refuses this sed ime nta tio n - can

eve n cre at e a new on e (cf. p olycult ura lism ); but he or she is obliged to

define him- or herself in these terms. For an image, I will borrow an

aphorism from Ebner-Eschenbach: 'The ambrosia of past centuries is the

daily bread of the times to come (Die Ambrosie der früheren Jahrhunderte

ist das tägliche Brot der späteren).

9

Th e tem pora l triad is her e summa rize d,

and the aphorism accounts for the materialist spirituality which, in a non-

conscious way, or without spectacle, deeply informs everyday life and

collective experience. As I have shown many times before, this translates

in a contradictory way the dynamic rootedness characteristic of every

society.

Th e spatial affiliation a nd its symboli c or mystical conno ta tion tha t I

have just described are in the orgiastic-dionysiac tradition which, according

to certain sociologists (Max Weber, Karl Mannheim, Max Scheler) is a

social con sta nt (let us not forget that Dion ysu s is a 't re e' divinity, ro ot ed ).

Th e essential att rib ute of this trad ition is its foundati on on 'ex-st asis', the

exit from the

self. Scheler draws a parallel between this process and the

process of identification. I identify with such and such a place, totem,

stone, because they place me in a long line of ancestors; he even speaks of

'm an -s to ne s' . Of cours e, this identification is emo tional an d collective; it

induces a 'symbolic identification'. 3 0 This is now a well-k nown t hem e, and

the te rm 'di onysiac ' itself is begi nning (aga in) , to the great annoyance of

the theoretical curmudgeons, to appear in many sociological analyses. On

the oth er h an d, it is imp ort ant t o emph asize its chtho nic aspect: these

exp ress ions refer to that which is territ oria lized , materia lize d or inca rnate ,

in the strongest sense of the term. One ought even to see whether the

theme of reincarnation, of resurrection, of metempsychosis, by postulating

perdurability, by ensuring the stability of the phylum, does not compare

with the heavily spatial procedures of identification. In any case, such

mythico-anthropological perspectives should not fail to shed some light on

the many ecstatic forms of contemporary effervescence (musical, sexual,

consumer, sporting, etc.) which, in a more or less enduring way, 'are

em bo di ed ', de linea te a terri tory, in shor t, reinvest these archaic, primitive

values of proximity that rationalism seemed to have destroyed so easily.

In summarizing the given notes and examples, we can say that there is a

close relationship between territory and collective memory. This could

lead Halbwachs to say that, as far as their cities, houses or apartments are

concerned, the groups 'in a way trace their shapes in the earth and connect

with their collective mem ori es in the spatial framework thus de fin ed' . 3 1

This is a strong expression which bursts through the too-strict barrier

established between social history and its definition in a specific place.

What is more, it illustrates precisely what I am trying to underline here: the

reva luing of spac e is corre lative to the reval uing of mo re rest ricte d enti ties




137

(groups, ' tribes'). Symbolic and spatial proxemics encourage the desire to

leave one's mark, that is, to bear witness to one's durability. This is the

true aesthetic dimension of a given spatial affiliation: to serve the collective

memory that defined it. Afterwards, of course, these affiliations may be

subject to aesthetic analyses stricto sensu, and be co me in this sense wor ks

of culture; but it must not be forgotten that they surpass, and by far, what

is only too often an abstr act and intellec tual red uct ion. In this persp ect ive ,

the cathed ral is no mor e worthy than t he kitsch deco rati ons of a w ork er' s

garden plot; urban graffiti or stencils can be compared to prehistoric cave

pa in t ings .

3 2

In each case, a group declares itself, delineates its territory and

thus confirms its existence.

Finally, whether or not it is possible to develop it precisely, a parallel

must be drawn between proxemics and the (re)new(ed) importance of the

imagination in social life. It is almost as if a sociological 'law' needed to be

drawn up: each time that distrust of the imagination prevails (iconoclasm,

rationalist monovalency) theoretical representations and social modes of

organi zation with the co mm on de no mi na to r of ' th e distant' evolve; we are

then witness to the dominance of the political, of historical linearism,

which are all essentially prospective in nature. On the other hand, when

image in its various forms returns to centre stage, localism becomes an

undeniable reality.

To ta ke only on e historical exam pl e to serve as a spr ingboa rd to my

analysis, let us remember that at the time the Christian civilization was

being established, iconoclasm was the ideological banner under which the

believe rs in centralism m arc he d, wh ere as iconodulism* is the domai n of

those who favour the expression of local feelings. Of course, there is a

the ore tica l rat ionaliz atio n, theologi cal in this cas e, that is given to this

conflict; but it is essenti al to know wha t form the org an iza tio n of society

will take. Peter Brown, in analysing this conflict, even speaks of 'iconoclast

jacobinism'. All means are valid for eradicating local cults, quite simply

because they impede the activity of a central government. These local cults

are organized around a holy man and a specific icon; they both 'were

consecrated from below . Thi s was the basis of a complex syst em of

interrelationships between the various topoi tha t constit ute d a skein of

alternate power structures outside the confines of the centralized organiza

tion that was being established in its place. 3 3

From this process one should

remember the role of the icon that legitimized the opposition energy of the

holy man, and served as the crystallization of the feelings expressed by the

local groups.

In

brief,

in the solitude inherent in any urban setting, the icon, familiar

and close by, is a reference point that is imbedded in the daily fabric. It is

the centre of a complex and concrete symbolic order in which everyone has

a role to play in the context of an overall theatre. It thus allows for self-

Transl. note: pertainin g to the venerati on of i con s .



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recognition, the recognition of oneself by others, and, finally, the recogni

tion of ot he rs . This is the em pa theti c streng th of the imag e that regular ly

returns in order to remedy the deadening effects of uniformization and the

commutation it engenders. It would naturally be interesting to note the

contemporary manifestations of what I have just called icons. They are

var ied , and each of th em would re qu ire its own in-de pth analysis. I have

co nt en te d myself he re with bringing ou t the inne r logic or the 'for m'. Bu t

this should allow us to accentuate the 'imaginary' function of a whole range

of local emblems. As I have already remarked, they may be notabilities of

whatever type, animals with which the group identifies, specific places or

products of the land: each one being, of course, eponymous.

One may add that the significance of the emblematic image is increased

by technological innovations. Indeed, the television or advertising image

was initially suspect, especially inasmuch as it was the bearer of a unique

and alienating ideological message. We can now see that advertising on the

on e ha nd tak es its ins pir ation from seve ral arche typ al figures, a nd on the

other, as a result, addresses 'target' audiences, what I am calling tribes,

which give rise to and recognize, through various modes of representation

and imagination, the products, goods, services and ways of being that

con sti tut e the m as gro ups . Telev ision , becau se of its diffraction, is no

longer the standard-bearer of a unique message applicable to all. Indeed,

alt hough w ha t I am advanci ng her e is just a ten de nc y, it must be

rec ogn ized that it is add res sed increasingly to part icul ar group s: gr oup s

based on age, region, cities, even neighbourhoods. Examples such as

buildings which receive cable TV can only reinforce this process. What can

this me an , except that the imag e is no longer distan t, ove rar chi ng, totally

abs tra ct, bu t rath er it is defined by prox imit y? For bet te r or for wor se, and

whicheve r is be side the poi nt , the image will play the role of familiar icon .

A buildin g or nei gh bo ur ho od will offer up its own spec tacle . In t he

meg alo pol is, the televised image will be part of a tacti le, emo tio nal and

affectual experience; as a result, it will strengthen the tribe as such, while

at the same time creating a zone of security for

i tself .

3 4

Admi tted ly, the

theo re ti ca l stakes are significant, especia lly if we are careful to not ice t ha t

it is from 'belo w' that the se new manifest ations of bei ng- tog ether will issue.

What is certain is that all of these tendencies come back to space: there is

a territorial connotation to all of the preceding examples. Basing himself

on linguistic rese arch , Be rq ue distinguishes betw een 'e gocen tric' languages

and ' lococentric ' languages.

3 5

It is surely possible to extrapolate his

analysis and recognize th at there are cultures that are primarily 'egoc entri c'

and others that are 'lococentric'. The former favour the individual and his

or her concerted actions, whereas the latter emphasize the natural or social

environment. One might also envisage that, within one culture, one could

find differential sequences, with an emphasis sometimes on that which

individualizes, and at other times, the collective, disindividualizing aspects.

This is, at any rate, my theory for our own culture. Thus, the valuing of

spac e, thro ug h the image, the bod y and territ ory is bo th cause and effect of




139

the sub mer gin g of the individua l in a vast whol e. A society founde d on

such a dyn amic risks seeing its fund amen tal values tur ned upsi de-d own;

this is pe rh ap s the con tem po rar y challe nge repr ese nte d by all the expe ri

ences and all the social situations which are based on proxemics.

3 .

Trib es an d netw orks

Indeed, the emphasis on the spatial is not an end in

itself:

if we are to

restore meaning to the neighbourhood, neighbourly practices and the

affectual aspect that this will inevitably give rise to, it is above all because it

allows for networks of relationships. Proxemics refers primarily to the

foundation of a succession of 'we's' which constitutes the very essence of all

sociality. To follow up on what has already been said, I would now like to

highlight the fact that the constitution of micro-groups, of the tribes which

intersperse spatiality, arises as a result of a feeling of belonging, as a

function of a specific

ethic

and within the framew ork of a co mmun icati ons

network. Th es e ma y in fact be the bywords of this analysis.

Although it takes the form of a metaphor, these three ideas can be

summarized by speaking of a 'multitude of villages' which intersect, oppose

each other, help each other, all the while remaining themselves. We now

have at our disposal several speculative analyses and field studies which go

a long way to reinforcing this point of view. 3 6 The city-object is a

succession of territories in which people in a more or less ephemeral way

take root, close ranks, search out shelter and security. In using the term

'village', I have made clear that it was only a metaphor. Indeed, it can of

course delineate a concrete space; but this can also be a cosa mentale, a

symbolic territory, in whatever shape or form, but which is no less real for

all that. One has only to refer to the 'fields' broken down by the

intellectuals to create protected domains in order to understand that the

me ta ph or of the tribe or the village is no t wit hou t heuris tic interes t. In all

domains then, whether intellectual, cultural, religious, commercial or

political, we can observe these roots which allow a social 'body' to exist as

such.

In addition, the feeling of tribal belonging can be reinforced by tech

nological developments. In speaking of 'the electronic nebula', A. Moles,

with some ret ice nce it is tr ue , suggests what coul d bec om e the 'mode l of a

new global vil lage' . 3 7 Thi s is prim arily t ha nks to the intera ctivity which this

mod el gives rise to . In de ed , 'cable T V , co mp ute r bulletin boa rds (for

am us em en t, erotic or functional purpos es) may cre ate a commu nicat iona l

matrix in which groups with various goals will appear, gain strength and

d i e ; groups which recall somewhat the archaic structures of village clans or

tribes. The only notable difference which characterizes the electronic

neb ula is of course th e very tempora lity of these tribe s. Ind ee d, as op pos ed

to wha t is usually me an t by this no tio n, the tribalism we are exploring he re

can be comp letely ep he me ra l, organ ized as the occasion arises. To retur n



140

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TRIBE S

to an old philos ophic al t er m, it is exh aus ted in the act. As has bec om e clear

in many statistical reports, more and more people are living as 'singles'; but

the fact of living alone does not me an living in isolation. Acc ord ing to the

occasion - especially tha nks to the com pu te r services of the Minitel - the

'single' can join a given group or activity. The 'tribes' based on sports,

friendships, sex, religion and other interests are constituted in many ways

(the Minite l is jus t one) , all of th em hav ing var ied lifespans acc ord ing to

the degree of investment of the protagonists.

Indeed, just as there are successive truths in loving relationships, science

is con str uct ed from s eque ntia l app rox ima tio ns; it is possible to imagi ne a

participation in these diverse 'forms' of sociality that would itself be

differ entiat ed and ope n. This is ma de possible by the speed of the su pp ly -

de ma nd circuit inhe rent in the comp uter ized transacti on.

It remains no less true that although they are stamped with the seal of

timeliness, with its inevitably tragic dimension, these tribes favour the

mec han ism of bel ong ing. Wha te ve r the do ma in , it is mo re or less req uir ed

to partic ipa te in the collective spirit. More ov er , the ques tion is simply no t

asked, and acceptance or rejection depends on the degree of feeling* felt

both by the members of the group and by the applicant. This feeling will

the n be eit her reinforc ed or we ak en ed by the acc ept anc e or rejecti on of

various initiation rites. Whatever the lifespan of the group, these rites are

necessary. We can moreover observe that they take on an increasing

importance in everyday life. Some rituals are more or less imperceptible,

which allow one to feel at ease, to be 'a regular' of a given bar or nightspot.

In the same way, one would never dream of transgressing them to get one's

racing form or lottery ticket; it is the same if one wants to be served

properly in the neighbourhood shops or to walk in a given street. The

rituals of belonging are of course found in office blocks and factories and

the socio-anthropology of work has paid considerable attention to this

aspect. Finally, we may recall that leisure or mass tourism is essentially

dependent on this tendency. 3 8

One could continue with examples; however, one need only show how,

alongside the resurgence of the image and the myth (a story told by each

gr oup) in the con te mp or ar y worl d, the rite is an effective t ech niq ue whi ch

at best constitutes the ambient religiosity (religare) of ou r mega lopo lises .

One can even say that the ephemeral and tragic aspects of these tribes

deliberately emphasize the performance of rituals; the latter, by their

repetitive aspect and their attention to the minuscule, attenuate the

anguish inherent in 'presentism'. At the same time as the aspiration, the

future and the ideal no longer serve as a glue to hold society together, the

ritual, by reinforcing the feeling of belonging, can play this role and thus

allow groups to exist.

It must be noted, however, that at the same time that it encourages

attraction, even if plural, the feeling of belonging proceeds if not by

Transl. note: Th e word 'feeling' is in English in the text.




141

exclusion then at least by exclusiveness. Indeed, the characteristic of the

tribe is that by highlighting what is close (persons and places), it has a

tendency to be closed in on itself. This suggests the metaphor of the door

(Tür)

so de ar to Sim mel . Th e abstra ct unive rsal gives way to the

concreteness of the particular, thus explaining the existence of these

'localisms' which have surprised more than a few researchers. Thus, within

the neighbourhood itself, we can find a seri es of clu bs ; friendly gat he rings

ta ke place within a strictly defined pe ri me te r. M ov em en t is confined to a

limited nu mb er of str eet s. Thi s kind of ph en om en on is well know n in the

cities of the south of Europe, but the work of Young and Willmott has also

shown how it applies to London. 3 9 Localism favours what can be called

't he Mafia spir it' : in loo kin g for lodg ing s, finding wo rk and as far as all the

other trivial daily privileges are concerned, priority will be given to those

who belong to the tribe or those who travel within its spheres of influence.

Ord ina ril y, this pro ces s is anal ysed within the fra mew ork of the family, b ut

it is certainly possible to extend the notion of family; that is, to a

rela tions hip bas ed on family ties bu t also on various friendships, clientelism,

or reciprocal favours.

The term 'tie' (family, friendship, etc.) must be understood in its most

commonly accepted sense: that of necessity, which the medieval guild

system classified under the heading of 'obligation'. Mutual aid in all its

forms is a

duty,

th e linchpin of a code of ho no ur , often uns ta te d, regul ating

triba lis m. Thi s is wh at gives rise to this exclusivism which, in ma ny

respects, distrusts anything unfamiliar. In their work on 'everyday

villages', Yo un g and Willmott ment ion a re ma rk which unde rlines this

ph en om en on : ' they are newcomers : they've only been here 18 years' . Th e

contra dictio n is only ap pa re nt; it me an s that these 'newc ome rs' have othe r

t i e s ,

other networks of mutual aid, participate in other groups. They

function according to their own proxemics. This reality is particularly

evident in big cities but it is, like any evidence, worth repeating. For its

own security, the grou p constru cts its own natu ral and social env iron men t

and at the same time forces,

de

facto, oth er gro ups to constit ute themselve s

as such. Thus, the territorial demarcation (I repeat: physical or symbolic

ter rito ry) is the stru ctu ral found ati on of mult iple socialities. A longsi de

direct repr od uc ti on th er e is an indir ect form of rep rod uc tio n which does

not dep en d on the will of th e social pr ot agon is ts bu t on the social effect

represented by the duo of 'attraction-repulsion': the existence of a group

founded on a strong sense of belonging requires that, for everyone's

survival, other groups exist from a similar necessity.

Th e manif esta tion s of this pro ces s ar e, when all is said and don e, quite

ordinary. One only has to observe the customers of certain cafes, the

specificity of certain neighbourhoods or even the clientele of such and such

a school, concert hall or public sphere in order to realize the importance of

such a structure. Within these various spaces, one may notice other equally

exclusive groupings, based on the subtle yet deep-rooted consciousness of

the feeling of belonging and/or of difference. Perhaps we should see this, as



142

T H E


Bou gie pr op os es , as 'certa in trac es of the caste spirit'. Wh at is certa in

is that , alongside a surface egali taria nism , the re has always be en an

extremely complex social architectonic whose various elements were at the

sam e time complete ly oppo sed to on e ano the r as well as in ter dep end ent .

There may exist a

de facto

recognition of these group s betwe en

themselves. As I have stated, exclusivity does not mean exclusion, just as

such a recognition leads to a specific mode of adjustment. There may be

conflict, bu t it is exp ress ed within the bo unda ri es of certa in rul es, to th e

poi nt of bein g comp lete ly ritualized. Let us re me mb er the pa roxy smal

me ta ph or of the Mafia: the sharing of terri tori es is in general re spe cte d and

clan or 'family' warfare arises only at such time as the equilibrium of the

'h on ou ra bl e society' is rupt ur ed . If we were to apply this mod el to ou r

urban tribes, we would observe that there are highly sophisticated

mechanisms of regulation in place. The role of the outsider so ably

described by the political scientists (Freund, Schmitt) finds its application

he re . A system of differen tiated alliances arran ges for on e of thes e tribe s to

be always in a position of mediator. The ad hoc aspect of these alliances

makes the system one of motion while it remains perfectly stable. The role

of the outsider is not in fact a single person's doing: it can be played by an

entire group which acts as a counterweight, which plays the role of

intermediary, which simply makes up the numbers, thus strengthening the

balance of a given whole.

This can be linked to the function of 'proxemics' which existed in ancient

cities. It is an intermediate function, a matter of forming a link between the

various ethical and national groups which made up the city. By playing

around with these words, we can say that the proxenus (close) brings

closer. It is this perd urab ility tha t allows the stranger , while r ema ini ng

foreign, to take an active part in the city. He has his place in the social

architectonic. Is it moreover fortuitous if, as M.F. Baslez reports, the poet

Pindar plays the role of proxenus at the sam e time as he compose s the

dithyramb in honour of the city? Indeed, one can imagine that the

celebration of the city as a city owes much to its capacity of taming and

integrating the st ran ger . 4 1

Thus, the recognition of diversity and the ritualization of the discomfort

that it occasions leads to a specific adjustment which in a way uses the

trouble and the tension as useful balancing factors for the city. Here we

find once more the contradictory logic analysed many times already

(Lupasco, Beigbeder, Durand) and which refuses overly mechanical and

reductive binary structures and dialectical procedure. The various urban

tribes constitute a city because they are different and at times even

op po se d. A ny effervescence is structur ally foundat ional. Th is is a basic

sociological rule that did not of course escape Dürkheim; the trick is to

know how to use this effervescence, how to ritualize it. A good way, in the

above-mentioned logic, is to let each tribe be itself: the resulting adjust

ment will be all the more natural. As I have already explained elsewhere,

the coenesthesia of the social body can be compared with that of the





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sociological analyses. Thus, what was in the not too distant past deemed

'marginal' , can no longer be described as such.

Before the Chicago School, Weber had noted the existence of what I

shall call a 'tribal romanticism' which valued the affectual life and the life

experience. With nuance moreover, it can be used to separate the wheat

from the chaff; however, unlike certain commentators, it seems to me that

his analysis of small mystical groups contains, in nuce, a nu mb er of

elements which can allow us to appreciate what is happening today. In this

regard, the prudence of Jean Seguy seems closer to the mark, since,

beyond the reserve of his time, his description of that which escapes the

rati ona liza tion s of the world is in perfect ha rm on y with the non-rational

that is deep ly seat ed in urba n tr ib es .

4 4

This term must be emphasized: the

non-rational is not the irrational; it is not even defined in terms of the

rational; it establishes a logic other than the one that has prevailed since

the Enli ght enm ent . It is increasingly given that eighteent h- and nine teen th-

cen tur y rationalis m is just one mode l of rea son i nhe ren t in social life.

Ot he r par am et er s such as the affectual or the symbolic can have their own

rat ion ali ty. Ju st as the non-logica l is no t illogical, we can state tha t t he

search for shared experiences, the grouping around eponymous heroes,

non-verbal communication and bodily gestures are all based on a rationality

that is no less effective and which is in many ways wider and, in the

simplest sense of the term, more generous. This calls upon the social

observer to be generous of mind; this can only make us more sensitive to

the multiplication of tribes that are located not on the margins, but which

are like so many points in a nebula that no longer has a clearly discernible

centre.

Le t us ac knowledge the fact that th er e is a host of loci sec ret ing the ir

own values and acting as a glue for those who make and belong to these

values . Nine teen th-c entu ry v alues referred to Histo ry, to what I called the

extensive (ex-tension) att itu de ; the eme rgi ng rationality is principally

proxemic, intensive (in-tension). It is organiz ed ar ound a main spri ng (a

guru, an activity, pleasure, space) which binds people together as well as

libe rate s th em . It is cen trip etal as well as centrifuga l, wh enc e the appa re nt

instability of trib es: the coefficient of belongin g is not ab sol ute , and any one

can participate in a multitude of groups, while investing a not inconsider

able part of him or herself in each. This flitting about is surely one of the

essential characteristics of the social organization which is becoming

ap pa re nt . It is this which allows on e to po stu la te, in a para doxi cal wa y, on

the one hand, the existence of the two poles of mass and tribe and, on the

other, their constant reversibility: the coming and going between the static

and the dynamic. Must this be linked to the 'objective chance' so favoured

by the Surrea lists? It is cert ain tha t, more an d mo re , each per son is

enclosed in the circle of relationships; and at the same time, he or she can

yet be struck by the shock of the unexpected, the event, the adventure.

Hannerz thus describes the essence of the city: 'the act of discovering one

thing by chance when one was looking for something else'.

4 5

This can also




145

apply to these remarks; determined by territory, tribe, ideology, anyone

may also, and in a very short time-span, sweep into another territory,

ano ther tribe, ano the r ideology.

This is wha t brings me to con side r individual ism a nd its vari ous theo ries

as invalid. Each social actor is less acting than acted upon. Each person is

diffracted into infinity, according to the kairos, the opp ortu niti es and

occa sions tha t pr es en t them sel ves . Social life is the n a stage upo n which,

for an instant, crystallizations take place:

let the play begin.

But onc e

pla ye d, the whole is dilu ted until such point as an ot he r nodos ity take s its

place. Such a metaphor is not extravagant, in so far as it can allow us to

comprehend the succession of 'presents' (no future now) whi ch , in a

general way, best characterizes the ambience of the moment.

4 .

The netw ork of netwo rks

Although the social organization created by this paradigm may shock our

too -me cha nic al re pr es en ta ti on s, it is no less functional: it forms a struc

tu re . It is truly , in the sens e I ha ve sho wn , taki ng my inspiration from

Simmel, a form in which var ious el em en ts of a social given hold tog eth er,

in which they a re as on e bod y. This is what has caused m e to spe ak of

organicity, to rethink the notion of organic solidarity, even if it should

seem paradoxical: at the end of this reflection, we are only at the beginning

of ou r ques t. W ha t is this glutinum mundi dev elo ping bef ore ou r very eyes?

We may note that some solid work has already been done on the question

of net wor ks: for inst ance , micro-psycholo gy and math emat ical formaliza

t i o n . 4 6 Mo re ov er, it is possible that con tem po rar y ma the mati cs is perfect

ing, in a sophisticated way, its own model of interpretation - I have,

however, neither the competence nor the desire to use their analyses. One

need only remark that, although their methods are divergent, their

objective is the same: to account for a nebula with its own logic. Indeed,

that is how I would fo rmula te the prob lem : the interplay of the proxemic is

organized into poly centric nebulae.

Th es e latt er allow on e to expr ess both

segregation and tolerance. Social groups organize their territories and

ideolo gies ar ou nd the values which are their ow n, and then , thr ough force

of circumstance, are obliged to adjust themselves. This macro-social model

is in tu rn diffra cted , giving rise to the myri ad of tri bes obey ing the same

rules of segregation and tolerance, of repulsion and attraction, hence, to

return to Hannerz's expression, this 'urban mosaic' whose analysis remains

to be com ple ted : 'no on e gro up has his undivid ed al le gi an ce '.

4 7

To understand fully the teeming life that characterizes this nebula, let us

ta ke the ex am pl e of goss ip, a eu ph em iz ed form of segr egat ion and desire

for death. It serves as a group's glue and allows one to deny the honour,

the pertinence - the very existence even - of the other. At first, its practice

of anonymous killing is used to strengthen the group in its belief in what it

rep res en ts and in its activities . It alo ne posse sses the trut h - the ore tic al,



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exis tenti al, ideolog ical; the erro r lies 'el sew her e'. B ut it is striking to no te

how quickly gossip spreads: each little milieu has its own rumour mill.

Without studying these as such, it is possible to state that they are a perfect

expression of the fact that, within a particular group, there are many

members who belong to a multitude of other tribes: this is how a piece of

gossip becomes a rumour. This interpenetration can also work between

different groups. By way of illustration, one can say that such and such a

pr e- em pt or y ju dg em en t - definite, mor e or less well fou nde d, negative of

cour se - a bo ut a member of the scientific trib e will sp read from university

to lab ora tory , from comm itte e to commiss ion, from colloquium to confer

ence, from journal to report, in a vast tour of academia. The means are

variable: it may range from private diatribe to silence or published

critici sm. Bu t the whole of this social body is rapidly invol ved . Nex t, from

cocktail parties to working meetings, the piece of gossip does the rounds of

the publishers and then spreads to the journalists. Sometimes the con

tamination even spreads to another tribe, such as senior government

officials or social workers who are occasional consumers of theoretical

works. Thus, we can follow, by successive concatenations, the efficiency of

mult iple a llegiances. In this sen se, the rumo ur mill is a goo d indi cator

of th e net wo rk s tr uc tu re , and it is very difficult t o find a circle tha t is

e x e m p t . 4 8

In fact, the interlacing (what English-speaking theoreticians call connected

ness) is a morphological characteristic of the social aggregat ion which

concerns us here. One will remember in this context Milgram's experiments,

which showed that, with the help of five or six relayers, one could establish

contact between two people in opposite corners of the United States.

4 9

Relying on the research by Milgram, one notices that the chain linking the

pe op le in que stio n is compo se d less of individua ls than of 'micr o-mi lieux '.

In the above-cited exa mpl e, as in Milgra m's exp erim ent s, information

circula tes beca use it is tra nsm itt ed from link to link; som eti mes within the

chain there is a larger link. Depending on the case, it may be a bar, a

ta ver n, a res pec ted university lab ora tor y, a chur ch - it mat ter s little. This

link structures the received information, corrects it, prunes it, invents a

little low embellishment, then sends it on to the next link. At its extreme,

the individual concerned by the information does not count for much, a

fortiori the on e who is tran smit ting it; they are bo th int erc han gea ble paw ns

of a part icul ar 'st ruc tur e effect'. T his expla ins why no on e is respo nsib le (or

answers) for the information or the gossip: they are transmitted through

the atmosphere, making and destroying the most fragile of reputations - sic

transit.

The aforementioned examples, which are of course only general indica

tions, are reinforced by the non-voluntary, non-active structure of the

ne tw or ks . We might almost say tha t this is a constr ain t, or pre- constra int.

Fr om he re on in, its pro tago nist s can also be thus qualified: they are less

producers of information than acted upon by information. If we can forget

for a moment our judgemental attitude, and without giving it a pejorative




147

con not ati on, we can refer back to the dionysiac me ta ph or of confusion:

things, people and representations relate through a mechanism of proximity.

Thus, it is by successive associations that what we call the social given is

created. By a series of overlappings and multiple interconnections, a

net work of net wor ks is cons titut ed; the various ele men ts are main taine d in

relation to on e anot he r, thus forming a compl ex stru ctur e; ho weve r,

timing, chance, the present all play a considerable part. This gives to our

era its uncer tai n an d stochastic flavour. This does no t alter the fact,

difficult as it is for us to see, that there is a solid organicity at work that can

serve as the basis of new forms of solidarity and sociality.

To be sur e, these owe nothi ng to the ideology of dev elo pme nt founded

on an individual master of himself or on continuous progress; these are all

par t of a linear pers pec tive or a physics com pri sed of isol ated , j ux tap os ed

at om s. A s is the case in ot he r dom ai ns , it is nece ssary from tim e to time t o

instigate a truly Cop ern ican revolu tion. In de ed , it would be judicious t o

write a new De revolutionibus orbium . . . which wou ld apply not to the

heavenly realm, but which would show the particular evolutions and

revolutions of a shattered social world. Thus, the network of networks

would no longer refer to a space in which various elements are added to

one another, are positioned; in which social activities are ordered accord

ing to a logic of separation; but rather a space where everything is

combined, multiplied and reduced, making kaleidoscopic figures with ever-

changing and varied contours.

Perhaps we can compare it to what Berque calls the 'areolar space', a

space which refers to area, as opposed to a linear space uniquely defined by

a succession of points: 'linear space would be defined as more extrinsic,

areolar space as intrinsic' . 5 0

I would like to extrapo late th e autho r's notes

on this topi c which he appl ies to Ja pa n. In de ed , it is possible to imagin e

that the emphasis placed on context, correlative to this 'areology', can help

us to define more clearly the effectiveness of the local and proxemic. As I

formu lated earlie r, ex-tension gives way to 'in-te nsion' . Con seq uent ly,

instead of interpreting the logic of networks as arising from a rather

causalist mechanics - a series of sequences - it can be seen holistically as

the correspondence of differing areas. In the context of a complex society,

everyone lives through a series of experiences which can only be under

stood in an overall sense. Participating in a multitude of tribes, which are

themselves interrelated, allows each person to live his or her intrinsic

plurality. These various 'masks' are ordered in a more or less conflictual

way and fit together with other surrounding 'masks'. Thus we can describe

to some extent the morphology of the network. This construction, like

paintings within a painting, values all of these elements, no matter how

minuscule or anodyne.

I return to my main hypothesis: there is (there will be) an increasing to

and fro between the tribe and the mass; within a defined matrix, a

multitude of poles of attraction are crystallizing. In both of these images,

the glue of the aggregation - which we could call experience, the lived,



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TRIBE S

sensi tivity , image - is ma de up of proxim ity and th e affectual (or the

emo tio na l), which is evok ed by are a, the minuscule and the every day.

Thus, the network of networks appears as an architectonic whose sole

worth resides in its various elements. To come back to Troeltsch's

typology, the sociality produced by the network would be of the mystical

t y p e . 5 1 This te rm offers a suitable descripti on of the domi na nt char acte r

istic of contemporary reliance. We can find in it th e flux, the mobi li ty , th e

experience and the emotional life. These are all things which, as I have

tried to emph asiz e thr oug hou t this analysis, surpass the individual mon ad

and strengthen the collective feeling. It would thus appear that, due to one

of those frequent short-cuts in human history, postmodern sociality is

reinvesting some rather archaic values to say the least. Referring to

bour geoi s monu men tal ity, to its institutional expressions and its pro

jective preoccupations, these can be called 'non-contemporary' values.

And yet, they are no less real and gradually spread throughout the societal

whole in their entirety.

The paradigm of the network can then be seen as the re-actualization of

the ancient myth of community; myth in the sense in which something that

has perhaps never really existed acts, effectively, on the imagination of the

time. This explains the existence of those small tribes, ephemeral in their

actu aliz ation, bu t which never thel ess crea te a state of mind that, for its

part, seems called upon to last. Must we see this then as the tragic and

cyclical re tu rn of the sam e? It is possi bl e, howev er , tha t it forces us to

rethink the mysterious relationship uniting 'place' and 'we'. For, although

it does not fail to annoy the upholders of institutional knowledge, the

jarring and imperfect everyday life inescapably secretes a true 'everyday

knowledge' ('co-naissance') that the subtle Machiavelli called 'the thinking

of the public square'.

Notes

1. N iet zsc he, cf. F. Ferraroti's analysis,

Histoire et histoires de vie,

Paris, Librairie des

M e r i d i e n s , 1983, p. 32,

et seq.

2 .

F. Chamou x, La Civilisation hellenistique, Paris, Arth aud, 1981, p. 211 .

3 .

Ibid., p. 231, on another application of this polarity, cf. the ideal type of the city

developed by the Chicago School, in particular E. Burgess in U. Hannerz, Exploring the City:

inquiries

toward an Urban Anthropology, Ne w York: Colu mbia Unive rsity Press, 1980, p. 29.

4 . For an analysis of De Politia, cf. D. Weinst ein, Savonarole et Florence, Paris, Calm ann-

L e v y , 1965, pp. 298-2 99.

5 . Ibi d., pp. 44- 45 and footn ote s 18 and 19 on the influence of the city of Flore nce. On

space as a category of understanding', cf. A. Moles and E. Rohmer, Les Labyrinthes du vecu,

Par i s , Me rid iens , 1982; on the 'communi ty of meanin g', cf. J.F. Ber nard- Bechar ies in Revue

Franqaise du marketing, 1 9 8 0 - 8 1 , book 80, pp.9-48.

6. M. Web er, The City, Ne w Yo rk, Free Press , 1958, p. 111.

7. Ibi d. , p. 159.

8. G. Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves: A Study in the Development of Brazilian

Civilization, Ne w Yor k, Alfr ed E. Knopf, 1963, p. 209.

9 . H. Ra ymo nd, preface to M. You ng and P. Willmott, Le Village dans la ville, French

trans l . of Family and Kinship in East London, Paris, Centre Geo rges Pom pid ou, Centre de

creation industrielle, p. 9.



O F

P R O X E M I C S

149

10. C f . H a n n e r z ,

Ex ploring the City

p . 6 ; o n ' u r b a n v i l la g e s ' , c .f . H . G a n s ,

The Urban

Villagers,

N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 2. O n a t t r a c t i o n , c f. P . T a c u s s e l ,

L' Attraction sociale,

P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 4 .

11 .

O n t h i s t h e m e a n d i t s e s se n t i a l c a t e g o r i e s , I r e f e r t o m y b o o k , M . M a f f e so l i,

L a

Con quete du Present. Pour u ne sociologie de la vie quotidienn e, P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 7 9 . I a m u s in g

t h e t e r m d i a l e c t ic h e r e in it s s i m p l e s t ( A r i s t o t e l i a n ) s e n s e : c o n t i n u o u s tr a v e l b e t w e e n t w o

p o l e s ; o n a c t i o n - r e t r o a c t i o n , o r t h e ' M o r i n i a n ' l o o p , cf. E . M o r i n , La Methode, v o l . 3 , L a

Conn aissance de la connaissance/1,

P a r i s , Seu i l , 1 9 8 6 .

12 . B y w a y o f e x a m p l e , s e e t h e w o r k u n d e r w a y a t t h e C e n t r e d ' E t u d e s u r l ' A c t u e l e t l e

Q u o t i d i e n ( S o r b o n n e - P a r i s V ) b y P i n a L a l li o n a l t er n a t i v e m e d i c i n e n e t w o r k s , b y P . G e r o m e

o n t h e m u l t ip l i ca t i o n o f b o d i l y t h e r a p i e s , b y S . J o u b e r t a n d B . G . G l o w c z e n s k i o n a s t r o l o g y ,

a n d J . F e r r e u x on t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f a l t e r n a t i v e g r o u p s . A l s o r e f er t o J . D u m a z e d i e r ' s

w o r k , i n c l u d i n g

La Revolution du temps libre,

P a r i s , M o r i d i e n s K l i n c k s i e c k , 1 9 8 8.

13 . A . B e r q u e ,

Vivre V espace au Japon,

P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 2 , p . 3 4 , c f. t h e a n a l y s is p p . 3 1 - 3 9 .

14 . I h a v e a l r e a d y p r o p o s e d r e v e r s i n g t h e D u r k h e i m i a n c o n c e p t s o f ' o r g a n i c s o li d a r i t y ' a n d

' m e c h a n i c a l s o l i d a r i t y ' , c f . M . M a f f e s o l i , La Violence totalitaire, P a r i s, P U F , 1 9 79 ; o n

Einfühlung ,

I r e f er t o m y b o o k

La Con naissance ordinaire, precis de sociologie com prehen

sive, P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 85 . O n t h e c o m m u n i t y n o s t a l gi a o f t h e f o u n d i n g

f a t h e r s , c f. R . N i s b e t ,

Th e Sociological Tradition,

L o n d o n , H e i n e m a n n E d u c a t io n a l ,

1970 .

15. C . L i c h t e n t h a e l e r ,

H istoire de la m edecine,

P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 7 8 , p . 1 0 0. I o w e t h is

r e f e r e n c e t o t h e t h e s i s u n d e r w a y b y T . O r e l o n v i t a l i sm .

1 6. E . R e n a n , La Reforme in Oeuvres Completes, P a r i s , C a l m a n n - L e v y , p . 2 3 0 . C f . a l s o

G i b b o n ,

The History of the Decline and F all of the Rom an Em pire,

L o n d o n , M e t h u e n , 1 9 09 ,

v o l . 1 , p . 7 6: ' A u g u s t u s p e r m i t t e d i n d e e d s o m e o f t h e p r o v i n c i a l c i t i e s t o e r e c t t e m p l e s in h i s

h o n o u r , o n c on d i t i o n t h a t t h e y sh o u l d a s s o c ia t e t h e w o r s h i p o f R o m e w i t h t h a t of t h e

s o v e r e i g n ' a n d p . 8 5 ' m a n y p e r s o n s p r e s e r v e d t h e i m a g e o f M a r c u s A n t o n i n u s a m o n g t h o s e o f

t h e i r h o u s e h o l d g o d s ' .

1 7. C f . P . B r o w n , Society and the Holy in Late A ntiquity, L o n d o n , F a b e r a n d F a b e r , 1 98 2,

p p . 2 7 6 - 2 8 1 . C f . a l s o

Th e Cult of the Saints: I ts Rise and F un ction in Latin Christianity,

C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 8 1 , C h . 1: ' T h e H o l y a n d t h e G r a v e ' .

18.

G . D u b y ,

The Age of the Cathedrals: Art and Society 980-1420,

C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y o f

C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 8 1 .

19 . E . P o u l a t ,

Eglise contre bourgeoisie,

P a r i s , C a s t e r m a n , 1 9 7 7 , p . 1 1 2 .

2 0 .

D . H e r v ie u - L e g e r , Vers un nou veau christianisme, P a r i s ,

Cerf,

1986 , p . 109; cf. a l so

p p . 1 0 7 , 1 23 f or r e f e r e n c e s t o t h e w o r k o f H . H u b e r t , R . H e r t z a n d S. B o n n e t .

2 1 .

M . M e s l i n , ' l e p h e n o m e n e r e l ig i eu x p o p u l a i r e ' in Les Religions populaires, Q u e b e c ,

P r e s s e s d e 1 ' U n i v e r s i t e L a v a l , 1 9 7 2 .

22 . C f . fo r e x a m p l e t h e s t u d i e s o f R . M o t t a ( R e c i f e ) , ' E s t u d o d o X a n g o ' ,

Re vista de

antropologia, S ä o P a u l o , 1 9 8 2; V . d e C o s t a - L i m a ( S a l v a d o r d e B a h i a ) , A familia de santo nos

candom bles jeje. Nagos a Bah ia : un estudo de relaqoes in tra-groupais,

U n i v e r s i d a d e f ed e r a l

d o B a h i a , S a l v a d o r , 1 9 7 7 ; M . S o d r e ( R i o d e J a n e i r o ) , Samba ο dono do corpo, R i o , C o d e c r i ,

1979.

2 3 .

I h ave exp l ore d th i s i n La Connaissance ordinaire.

2 4 . Cf . th e rem ark ab l e p ag es H a l b w ach s d evo tes to th e co l l ec t i v e me m ory o f s p ac e , i n La

Memoire collective, Par i s , P U F , 1968 , p p . 130 -13 8 .

2 5 . C f . A . M e d a m , La Ville censure, Par i s , An th ro p o s , 1971 , p . 103 . O n th e d i s t i n c t ion

W o r r i n g e r m a k e s , c f . Abstraction and Empathy : A Contribution to the Psychology of Style,

t ran s l. M . B u l l ock , Ne w Yor k , I n tern at i on a l Un i v ers i t i e s , 1967 . O n th e s h ared exp er i e n ce , c f.

M . M a f f e s o l i , L e P a r a d i g m e e s t h e t i q u e , Sociologie et Societes, M o n tre a l , vo l . 17 , n o . 2 (O c t .

1985) , p . 36 .

2 6 .

O n th es e two h is tor i c exa m p l e s , c f. C . B o u g i e ,


C a m b r i d g e ,

Cam b ri d ge Un i v ers i ty Pres s , 1971 , p p . 171 - 172 an d F . Ven tu r i , Les intellectuels, le peuple et

la revolution. Histoire du populisme russe au XIXe siicle,

Par i s , G a l l i m ard , 1972 , p . 211 .

27 .

F . R a p h a e l , Judaisme et capitalisms Par i s , P U F , 1982 , p . 201 .



150

T H E

T I M E

O F T H E TRIBE S

2 8 .

L . W i r t h ,

The Ghetto,

C h i c a g o , U n i v e r s i t y o f C h i c a g o P r e s s , 1 9 6 6 .

2 9 .

E . D ü r k h e i m , The Division of Labour in Society, N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4 , p p . 2 8 -

29.

3 0 . M . S c h e l e r ,

The Nature of Sympathy,

L o n d o n , R o u t l e d g e a n d K e g a n P a u l , 1 9 7 0 , p . 1 9

( cf . a l s o p . 2 0 , n o t e 1 ) ; o n t h e o r g i a s t i c - d i o n y s i a c , cf. K . M a n n h e i m ,


N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t a n d B r a c e , 1 95 4, p . 1 9 4 a n d M . W e b e r ,

Econ omy and Society,

B e r k e l e y , U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s , 1 9 7 8 .

3 1 .

H a l b w a c h s , La M em oire collective, p . 166 .

3 2 . O n t h e a r t o f s t e n c i l s , c f. t h e s t u d i e s o f M . D e v i l l e , ' I m a g i n a i r e s , p o c h o i r s , t r i b u s ,

u t o p i e s ' ,

Societis,

P a r i s , M a s s o n , n o . 10 ( 1 9 8 6 ) ; o n g r a f f it i, c f. J . B a u d r i ll a r d ,

L'Echange

sym bolique et la m ort, P a r i s , G a l l i m a r d , 1 97 6 , p . 1 1 8 , et seq.

3 3 . P . B r o w n ,

Society and the Holy in Late A ntiquity,

L o n d o n , F a b e r a n d F a b e r , 1 9 82 , p p .

2 9 3 , 2 9 7 a n d 2 9 8 .

3 4 . O n t h e s e va r i o u s p o i n t s , c f. A . S a u v a g e o t ,

Figu res de la publicitä, figures du m onde,

P a r i s ,

P U F , 1 98 7 ; M . D e v i l l e ,

Les V ideo-clip et les jeun es,

P a r i s, C e n t r e d ' o t u d e s s u r l' a c t u e l

e t l e q u o t i d i e n ( C . E . A . Q . ) C . M o r i c o t ,

Tälävision et sociätä, les imm eubles cables,

P a r i s ,

( C . E . A . Q . ) .

3 5 . B e r q u e ,

Vivre

Γ espace au Japon,

p. 47 .

3 6 . T h e t erm mu l t i tu d e o f v i l l ages wh i ch is c l o s e to th e Ch i c ago S ch oo l a s I h ave s h ow n , i s

b o r r o w e d f r o m J . B e a u c h a r d ,

La Puissance des foules,

Par i s , P U F , 1985 , p . 25 ; on th e

neighbourhood relat ions , and their confl icts or so l idari ty , one can refer to a s tudy by F.

Pe l l e t i er , Q u art i er e t com mu n i ca t i o n s oc i a l e ,

Espaces et Sociites,

n o . 15 (197 5 ) . M ore

recen t l y , c f . th e p oet i c an a l ys i s o f an e th n o l og i s t , P . S an s o t , La France sensible, C h a m p

Va l l on , 19 85 ; c f. a l s o Ferraro t t i,

Histoire et histoires de vie,

p . 33 .

3 7 . A . M o l e s ,

Th äorie structurale de la com m un ication et sociites, P a r i s , M a s s o n , 1 9 8 6 ,

p . 1 4 7 ,

et seq.

3 8 .

Ε . Τ . H al l , Beyond Culture, G a r d e n C i t y , N e w Y o r k , A n c h o r / D o u b l e d a y , 1 9 7 6 , p . 5 5

give s the ex am ple of facto ries in Jap an. On to urism , I refer to the art ic le (a s tudy unde r w ay)

b y R . A m i r o u , L e B a d a u d , a p p r o c h e d u t o u r i s m e , Sociätäs, P a r i s , M a s s o n , n o . 8 ( 1 9 8 6 ) .

F i n a l ly , o n r i tu a l in g e n e r a l , c f. L . - V . T h o m a s ,

Rites de mort,

P a r i s , F a y a r d , 1 9 8 5 , p . 1 6 .

3 9 .

C f . M . Y o u n g a n d P . W i ll m o t t , Fam ily an d Kinship in East London, H a r m o n d s w o r t h ,

P e n g u i n , 1 9 6 4 , p p . 1 0 5 , 1 1 0 ,

et seq.

A l s o s e e m y n o t e o n t h e M a f i a , ' L a m a f f ia : n o t e s su r l a

s o c i o l o g i e ' , Cahiers intern ationaux de sociologie, P a r i s, P U F , v o l . 6 8 ( 1 9 8 2 ) .

4 0 .

B o u g l e \ Essays on the Caste System, p . 11 .

4 1 .

I a m f r e e ly i n t e r p r e t i n g h e r e t h e a n a l y si s d o n e b y M . F . B a s l e z ,

L'E tranger dans la

Grace antique, P a r i s , L e s B e l l e s L e t t r e s , 1 9 8 4 , p . 4 0 , etseq. O n t h e r o l e o f t h e o u t s i d e r , c f. J .

F r e u n d ,

L'E ssence du politique,

P a r i s , S i r e y , 1 96 5 a n d J . H . P a r k , ' C o n f lit e t co m m u n i c a t i o n

d a n s l e m o d e d e p e n s e r c o r e e n ' , t h e s i s , U n i v e r s i t e d e P a r i s V , 1 9 8 5 . O n M a f i a t e r r i t o r y , c f. J .

I a n n i ,

Des af faires de fam ille,

P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 7 8 .

4 2 . C . F o u r i er , Oeu vres Com plites, P a r i s , A n t h r o p o s , 1 9 6 6 - 6 7 , v o l . 5 , p . 15 7 ; c f. a l s o E .

D ü r k h e i m ,

Th e Elem entary Form s of the Religious life,

N e w Y o r k , C o l l ie r , 1 9 6 1 ; a s t o t h e

u s e s of v io l e n c e , I h a v e a l r e a d y d e v e l o p e d t h e s e i n M . M a f f e so l i, Essais sur la violence banale

et fondatrice,

2 n d e d i t i o n , P a r i s , L i b r a i r i e d e s M e r i d i e n s , 1 9 8 5 .

4 3 .

C f . t h e a n a l y si s o f t h e s e e t h n o g r a p h e r s b y U . H a n n e r z ,


p p . 3 8 - 3 9 .

O n t h e t h e m e of t h e p r e s e n t , I r e f e r t o m y b o o k

La Conquete du Präsent.

F o r m o r e o n t h e

m o d e l o f s e c r e c y , c f. G . S i m m e l , ' L e s S o c i e t e s s e c r e t e s ' ,

Revu e franqaise de Psychanalyse,

P a r i s, P U F , 1 9 7 7. O n t h e r i t e s o f a d o l e s ce n t g r o u p s , c f. T h o m a s , Rites de mort, p . 1 5 . O n a

m o r e g e n e r a l s e n s e o f t h e u s e s o f l e is u r e t i m e , c f. t h e b o o k s o f J . D u m a z e d i e r .

4 4 .

O n e m i gh t a l s o p o i n t ou t t h a t t h e n o r m a t i v e r e s e r v a t i o n s e n u n c i a t e d b y W e b e r a r e

f o u n d m o r e i n

Le S avant et le Politique,

F r e n c h t r a n s l. P a r i s , P l ö n , 1 9 59 , p . 8 5 , 1 0 5 ,

etseq.,

w h i c h d o e s a b e t t e r j o b o f g a t h e r i n g t o g e t h e r h i s ' e d u c a t i o n a l ' t e x t s t h a n d o e s Economy and

Society.

O n t h e ' e m o t i on a l c o m m u n i t y ' cf. W e b e r ,

Econom y and Society,

p . 4 5 5 a n d J . S e g u y ,

' R a t i o n a l i s a t i o n , m o d e r n i t e e t a v e n i r d e la r e l i gi on c h e z M . W e b e r ' , Archives de Sciences

Sociales des Religions,

P a r i s , C e n t r e n a t i o n a l d e la r e c h e r c h e s c ie n t i f i q u e , 1 9 8 6 , v o l . 6 1 , n o . 1 ,

p p .

1 3 2 , 1 35 a n d n o t e s . O n t h e c li m a t e i n w h i c h W e b e r w r o t e a b o u t t h e ' o r g i a s t ic ' a n d t h e



O F

P R O X E M I C S

151

p rox i mi ty o f th e B aa l s ch oo l o f p r i es t s , an d th e K l ages c i rc l e , c f. W . F i e tk an , Ά la rech erch e

d e l a revo l u t i on p erd u e i n

Walter Benjamin,

Par i s ,

Cerf,

1986 , p . 291 ,

et seq.

4 5 . H a n n e r z , Exploring the City, p. 118.

4 6 .

Ap a rt f rom th e re fer en ce s g i ven b y H a n n e rz , on e can re fer to th e th es i s b y S . L an g l o i s ,

L es res eau x s oc i au x e t l a mob i l i ty p r o fes s i o n n e l l e , S o rb o n n e , 1980 , wh i ch g i ves a fin e

s u mm ary as we l l a s op en i n g u p n e w ave n u e s o f res earc h .

4 7 . H a n n e r z ,

Exploring the City,

p . 63 .

4 8 . T h e q u es t i o n o f gos s i p or ru mou r is worth a n oth er l oo k . A p art f rom th e s tu d ies b y

Morin and Shibutani (Cf .

Sociites,

Par i s , M as s on , 1984 ) , I wo u l d re fer to th e

these d'etat

by

F . R e u m a u x , E s q u i s s e d u n e s o c i o l o g i e d e s r u m e u r s , q u e l q u e s m o d e l e s m y t h i q u e s e t

p a t h o l o g i q u e s , S or b o n n e - P a r is V , C . E . A . Q .

4 9 . S . M i l gram, The Experience of Living in Cities. Cf . the analys i s do ne by Ha nn er z,

Exploring the City,

p. 68 .

5 0 . B e r q u e , Vivre Vespace au Japon, p. 119.

5 1 .

E . T ro e l t s ch , Ch r i s t i an i s me e t s oc i e te ,

Archives de Sociologie des religions,

no . 11

(19 61 ) , p p . 15 - 34 ; cf . w i th regard to th e n eb u l a an d th e s ec tar i an grou p , H er v i eu -L eg er , Vers

un nouveau christanisme,

p p . 145 , 343 , 353 ,

et seq.



A P P E N D I X : T H E T H I N K I N G

O F

T H E

PU BL I C SQ U A R E *

1.

T h e t w o c u l t u r e s

The exis tence of a ' savage th inking ' i s now taken as a g iven; for t i f ied by

expe r i ence acqu i red th rough con tac t w i th p r imi t i ve soc i e t i e s , an th ropo logy i s

turning i t s a t tent ion to the everyday l i fe of contemporary soc ie t ies , even to

what has been ca l led the ' ente rpr i se cul ture ' , or o ther spheres tha t used to

seem too close to be successful ly analysed. I t is the same for the cul ture of

knowledge , which i s beginning to admi t the exis tence of

another culture,

tha t

of col lec t ive sent iments . We can agree on th is emergence ; many ana lyses

test i fy to this;

1

how eve r , a c e r t a in d i s t ance rema ins be tw een the se tw o

cul tures which a t t imes r i sks becoming an unbr idgeable

gulf.

The re i s no

ques t ion, of course , of t ry ing to ge t a round th is d i f fe rence , or even of denying

the genu ine consequences , w he the r i n t he rea lm of know ledge o r t he

everyday; ra ther i t must be acknowledged in order to maste r i t s e f fec ts . I t i s a

ma t t e r o f expe r i enc ing the pa radox ica l t ens ion p roduced by the ex i s t ence o f

the se tw o cu l tu re s , a t ens ion w hich can be summar i zed thus : how to combine

into a thought perspec t ive - a very genera l perspec t ive - tha t which can be

qua l i f ied as evanescent ,

ad hoc

and eph em er a l . I t i s a qu es t ion of ' ever yda y

knowledge ' which, wi thout los ing any of i t s re f lexive aspec t , t r ies to remain

close to its

natural foundation,

tha t is , th e basic social i ty.

O n a l l s i de s , moreove r , w e can see t he re su rgence o f many i s sue s re l a t ed

to t h i s na tu r a l fou nd a t io n ; t h i s i s w h a t w e cou ld ca l l, t ak in g a fa m ou s

p r e c e d e n t , th e ' N a t u r e Q u e s t i o n ' . H o w e v e r , as o p p o s e d t o w h a t w a s , f r om

t h e g r o t t o s o f U m b r i a t o t h e c o m m u n i t i e s o f t h e A r d e c h e , t h e ' F r a n c i s c a n ' -

t h em a t i c , such a qu es t io n is no long e r seen in cu t an d d r i ed t e rm s . T h e r e

can no longe r be a c a se o f cu l tu re on one s ide and na tu re on the o the r , w i th

a l l t he consequences such a d i cho tomy impl i e s . I t mus t be seen tha t t he

e ssen t i a l co ns eq ue nc e is t he co ns t an t r e l a t i v i za t ion o f t he na tu r a l po l e . In

v a r i o u s f o r m s - p o p u l a r , f o l k l o r e , c o m m o n w i s d o m a n d s o o n - i t w a s f o r

the mos t pa r t ma rg ina l i z ed . A t be s t , i t w as seen a s a s t age t o be pa ssed

t h r o u g h ; t h e i n f a n c y o f h u m a n i t y , a l w a y s r e b o r n , w h i c h h a d t o b e

c o m p l e t e l y e r a d i c a t e d , a t a s k t o w h i c h t h e g r e a t t h i n k e r s b u c k l e d d o w n

w i th re l i sh . Thus , be fo re demons t ra t i ng , o r a t l e a s t i nd i ca t ing the syne rgy

Ded i ca ted to Fran co Ferraro t t i .



A P P E N D I X : THE

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153

that is bec omi ng clear the se days be twe en th e natural pole and the cultural

pole, an analysis, however

brief,

should be made of the constant scorn or

neglect of popular thought: whether in the realm of mythology or the

everyday.

2

This is a procedure stated α contrario which can be of en or mo us

help to my arguments.

T o re tu rn to a con cep t of Gil be rt Du ra nd 's , it was no t until recen tly that

the 'ant hrop olog ical trajectory ' (which Be rq ue called 'trans-subjectivity')

between the aforementioned poles was called into question. Thus, in the

cabbalistic tradition, alongside the 'tree of knowledge' grows the 'tree of

life'. It is the schism be tw ee n the two tre es that , accord ing to Sc hol em,

allows evil to gain a foothold in the world. 3 In a metaphorical way, one can

surely say tha t this is on e of the source s of the separ ati on b et we en life and

philosophy, their profound antagonism and the enormous difficulty the

latter has in integrating the rich experience of the former. Very early on,

we see the emergence of an important distinction between a 'philosophic-

rationalist ' culture and a 'populo-mythological' culture, a distinction

which, like a th re ad , weaves its way throu gh th e fabric of hu ma ni ty .

4

1 have

no inten tion of writing their histor y, which is worth doi ng, how ever; but

rather of highlighting that, in the words of a well-known expression, there

are variou s 'kn owl edg e inter ests' (Hab er ma s) which are bo un d to confront

each other. One might also stress the fact that the popular sensibility has

always provoked the discontent of the clerics.

This is an anc ien t pa ra do x be tw ee n that which att em pt s to explain

(return to square one), to regulate life, and that very life itself which

forever resists explanation. The first sensibility proceeds by distinction and

by subsequent analysis; the second favours conjunction and the overall

comprehension of various elements of the worldly reality. Historians and

sociologists have often contested the equivalency (ideal-typical) estab

lished by Max Weber between the spirit of capitalism and Protestantism. In

fact, in this book he stylized the essential characteristics of what can be

called bourg eoisi sm. In parti cula r, with respect to his epi ste me: to ma ster

nature (social and natural) through the rational and systematic application

of the disjunctive attitude. Moreover, this can be summed up by what Mehl

states with rega rd to the Prot est ant o utlo ok which, as opp ose d to what

seems 'at times to characterize Catholic thinking', proceeds by 'rupture, by

refusing conjunctions' . 5 In this sense, bourgeois society and its Protestant

ideology , or even th e Ang lo-Sa xon attit udes which are its vecto rs, push t he

logic of distinction and separation to its extreme. These are things which

characterized modernity in its best as well as worst aspects. By favouring

the demonstration of a rational order of 'ought', it simply forgets to show

[monstrare] a real or de r that is muc h mo re compl ex - somet hing mod ern

thought has often been incapable of understanding. Witness this warning

by an historian of Russian populism, concerning intellectuals who 'lead the

people in the name of abstract, bookish, imported ideas, but adapt

themselves to the people as it was\

6

Bu t this tra nsi tion from a logic of

oug ht to an em bo di ed logic is no t a given whe n on e rem em be rs the



154

T H E

T I M E

OF THE

TRIBE S

scholar 's scorn of the ordi nar y, every day life which , desp ite differing

political sympathies, continues to form the basis of a good number of

analyses of social reality.

2 . Fo r the people' s happ ines s

We shall not return to an old problem which has been the subject of many

studies for over a decade. At a time when it was unfashionable to do so, I

myself ma de a contribution to this deb ate . One must reme mbe r, however,

that the people must always be brought to consciousness from

the outside.

Len inis m took this pers pect ive an d, as we kn ow , very few intellec tuals

escaped its grip. 7 And all those who, even today, distrust spontaneous

sociology, everybody's sociology, take their inspiration from the same

philosophy: that of scorn for anything which cannot be explained con

ceptually; perhaps for anything that is lived.

One may remember the Hegelian expression, 'The people does not

know what it wants, only the Prince knows.' Bit by bit, this privilege of

the Prince's was passed on to the upholders of the logic of politics, the

intellectuals, as carriers of the universal and the founders of collective

responsibility. From the princes of the mind from centuries past enacting

laws or the royal march of the Concept, to their pale reflections today in

the form of con tem po rar y buffoons, builders of a medi a infrastructure, the

mechanism is exactly the same: in all places and at all times it is a question

of 'an swe rin g for'. In this resp ect, it is enlig hten ing to see tha t, whe th er in a

scholarly study or in the multitude of newspaper articles, the moral

preoccupation remains the basis of much of intellectual analysis. As for

those who refuse to go along with this trend, they are classified under the

shameful heading of aesthetes

It would be instructive to compile an anthology of the expressions of the

scornful attitude with respect to the idiocy and the idioms of the people; in

sho rt, with resp ect to its at ta chme nt to part icul aris ms. Whe th er in the case

of Gorky observing that Lenin had the barine's* scorn 'for the life of the

masses' or the type of populo of whom Sartre stat ed 'th ey always noti ce the

ba d in thin gs' when it is equally possibl e to see the good, th er e are man y

who cannot let go of their critical

a priori

in or de r to seize the val ues which

make for the quality of life above all concerned with 'proxemics'. This

ou tloo k can best be su mm ed u p in a qu ip of Pau l Va te ry : 'Politics is the ar t

of preventing the senses from getting involved in what concerns them.'

8

In de ed , the abo ve- men tio ned failure to com pre he nd resides in the p rop en

sity of the moral-political logic to concern itself with the far-off, the plan,

the perfect; in a word, with the 'ought'. On the other hand, what for lack of

a better term we shall call the people or the mass can be characterized by

that which is close by, by that structurally heter og ene ous , mon stro us

Transl. note: a nob lem an of pre-revol utionary Russi a.



A P P E N D I X :

THE

T H I N K I N G

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P U B L I C S Q U A R E

155

ev eryd ay ; in sh or t, by being the cen tr e of an exi stence it is ver y difficult to

su mm ar iz e. This expl ains its quas i-con scious refusal to be a nyth ing.

To account for this, I have proposed the metaphor of the underground

centrality, in order to underline the fact that many social phenomena,

while not finalized, have their own specificity. Thus, in the hypothesis of

neo- triba lism I am setting ou t, one can say tha t within a multifor m mass

th er e is a multiplicity of mic ro- groups tha t esc ape the norm al predic tions or

commands to identity of the social analysts. Nevertheless, these tribes'

exist ence is consp icu ous ; the existence of thei r culture s is no less real.

Naturally, these cultures are not part of the politico-moral order; any

analysis starting from such a premise is condemned to silence or, what is

unfortunately more often the case, to verbosity. As I have said, it is

impossible to summarize; even less is it possible to be reductive, or to make

sociality subject to some form of determination, be it of the highest order.

We are living through some of the most interesting times, in which the

efflorescence of the lived gives rise to a pluralisti c kn ow le dg e, in which

disjunctive analysis, the techniques of separation and conceptual a-

priorism

are giving way to a com ple x ph en om en ol og y which can inte grat e

participation, description, life narratives and the varied manifestations of

collective imaginations.

Such a procedure, which takes life into account, may go some way in

explaining the contemporary throng. As I have said before, we are far from

an abdica tion of the mind - on the cont rar y In de ed , it is possib le that in so

doing we are able to see a particular order at work in our own day. Thus,

corresponding to a logical vitalism would be a societal vitality, in other

words, a logic of passions (or of confusion) would replace the politico-

moral logic to which we have become accustomed. In the words of Saint

Athanas ius ,

'ou kairoi alia

kurioV

, which coul d be tra nsl ate d as: 'no t that

which is pre sen t; but rathe r the gods'. Mart ine au pro pose s inverting the

proposi t ion: 'ou kurioi alia kairoi , which we might transl ate as 'not

over arch ing auth orit y; but rat her that which is th er e' , the occasions, the

moments experienced joint ly. 9 This inversi on is useful in u nders tan din g

our own time. Religious or profane monovalency has had its day; it may be

that the aforementioned tribes are more concerned with the time that

passes and its tru e nat ur e, with the occasions tha t arise , rat her tha n

over archi ng aut hori ties , whate ver sha pe they may take . It is no less

possible that these occasions define an

order

wh ich, for all that it is mo re

stochastic or mor e la ten t, is no less rea l. Thes e are the stakes claimed by

the un de rg rou nd centrality: to be able to co mp re he nd a differentiated

architectonic, based on an internal order or puissance and whi ch, while not

being finalized, posse sses an intrinsic force tha t must be ack now led ged .

Th e vitalism pr od uc ed by the appr oa ch I have just laid out is not an

ex nihilo cre ati on . This pers pec tive recurs regu larly, and has inspired

important works. To cite but a few names from modern history, one might

refer to Schopenhauer's 'will to live', to Bergson's elan vital, Simmel's

Lebensoziologie

or Levi-Straus s'

vouloir obscur.

In each of thes e, the



156 THE TIME O F THE TRIBES

acce n t i s p l ac ed on th e

system of conjunctions.

O r , t o em plo y a t e r m in use

to re fe r t o t he va r ious cu l tu ra l , soc i a l , h i s to r i c a l and economic e l ement s ,

t h e s o c i a l w h o l e

[tout social].

T h i s c o n j u n c t i o n s e e m s t o b e e q u i v a l e n t t o

t h e g r e a t s o c i o l o g i c a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e m o m e n t . O n e m a y d i s c r i m i

n a t e , s e p a r a t e , r e d u c e a w o r l d d o m i n a t e d b y t h e o b j e c t a n d t h e o b j e c t i v e ;

i t i s no t t he sam e w he n on e is con f ro n ted w i th w ha t I w o u ld ca ll t he ' r e t u r n

of l i f e ' . Th i s t heme can be found recur ren t ly i n Webe r i n t he h igh ly

f o r m a l i z e d f o r m o f

Verstehen.

I t i s ap pr op r i a t e t ha t w e hav e be en ab l e t o

u n d e r l i n e t h e c e n t r a l r o l e t h a t th i s n o t i o n h a s p l a y e d b e t w e e n k n o w l e d g e

and eve ryday l i f e . 'D esp i t e t he mys t ique w i th w hich the concep t o f

Verstehen

h a s b e e n i n f e c t e d , t h e r e s e e m s t o b e n o r e a s o n t o s u p p o s e t h a t

h i s to r i c a l o r soc io log ica l un de rs t an d i ng i s d i f fe ren t f rom eve r yd ay u nd e r

s t a n d i n g . '

1 0

In fac t , t he re i s a c e r t a in amount o f t he mys t i c a l i n t he no t ion

of un de rs t an d i ng , in t h e sense t ha t it i s fo un de d o n kno w l ed ge tha t i s a t t he

same t ime d i rec t , i n tu i t i ve and g loba l . I t ga the rs ; i t keeps t oge the r t he

v a r i o u s e l e m e n t s t h a t t h e a n a l y t i c m o m e n t h a d s e p a r a t e d .

Le t us cons ide r t he t e rm 'mys t i c a l ' i n i t s w ides t s ense : t ha t w hich t r i e s t o

u n d e r s t a n d h o w t h i n g s s t a y t o g e t h e r , e v e n i f i n a c o n t r a d i c t o r y w a y . T h i s

acc ou n t s fo r t h e conf l i c tua l ha rm on y tha t is t he a t t r i bu t e of eve r y soc i e ty .

In shor t , i t i s th i s

glutinum mundi

t ha t m ak es som e th ing ex i s t . M ys t i c a l i s

t h e a s t o n i s h m e n t o f t h e m e m b e r o f t h e

populo

w h o , c o n f r o n t e d w i t h

Sa r t r e ' s c r i t ic a l sp i r i t , s e e s , sme l l s , t e l ls t h e ' go od a t w o rk in al l t h in gs ' . T h e

a f f i rma t ive ' y e s ' i s i n op po s i t i o n to t he d i s soc i a t i ve ' n o ' . R em e m b er t ha t

th e d i s junc t ive p ro ce du re i s t he f li p -s ide o f t he p r inc ip l e o f i n d iv id ua t io n .

T h e c r it i c a l i nd iv id ua l w h o sep a ra t e s is t he sam e on e w h o d iv ide s . W hi l e

h i s e n t i r e

oeuvre

is p a r t o f t h i s t r a d i t i o n , A d o r n o , w h e n h e l e ts g o , r e m a r k s

w i th l uc id i ty t ha t ' no one ha s t he r i gh t t h rough e l i t i s t p r ide t o be opposed

to t he mass o f w hich he o r she i s a l so a moment ' , o r ' i n many peop le i t i s

a l r e a d y a n i m p e r t i n e n c e t o s a y " I " \

n

In fac t , th e my st ica l a t t i t ud e of

un de rs t an d i ng t a ke s i n to accou n t t he d i scou rse of t h e m ass ; i t i s j us t , t h e

t ru th be to ld , a spec i f ic express ion of i t . In these f ine words : 'Our ideas a re

i n e v e r y o n e ' s h e a d . ' I n c o n t r a s t t o t h e e x t e r i o r i t y m e n t i o n e d e a r l i e r ,

un de rs t an d i ng en co m pa sse s t he w h ole and is i ts e lf s i t ua t ed w i th in t h i s

w h o l e .

Th i s i s a speci fi c am bie nc e w hich enc ou rag es i n t e rac t iv i t y , w he th e r

c o m m u n i c a t i o n a l , n a t u r a l o r s p a t i a l . B y p u t t i n g f o r w a r d i n a p r e v i o u s b o o k

t h e n o t i o n s o f c o r r e s p o n d e n c e a n d a n a l o g y a s a p p r o a c h e s a d o p t e d b y o u r

d i sc ip l ine , I sough t t o h igh l igh t t he pe r t i nence o f t he g loba l pe r spec t ive i n a

w o r l d w h e r e , p r e c i s e l y b e c a u s e n o t h i n g is i m p o r t a n t , e v e r y t h i n g i s i m p o r t

an t ; i n a w or ld w he re , f rom the l a rge s t t o t he sma l l e s t , a l l e l ement s f i t

t o g e t h e r . T h i s w a s a l s o a m a t t e r o f e m p h a s i z i n g t h a t , j u s t l i k e a m o n o

ch ro m e pa in t in g , soc ia l l if e i s fou nd ed on a sub t l e ove r l a y ing o f exp e r i

e n c e s , s i t u a t i o n s a n d p h e n o m e n a , o n e o n t o p o f a n o t h e r w h i c h a r e

i n t e r r e l a t e d i n a n a n a l o g o u s w a y . W i t h o u t g o i n g i n t o t h e r e a s o n s b e h i n d i t ,

o n e c a n d e s c r i b e s u c h a m b i g u i t y . I n h i s o w n w a y , B e r q u e u s e s t h e n o t i o n

o f ' m e d i a n c e ' , w h i c h c o n n o t e s a m b i e n c e w h i l e e v o k i n g t h e m u l t i f o r m




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effects me nti on ed earlier . Th er e is a back and forth mov em en t betwe en the

objective and the subjective, and between the search for conviviality and

the met aph ori c pro ce du re . To be mor e precise, it is possible to speak of the

contamination of each of these registers by the other. All of these things, if

they do not inv alid ate , at least relativize bo th ext ernal scrutiny as well as

any conceptual and/or rational mo no va le nc e.

1 2

3 .

The or de r within

The surpassing of rational monovalence as an explanation for the social

world is not an abstract process; in fact, it is tightly aligned with the hetero

genization of this world, or what I have called social vitalism. According to

Renan, the ancient god 'is neither good nor bad; it is a force'.

1 3

This power

has nothi ng morali zing ab ou t it, but is exp ress ed th rough a variety of

characters, which should be understood in the strongest sense of the word,

and which all take their place in the vast symphony of the world.

Such a pluralization forces social thought to break through the con

strain ts of a one-d ime nsi onal science. This is the essential lesson of Ma x

We be r: th e pol ythe ism of value s cre ate s a causal plur alis m. Within the

conce ptual fram ework impo sed by the ninet een th centur y, I have shown

how a value was recognized as good, and the intellectual's goal was to

ensure that this principle became law. This is the politico-moral perspec

tive.

Th e few ideol ogies that sha red (conflictually) the ma rket functioned

according to the same mechanism. It can no longer remain so when totally

antagonistic values burst onto the scene, relativizing, at the very least, the

pre ten sio n to univers ality , just as this gives nu an ce to the overall influence

of a part icul ar mor alit y or politics. This erupti on is the foundati on of

conceptual relativism.

Such rela tivis m is no t necessaril y a ba d thing. In any case , its exi stence is

clear , and one might as well ta ke not e of it. In or de r to be tt er un de rst and

its effects, one might recall a statement of Brown's, in which he says that

the history of man kin d there fore is ma rk ed by 'a const ant tension betwe en

theistic and polytheistic ways of thinking'. 1 4 For my part, I would say that

th er e is a con sta nt swing bac k and forth . A cco rdi ng to Sor ok in' s law of

saturation which he so capably applied to cultural entities, there are

paradigms that favour that which unifies in terms of political organizations,

conceptual systems and moral representations; there are others that, on

the con tra ry, enco ura ge explo sion, effervescence and proliferation. Fro m a

purely spiritual God, powerful and solitary, we have moved to bodily idols,

dis ord ere d and plurali stic. How ev er , as op po se d to a simplistic linearity

which can only envisage the pa th from ' pol y' to 'm ono ', it is easy to obse rve

that human histories provide many examples of a back and forth move

ment between these two modes of social expression.

Many studies have underlined this ph en om eno n: Du ra nd , an expert on

mythology, has shown how Christianity itself, in its monotheistic intransi

gence , is incompr ehensib le witho ut i ts syncretist su bs tra tu m.

1 5

Even in our



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own day and age, the development of sectarianism, charismatic move

ments, charitable initiatives, fundamental communities, the many forms of

super stitio n, can be inte rpre ted as the manifestation of our old pa gan ,

populis t root s tha t hav e last ed, mor e or less, within po pu la r religion and

which have undermined the unifying shell developed by the institution of

the Church over the course of centuries. In fact, it would be interesting to

show how the unified aspect of the doctrine and the organization is less

solid than at first appears; that it is still vulnerable to fracturing and is

above all

ad hoc.

Th e varie d schisms and heresie s are a goo d illustration of

this phenomenon. Even the doctrines which prove later to be the most

solid supporters of monovalent positions, since they are opposed to

intolerance, because they confront the unknown and because they are

based on the thirst for freedom, are in their founding moments the most

solid defenders of pluralism. Thus, if we follow Strohl, a great expert on

the young Luther, we can see how Luther contrasted a macroscopic,

insti tutional C hu rc h with an 'invisible Chu rch . . . tha t acts thr ough its

wi tnesses ' .

1 6

Thus he found that the essence of the

ecclesia

was constituted

of small local entities mystically united in the communion of the saints. For

him, against the institutional Church serving up an established doctrine

there exists an essential instituting force:

puissance

versus

power.

It is interesting to note that this pluralistic vision of the Church has as its

corollary an intellectual framework that dissociates itself from scholastic

rigidity. Luther learned to 'combine fragments of the Aristotelian system

with those of the Augustinian, without worrying about the principles of

thes e two systems . . . he could easily ado pt ideas derived from foreign

principles, but which could be assimilated to his own'. In both these

aspe cts, Lut he r's ex ampl e is illuminating, for the success of Luth era nis m

resid es in the intuitive unde rs tan di ng of the pluralistic founda tion which

characterizes the masses. Strohl, moreover, goes on to highlight that

Lu th er 'so n of the peop le . . . has bot h his good and ba d qua li ti es '.

1 7 W e

shall leave the responsibility for such claims to himself; what is sure is that

in his own time the popular levels of society were not wrong in following

him enthusiastically and, taking his teachings to their logical conclusion,

revolted against the established powers, until Luther, having achieved his

goal of getting rid of the vizier to become the new vizier, called upon the

nobility for help in quelling the disorder of the rabble. But the 'circulation

of elites' is another story

Above all, it is critical to bring ou t the fact that ther e is a ref ract ory

social foundation to unity: refractory to any representational or organiza

tional one-d imens ionali ty. This found ation seem s to be functionally man i

fest at moments in which massification occurs together with an explosion of

the valu es und erly ing this mas s. As I hav e just shown for th e Re fo rm ati on ,

the same can also be said of the Renaissance during which, alongside a

general tendency for the 'amalgamation of different levels of society', as

Jacob Burckhardt, the great historian of this period remarks, there is a

vitalist explosion in all domains: doctrines, arts, sociability, political



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159

structures, etc. This effervescence constitutes a new social deal, usually

inviting other forms of interpretation. Dürkheim also noted it in the case of

the Fre nch Re vol utio n (in unde rlini ng its religious aspe ct), and, mo re

generally, in the case of any form of religion which, he says, 'is not reduced

to a unique cult, but rather consists of a system of cults invested with a

certain degree of au to no my ' . 1 8

Wh at be co me s clear thr oug h these few exam ples and quo tes is that the re

are times when societies become more complex by making use of

procedures that are themselves complex. Refined classicism is followed

by the luxuriant baroque. Just as the classical is linear, visual, closed,

analytical, and liable to be clearly analysed, the baroque is evolving,

complicated, open, synthetic and evokes a relative obscurity, or at least an

approach based on the chiaroscuro. Such research arguments put forward

in art history by Wölfflin 1 9 can easily be applied to these epistemological

considerations. In this case, the accent will be placed on the latter of these

two grou ps of not ion s. The ba ro qu e sociality that is being born requ ires

that we know how to decipher the logic of its internal mechanism. I repeat,

th er e is a specific or de r to th e un de rg ro un d sociality, an inte rnal ord er that

occasionally blo sso ms at time s of fract uring , distu rba nce or efferve scence,

given that these may be completely silent, or at the very least very discreet,

to the extent that they may escape the close analysis of the experts. Let us

remember the adage of 'keeping one's ear to the ground' .

Jü ng er not ed with ast ute nes s tha t th er e is no allusion in Egy pti an w riting

t o E xodus . 2 0 This event must not have played a significant role in the

internal politics of that country. Nevertheless, we know what impact this

small escape by slaves had on the course of history, or, and it amounts to

much the same thing, on the mythological construction underlying our

history. Th us , th ere are times durin g which the suppo sedly un imp ort ant ,

the unob se rv ed , consi dere d marg inal , is bot h a place of real investm ent for

the protagonists, as well as being consequential for social evolution. The

order to which I am referring is an attempt to come to terms with this

phenomenon.

It has alre ady b ee n anal yse d by way of no tions such as the 'soft

und erb ell y', 'aloo fness' a nd rus e; I even prop ose d the catego ry of dupli

city21 to acc ount for the proces s of abs ten tio n. It mus t also be no ted tha t

this thematic, aside from its inherently prospective interest, opens up an

epistemological line of inquiry. Thus, as Poirier remarks, the life narratives,

which 'try to make the people of silence talk, in the words of their most

humble representa t ives ' , 2 2 can be seen as belonging to this perspective. He

no te s the fact that t he re is an elo qu en t silence, and tha t it is no t a ma tt er of

rushing it, but rather of interpreting it in order to bring out all its richness.

Silence is very often a form of dissid enc e, of resistance or eve n inte rnal

distance. If we interpret this in the context of positivist norms, which can

only see the positivity of things, then this silence will be seen as 'less', as a

non-existence. As opposed to this attitude, one must say that such a

procedure has its own strong points: the 'nothing' which serves as a



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fou nda tion for a meaningful life. This is the Webe ria n exp ress ion:

understanding reality from the characteristics of the unreal. In fact, the

categories of opacity, ruse, duplicity, the mechanisms of silence and the

chiaroscuro are above all the expression of a vitalism which assures the long-

term preservation and self-creation of sociality. This leads us to the

aforementioned epistemological situation.

Behind the practice of silence lies, as I have pointed out elsewhere, the

question of survival. By survival I mean that faculty of adaptation which

allows one to accommodate constraints without being overwhelmed by

them. Therein essentially lies the problem of force or puissance, which

must not be confused with po we r. I would also no te that , in its sociological

dimension, the survival of the Jewish people can be seen in the context of

the strategies I have just explained. Its jokes, its puns, silences and

consequent ruses are accompanied by a great respect for and love of life, as

many commentators have not failed to remark. 2 3

In the same order of things, one may pursue the detailed analysis of a

polemical dialogue of everyday life and how only loving relationships that

escape the injunction of speech, the therapy of confession, have a chance

to survive.

2 4

I am intentionally using illustrations from a broad spectrum.

They have nothing to do with one another, but they are able expressions of

how all sociality is base d on co mm un io n and reser ve , attr actio n and

repulsion, and by paying too much attention to the first of these pairs we

risk losing sight of the richness of the second . In the nine te en th -cen tu ry

zeal to explain everything in terms of reason, to require explanations for

everything, we have forgotten, in the lovely words of Silesius, that the 'rose

knows no reason'. From an epistemological point of view, relying too

heavily on the 'spoken' portion of social relationships has caused us to

forget that they are also founded on the unspoken. Such empty space is a

storehouse worth exploring. This perspective, well represented by the

ancient wisdom of the secretum meum mihi, can form the bas is of a

conc re te sociality which is mo re tha n the simple reflection of ou r ideas, bu t

has its own consistency. This may be common sense, grudgingly recognized

by academics who feel relativized, but it regularly re-emerges both in

everyday life and in the world of ideas.

4 .

Experi ence, proxemics and organ ic knowledge

Cont ra ry to wha t is typically ack nowle dged , the end of the grea t nar rativ es

of reference is not the result of a lack of great thinkers. The quality of

intelle ctual rese arch is not necessarily worse tha n at ot he r times. In fact, if

there is a disenchantment with overarching and distant ideologies, it is

because we are witnessing the birth of a multitude of ideologies which are

lived from day to day, based on close, familiar values. Experience and

proxemics: this sense of the concreteness of existence can now be

considered as an expression of good health, of particular vitality. This




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161

vitalism secretes in a way an organic thinking with, of course, all its

inhe ren t qua lit ies , tha t is, an insistence on intuiti ve pe rce pti on - seen from

insi de; on comp re he ns io n - seen overa ll; the holistic app rec iati on of the

varied elements of the given and on the common experience, which is felt,

along with others, to constitute a lived knowledge. Some authors, few and

far be tw ee n, it is tr ue , ha ve emph asi ze d such an org ani c way of thinking.

One might refer in this instance to Dilthey, of course, but also to any

thought inspired by Nietzsche which prefers the dionysiac and its tactile,

emo tio nal , collective and conjunctive aspec ts. On e might also qu ote G. E.

Moore and his Defense of Common Sense whil e insisting on the tru ths he

nu rtu res . Mo or e not es with finesse that 'mos t philo soph ers . . . go against

the common sense which they still practise in their daily lives.' 2 5 One could

cite more authors who take the same line by focusing their investigations

on a similar thematic, such as sociological phenomenology, whose episte

mological and thematic interest can be seen in the work of Schutz, Berger

and Luckmann. Indeed, what may be called vitalism and 'common-

sensology' are linked, and their conjunction allows us to highlight their

intrinsic hie et nunc qua lity, and the val ue of a pre sen tis m whose r ichness

ha s yet to be fully ex pl or ed .

It re mai ns tr ue , ho we ve r, th at this is som eth ing th at is difficult for th e

intelle ctual pr oc ed ur e to admi t, since its nat ura l inclination (a struc tural

bias?) compels it towards the distant, the normative, the elaboration of the

general rule. These can all be subsumed in the expression 'the logic of the

ought', with all tendencies taken together. In order to bring this to a close,

we might say that ail of these explanatory procedures are

centrifugal -

always in sear ch of wha t lies be yo nd the obj ect un de r con siderat ion .

Op po se d to that is a com pre hen siv e app roa ch which is deliberately

centripetal, which thus tak es its ob jec t, eve n the mos t minuscul e on e, very

seriously. Ev ery th ing is exam ined in and of

itself, and there is no wish to

go be yo nd its con tra dic tions to an illusory synt hesis . In the pers pect ive

initiated by Lupa sco an d Dur an d, the re is what may be ter med a

'contradictory logic ' . 2 6 History, distance and explanation combine centri-

fugally, resulting in the 'ought'; myth, the nearby and comprehension are

comb ined centripetally, to prod uce the contradictory.

It is inte res ting to note tha t the impuls e to reco nsi der th e cate gori es of

social knowledge comes in large part from those who are emphasizing the

significance of space. I am thinking in particular of Berque's work which

showed on the one hand how 'the inhabitant lives as such and not for an

external viewer'; he develops the hypothesis of an areolar or cellular

theory which operates on the collective, in the strictest sense of the term,

rather than on the individual. This, on the other hand causes him to speak

of an indistinctness bet wee n subject and obj ect, the I and the o th e r, 2 7

which is som ewh at remi niscent of the proce du res of metap horic al or

analogical co rre spo nd enc e. What ev er the case, this conjunctio n permit s

one to isolate an

immanent order

linke d to the 'physical milieu' and t he

'concrete field' in which social life takes place. 2 8 Thi s is the maj or ele men t






T H I N K I N G

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163

only a

posteriori

tha t scholarly cultu re dev elo ps . I will use a distinction

proposed by Fernant Dumont, who speaks of 'first culture', which

surrounds us imperceptibly, and 'second culture', which ties me to a

part icular group.

3 1

In the context of these reflections, I would say that the

fo rmer is in a way the ambi en ce , the am ni ot ic fluid of all life in soci ety, and

it gives bir th to or at leas t pe rm it s th e flourishing of var ious t rad iti ons

which cannot last outside the common matrix. There are thus as many

specific traditions as there are groups; the intellectuals are one such group,

but it is only in an abusive way that it presents its learning as the most

legitimate. In fact, we would be better advised to note the correspondence,

the synergy and the complementarity that unites these diverse scholars

than to establish prevalence and hierarchies. In so doing, we would be

more aware of the richness of such learning. Naturally, to accomplish this it

is nece ssary t o diversify ou r criteria of eva lua tion. I nd ee d, if in or de r t o

judge the validity of a given statement or practice we employ the sole

crite rion of formal c oh er en ce or simple causalist logic, we are co nd em ne d

to provide tautological analyses. As far as French sociology is concerned,

Pie rre Bo ur di eu is certain ly the most significant ex am pl e of this whe n he

elaborates (or theorizes, according to one's point of view) on 'practical

belief s'. The re is no poi nt reite rat ing the scorn induce d by such an atti tud e.

It can be judged for itself and is above all an admission of impotence. In my

op in ion , it is no mo re fitting to spe ak of a 'popul ar the oret ical s ense ', since

he re onc e mo re th e co mm on s ense is ju dg ed by the sole yardstick of the

theoret ical perspect ive. 3 2

In bo th cases , on e is dea ling with a 'centrifugal'

pers pec tive whose ref eren ce lies be yo nd the obje ct with a mo re or less

explicit jud ge men tal at titu de.

Mod ern ity 's strengt h lay in having situated everythi ng in the framework

of History and historical dev elo pme nt. 'Centr ifuga tion' is noth ing m ore

than the intellectual translation of such a perspective. But what was once a

streng th has inevitably be co me a wea kne ss. Ind eed , History dep rived

histories of their place; it relativized experience. And these once-repressed

expe rienc es are resurfacing today with a ven gea nce . The ir modulat ions are

of all types, but with the common thread of favouring empiricism and

proxemics. This is forcing us to reorient our analyses, to focus our scrutiny

on 'the most ex tre me con cre te' (W. Ben jam in) that is everyd ay life. Th e

complexity of everyday life, the 'first culture', deserves special attention. I

have proposed calling this everyday knowledge.33 Th e stak es are high,

since this proxemics increasingly determines, in the simplest sense of the

wo rd , the rel ati ons hip to ot he rs . Wh et he r it is the 'lived social wor ld' , the

lived experience, relationism or reciprocal interrelationships, there have

been many expressions, from Dilthey to Schutz by way of Mannheim,

which take natural sociality and its architectonic as their

a priori

for all

sociological categories. 3 4 Is this pre-scientific? Spo nt an eo us sociology?

Spe cul ati on? T he status of such a pr oc ed ur e is of little im po rta nc e in as

muc h as it ske tch es out t he pla n, if only provis iona lly, of a configuration in

progress. Stable structures were well defined by the logic of

identity

and the





A P P E N D I X : T H E T H I N K I N G O F T H E P U B L I C S Q U A R E

165

2 1 .

M a f f e s o l i ,

La Conqu ite du präsent,

1979 .

2 2 . J . P o i r i e r , Les räcits de Ι α v ie , P a r i s , P U F , 1 9 8 4 .

2 3 . C f. W . J . J o h n s t o n , L'Esp rit vienn ois. Une histoire in tellectuelle et sociale, P a r i s , P U F ,

1985 ,

p p . 2 6 - 2 8 .

24 .

I . P e n n a c c h i o n i , De la guerre conjugate, Par i s , M aza r i n e , 1986 , p . 79 .

25 . G . E . M o o r e ,

Apologie du sens common ,

i n F . A r m e n g a u d ,

G.E. Moore et la

genäse de

Ι α philosophic analytique, Par i s , K l i n c k s i eck , 1 986 , c f. p . 13 , p . 135 -160 . T h e s tu d i es o f th e

Ce n tre d E tu d es s u r l Ac tu e l e t l e Q u ot i d i en (Par i s V) an d my tw o b ook s on th i s th em e, La

Conquete du präsent. Pou r un e sociologie de Ι α vie quotidienne, Par i s , P U F , 1979 an d La

Connaissance ordinaire, are s i tu a ted a t th e cros s ro ad s o f th i s p ers p ect i ve an d s oc i o l og i ca l

p h e n o m e n o l o g y .

26 . Cf . th e a f terwor d o f G . Du ran d to h i s Structures anthropologiques de Vimaginaire,

Par i s ,

B ord as , 19 69 . O n myth ocr i t i c i s m s u s ag e o f th e cen tr i p eta l p ro ced u re , c f. G . Du ra n d ,

Figures mythiques et visages de Voeuvre, Par i s , B e rg , 1982 , p . 308 .

27. B e r q u e , Vivre Vespace au Japon, pp . 124 and 56 .

28 .

C f. B e r q u e , Le Sauvage et Vartifice, p . 267 .

29 . O u t h w a i t e ,

Understanding Social Life,

p . 13 .

3 0 .

Cf . E . D ü r k h e im , Th e Division of Labour in Society, N e w Y o r k , F r e e P r e s s , 1 9 6 4,

p . 1 7 0 . C f . a l s o o n t h e s t er i l it y o f a c a d e m i c d i s c o u r s e , K . M a n n h e i m ,


N e w Y o r k , H a r c o u r t B r a c e , 19 5 4 . C f . a l s o t h e r i ch l y r e w a r d i n g r e m a r k b y E . R e n a n : ' it w a s

t h e h a l t in g p r o n o u n c e m e n t s o f t h e p e o p l e t h a t b e c a m e t h e se c o n d b i b l e f or t h e h u m a n r a c e ' in

Marc Auräle, p . 2 9 1 .

3 1 . C f. D u m o n t , ' C e t t e c u l t u r e q u e T o n a p p e l le s a v a n t e ' , p . 27 ,

et seq.

3 2 . C f. Y . L a m b e r t , Dieu ch ange en Bretagne, P a r i s ,

Cerf,

1 9 8 5 , p . 2 2 5 . I n f a c t , L a m b e r t ' s

b o o k i s v e r y i n t e r e s t i n g a n d o n e m i g h t t a k e t h i s s t a t e m e n t a s a n a n a l o g y ; u n f o r t u n a t e l y , in m y

o p i n i o n , it i s t o o d e p e n d e n t o n t h e ' B o u r d i e u s i a n ' p e r s p e c t i ve .

3 3 .

M a f f e s o l i ,

La Conn aissance ordinaire.

I r e f e r a l s o t o t h e r e s e a r c h o f J . O l i v e ir a

( U n i v e r s i t y o f F e i r a d e S a n t a n a , B r a z i l ) o n t h e v a r i o u s f o r m s o f p o p u l a r k n o w - h o w : thäse

d'ätat

i n p r o g r e s s .

3 4 . W i t h o u t b e i n g e x h a u s t i v e , o n e m a y c it e D i l t h e y , Le Mon de de Vesprit, P a r i s, A u b i e r ,

1 9 4 7 , M a n n h e i m ,

Ideology and Utopia',

A . S c h u t z ,

Le Chercheur et le quotidien,

P a r i s ,

M e r i d i e n s K l i n c k s i e c k , 1 9 8 6 . C f . a l s o a g o o d a n a l y s i s o f s o c i a l i t y i n J . F . B e r n a r d - B e c h a r i e s ,

' M e a n i n g a n d s oc i a l it y in m a r k e t i n g : g u i d e l i n e s f o r a p a r a d i g m a t i c r e s e a r c h ' ,

International

Review of M arketing Research.



INDEX

act i v i s m,

co l l ec t i ve b ou rgeo i s , 12

the decl ine of , 35

vs fata l i sm, 40

n o n - ,

3 0 - 3 3 , 4 0 , 1 4 6

p ro jec t i ve , 59

the saturat ion of , 92

A d o r n o , Τ . , 7 4 , 15 6

a e s t h e t i c ( s ) ,

a u r a / a m b i e n c e / f o r m / m a t r i x / p a r a d i g m ,

9 -15 , 18 , 76 , 81 , 85

eth ical , x , 20

ex i s ten t i a l , 134

m o v e m e n t , 3 6

p art i c i p a t i on / a t t i tu d e , 49

a n d p h e n o m e n o l o g y , 8 6

and the pol i t i ca l order, 164

o f s en t i men t , 14 , 74

and theatrical i ty , 77

theory of the reci ta l , 7

and v i ta l i sm, 12

a f f ec t u a l n e b u l a , 7 2 - 7 8 ,

a n d h u m a n i s m , 8 8 - 8 9

al ienat ion , x , x i i , 2

an d d u p l i c i ty , 21 , 50 -52

a n d e c o n o m i c - p o l i t ic a l o r d e r , 4 4 - 1 3 4

and h is tory , 126

and l i fes ty les , 96

an d

puissance,

7 2

an d s ecrecy , 93

an d tec h n o l ogy , 138


A l l a i s, Α . , 4 2 , 9 6

a l l o n o m y ,

vs au ton om y, 27 , 93

a l oo fn es s ,

and dup l ic i ty , 159

a n d p o w e r / d o m i n a t i o n / r e s i s t a n c e , 3 2 , 3 7 ,

4 5 - 5 3 , 51

an d p ro xem i cs , 126

an d s ecrecy , 92

and the soc io lo gy of eve ryd ay l i fe , 114

and the versat i l i ty of the ma sses , 62

a m b i e n c e , 1

and atmosphere/S i immHrtg, 11

a n d c o m m u n i o n , 2 6

and the d i f fuse unio n , 73

and elect ive socia l i ty , 90

and hol i s t ic c l imate, 14

an d i d en t i f i ca t i on , 75 - 76

an d l i f e s ty l es , 98 -99

and the mult ip l ic i ty of the

self, 10

and space, 19 , 129 , 156

and the th inking of the publ ic squar e ,

1 6 2 - 1 6 3

and tribes , 6

an th rop o l ogy 114 , 152

an d cr i t i q u e o f i n d i v i d u a l au ton omy, 27

An t i q u i ty , 10 , 33 , 46 , 57 , 84 , 94 -95 , 98 ,

108, 114

ap p earan ce( s ) ( c f th ea tr i ca l i ty ) ,

and the logic of ident i ty , 11

the p lay of , 1 , 76-77 , 90 , 98

unisexual izat ion of , 64

A q u i n a s , T . , 2 0

A r a g o n , 1 1 4

arch i tec ton i c ( s ) ,

and archi tecture, 37

of the city, 124

and civ i l i zat ions , 129

an d co l l ec t i ve s en t i men t , 80 , 115 , 132 ,

1 4 2 ,

1 6 2 - 1 6 3

and confl ictual har mo ny , 31

and dupl ic i ty , 114

an d s ecrecy , 91 , 95

and the sect type , 85

and socia l i ty , 98 , 148 , 163

an d u n d ergrou n d cen tra l i ty , 155

arch i tec tu re ,

an d arch i tec ton i cs , 36 -37

an d th e eve ryd a y , 123

and perdu rabi l i ty , 133

Ari s to t l e , 20 , 105 , 158

art,

and the aesthet ic aura, 18

an d aes th et i c s , 49

and rel ig ion , 131

tacti le vs visual , 31


as tro l ogy ( c f occu l t , s yn cre t i s m) ,

an d th e aes th et i c au ra , 13 -14

an d puissance, 3 2

an d th e re -en ch an tmen t wi th th e wor l d ,

3 9

Ath an as u s , S t . , 155

a t o m i z a t i o n ,

of the indiv idual , 13 , 76 , 83 , 130

Au gu s t i n e , S t . , 94 , 108 , 158

au ra ,

aes th e t i c , 18 -19 , 23 , 25 , 27 , 126 , 135



I NDEX

167

scientific, 31

th eo l og i ca l , p o l i t i ca l , p rogres s i ve ,

aes th et i c , 13

B ach e l ard , G . , 35

B a k u n i n , 1 6

B a l l a n c h e , 4 1

Bal trusai t i s , 128

barbari ty ,

a n d p o s t m o d e r n i t y , 2 8 , 1 0 9 - 1 1 0 , 1 2 0

B a s l e z , M . F . , 1 0 9 - 1 4 2

B as t i d e , R . , 40

Ba tai l l e , G. , 2 , 5 1 , 107

Baudri l lard , J , ix , 46 , 76

B eck et t , S . , 10 , 27

B e i g b e d e r , M . , 1 4 2

B e n ja m i n , W . , 1 8 , 20 , 58 , 63 , 66 , 73 , 82 ,

1 2 0 ,

123 , 126, 163

B erger , P . , 82 , 161

B e rg s on , H . , x , 3 , 78 , 155

B e r q u e , Α . , 1 1 , 1 4 - 1 5 , 2 2 , 1 2 8 - 1 2 9 , 1 3 8,

147, 153, 156, 161

b i n a r y o p p o s i t i o n ( s ) ,

go i n g b eyon d , 10 , 11 , 128

and logic of sep ar at io n , 14 , 52 , 147

B i s marck , 92

B l o c h , Ε . , 3 6 , 4 3 , 1 3 2

B ö h m e , J . , 3 2 , 11 1

B o l l e d e B a i , M . , 3 , 7 7

B o u g i e , C , 3 2 - 3 3 , 4 7 , 8 7 , 1 0 0 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 5 ,

134, 142

B o u r d i e u , P . , x i i, 5 6 , 1 6 3

B o u r l e t , M . , 1 09

B r e t o n ,

Α . , 85

B r ow n , P . , 10 , 21 , 59 , 66 , 72 , 108 , 114 ,

116, 130, 136, 157

B u rck h ard t , J . , 158

b u r e a u c r a c y ,

the relat iv izat ion of , 84

C a n e t t i, Ε . , 5 8 , 6 3 , 9 3

cap i ta l i s m,

and the bourgeois ideal , 16

Cap ra , F . , 36

carn i va l ( s ) ,

an d th ea tr i ca l i ty , 77 , 117 -118

c a s t e ( s ) ,

appraisal of, 32

an d co l l ec t i ve s en t i men ts , 100 , 134

an d h i erarch y , 115 - 117

cau s a l i ty (c f fu n ct i on a l i s m , u t i l i tar i an i s m) ,

cri t ique of , 7 , 41 , 147 , 161-163

Certeau , M . d e , i x

C h a m o u x , F . , 1 2 4

ch ar i s mat i c ,

l ead ers , 84

m o v e m e n t s , 1 5 8

C h a r r o n , J . E . , 3 6 , 4 6

c h i a r o s c u r o , 1 5 9 - 1 6 0

C h i c a g o S c h o o l , 1 1 0 , 1 4 3 - 1 4 4

Ch ri s t i an i ty , 22 , 52 , 78 , 82 -85 , 108 ,

111 -112 , 119 , 130 , 157

church typ e (cf sect ty pe ) , 83

C i c e r o , 5 6

c i v i l i za t i on (s ) , 90

Chris t ian , 137

an d d ea th / re -b i r th , 34 , 114 , 129 -130

an d e f ferves cen ce , 73 , 81

H el l en i s t i c , 124

a n d t h e m o n s t r o u s m a s s , 6 5 - 6 6

an d th e s t ran ger , 10 7 -1 09 , 120

collective unconscious (non-conscious),

9 8

c o m m u n i o n ,

wi th b eau ty an d n a tu re , 35

with others , 10 , 160

o f th e s a i n t s , 40 , 73 , 83 , 111 -112 , 158

an d th e s p ectac l e , 77 , 98

C o m t e , Α . , 4 0 - 4 1 , 7 4

con cr ete u n i vers a l , 19

conscience collective

and the d ionys iac, x , 76 , 79

con tractu a l ,

vs affec tual , 6 , 1 8 , 72

myth , 10 -11

p ers p ect i ve , 45

rat ional i ty , 88

C o u g h t r i e , M . E . , 1 11

cu l t ( s ) ,

o f Au g l au ru s , 67 , 109 , 130

of the body, 77

d i on ys i ac , 75

o f D i on ys u s , 10 , 82

an d d om i n at i on , 137

and fam i l ia l i sm, 129

an d re -en ch an tmen t wi th th e wor l d , 39

re -res u rg en ce o f, 86 , 99 -1 00 , 159

of sa ints , 59 , 111 , 131

c u s t o m ( s ) , 2 0 - 2 8

the survival of, 47

and the taken for gra nted , 41 , 80

cyb ern et i cs ,

an d my th o l ogy , 112

d e a t h ,

and a l ienat ion , 51

des ire for, 145

an d th e everyd ay , 7


an d mod ern i ty , 38

and the nobi l i ty of the masses , 63

and ritual , 17, 78

an d s p ace , 67 , 88

an d th e wi ll to l i ve , 22 -2 4 , 31 -3 4 , 78 ,

1 1 4 - 1 1 5

d e m o c r a c y ,

A m e r i c a n , 7 9

Chris t ian , 111

an d T h o mi s t Cat h o l i c i s m , 116

d em oth e i s t i c ( c f s oc i a l d i v i n e) ,

a n d i m m a n e n t t r a n s c e n d e n c e , 4 1 , 4 3



168

T H E T I M E

O F T H E

TRIBES

d er i s i on ,

a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 4 8 , 5 0 - 5 1

d es t i n y ,

community of , 13-15 , 17 , 19 , 123-129, 134

an d th e d i on ys i an th emat i c , 1

vs indiv idual control , 10

an d p s ych oan a l ys i s , 35

an d th e re -en ch an tmen t wi th th e wor l d ,

3 9

D i l t h e y , W . , 1 6 1 - 1 6 3

D i o n y s i a n ,

v s d i on ys i ac , 32

th em at i c , χ , 1 , 12 , 28

d i on ys i ac ,

v s d i on ys i an , 32

an d i n d i v i d u at i on , 89

l au gh ter o f th e b acch an a l , 51

logic of socia l i ty , 104

me tap h or o f con fu s i o n , 147

an d th e mon s trou s mas s , 65

t h e m a t i c , 1 9 , 2 5 , 4 2 , 7 5 , 9 8 , 1 0 8 - 1 1 0 ,

136, 161

th ias es , 8 2

D i o n y s u s 8 7 ,

myth / cu l t o f , 9 -10 , 32 , 82

an d roo ted n es s , 136

an d th e s t ran ger , 108 -10 9

and tribal i sm, 28

d i s cr i mi n at i on ,

the reject ion of , 82

d i s e n c h a n t m e n t w i t h t h e w o r l d

(Entzauberung), 72 , 160

v s r e - e n c h a n t m e n t , 2 8 , 7 8 , 8 3

d i s e n g a g e m e n t ( c f w i t h d r a w a l ) , 4 8 - 4 9

pol i t ica l , 44 , 60

d i s i n d i v i d u at i on ,

an d Di on ys i an va l u es , 12

an d i d en t i f i ca t i on , 73 -75

an d th e l og i c o f n e twork s , 90

an d th e p er s on a , 129

an d s ecrecy , 91

and the tr ibe, 6

d o m i n a t i o n ,

an d th e libido dominandi, 3 6 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 6 2 ,

116

logic of , 21 , 51

p o l i t i c o - e c o n o m i c , 2 3 , 1 3 7

the revers ib i l i ty of , 35

D o n J u a n , 1 0

D ö r f l e s , G . , 3 6 , 9 8

d r a m a

(dramein),

v s t r a g e d y , 1 7

d r e a m ( s ) ,

a n d t h e e v e r y d a y , 7 - 8

o f u n i t y , 1 0 5

D u b y , G . , 1 31

D u m o z i l , G . , 1 0 4 , 1 1 9

D u m o n t , F . , 2 6 , 6 6 , 1 15

D u m o n t , L . , 1 63

d u p l i c i t y ,

a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 21

a n d

puissance,

4 9 - 5 0

a n d t h e s o c i o l o g y o f e v e r y d a y li f e , 1 1 4

a n d t r i b a l i s m , 9 5

a n d v it a l i s m , 1 6 0

D u r a n d , G . , . 7 , 1 0 , 1 4 , 2 3 , 3 5 , 7 2 , 1 0 4 , 1 1 1 ,

128 , 142 , 153 , 157 , 161

D ü r k h e i m ,

Ε . , χ , 4 , 1 2 , 1 7 , 2 1 , 3 1 , 3 5 ,

3 8 - ^ 2 , 45 , 56 , 58 , 64 , 70 , 74 , 79 , 82 ,

87 -89 , 113 , 124 , 135 , 142 , 159 , 162

E b n e r - E s c h e n b a c h , 1 3 6

E ck h art , 111

ecs ta s y ( ex - s ta s i s ) ,

an d b e i n g - to geth er , 58 , 111

an d everyd ay l i f e , 25 -26 , 43 , 75

and the orgiast ic , 19 , 136

E h r e n be r g , Α . , 7 7

E i n s te i n , 114 , 119

e l ec t i ve s oc i a l i ty , 78

an d th e l og i c o f n e two rk s , 86 -90

E l ia s , Ν . , 65

e m p a t h e t i c ,

p er i od , 1 1 , 15 , 73 , 138

e m p a t h y ,

vs abstract ion , 31

and the affectual nebu la , 73

an d formi s m, 3 ,

an d h o l i s m, 129

E n g e l s , F . , 5 6

E n l i g h t e n m e n t ,

an d ab s o l u t i s m, 52

an d co l l ec t i ve b ou rgeo i s ac t i v i s m, 12

and indiv idual i sm, 10 , 80 , 134

and rat io nal i sm , 144

eth i c ( s ) / e th os , x , x i i

a n d t h e e t h i ca l ( c o m m u n a l ) e x p e r i e n c e ,

1 5 - 2 0 , 2 5 , 60 , 126 , 139

and socia l ase ps i s , 50

Pro tes tan t , 82

o f s ecrecy , 92

and the sp irit of the t ime s , 73

o f s ymp ath y , 75

e t h n o l o g y , 1 1 4

fashion , x i , 135

a n d c o m m u n i o n , 7 6 - 7 7 , 9 9

a n d s e c r e c y , 9 0 - 9 1

Fau l k n er , W . , 10

Fer raro tt i , F . , 164

fest ival (s ) (cf carnival ) ,

a n d c o m m u n i o n , 7 7 , 7 9 , 1 3 0

p op u l ar , 53 , 63 ,

F e u e r b a c h , 4 0

fiction, 7, 9

an d sci en ce fiction, 44

formi s m, 16 , 162

an d em p at h y , 3

an d s oc i o l ogy , 86 , 133

f o r m ( s ) , 6 - 7 , 2 0

arch ety p a l / i d ea l - typ e , 10 , 31 , 37 , 124

artistic, 81



I NDEX

169

Christian, 111

com muna l, 16, 26, 61, 127

of derision, 50-51

dionysiac/tribal, 19, 32-33, 89, 109,

115-116,

ecstatic, 136

emerging, 70, 78, 81, 120, 147

empathetic, 73, 138

and lifestyles, 98

and the mass-tribe dialectic, 129

and nature, 35

religious, 87

of the secret society, 92

social, 68, 130

and the social give n , 145

of

sociality/network,

48, 84, 140

and socialization, 143

of

Verstehen,

156

Fourier, C , 7 3, 116, 143

Fourierism, 16

Frankfurt School, 34

Freud, S., 34, 82, 107

Freund, J., 38, 45, 50, 104, 142

Freyre, G., 51, 110, 116, 125

functionalism (cf causality, utilitarianism),

7 9 ,

83, 114

Gemeinschaft-Gesellschaft oppo siti on, ix,

19 ,

60

ghe tto , 19, 42 , 135

global

perspective, 156

village, 17, 139

glutinum mundi,

13, 126, 145, 156

Goethe, 34

Goffman, E., ix, 5, 21

Gorky, M., 154

Groddeck,

34-35, 67

Habermas, J., 153

habitus

(Th omi st) /em (Aristotelian), xi, 20,

2 5 , 81, 89, 130

Halbwachs, Μ . , 13, 21, 25, 66, 68, 76, 79,

1 3 3 ,

136

Hannerz, U., 127, 144-145

hedonism, 32, 46, 52-53, 110, 143

Hegel, xii, 33, 88-89, 99, 154

Heidegger, M., 34

Heraclitus, 113, 115

hermeneutics, 5

Hervieu-Leger, D., 78, 131

Herzen, 16

Hillman, J.46

Hippo (Bishop of), 108

History,

vs dynam ic historical visi on, 134- 135

vs everyday histories, 64, 88, 129

and humanism, 89, 123-124

vs masses, 58, 62-63

and morality, 15, 17

vs myth, 3, 161

and the relativization of experience, 163

Hocquenghem, G., 76

holism 2,

and the communal ethic, 15, 18,

and hierarchy, 115, 117

and the organic community, 69, 80,

128-129, 135, 147, 161

and religion, 131-132

and sociology, 34

Hoffet, F., 107

Hoggart, R., 53

Hölderlin, 24, 28

hom mer ie, 2, 13

humanism,

and History, 89, 123-124

idealism,

of communicative rationality theories, xii

and hom mer ie , 13

identity (cf logic of identity),

and disindividuation, 65, 90, 98

and the multiplicity of the self, 10

and tribalism, xii, 155

identification, 164

logic of, 7 2- 73

pr ocess of, 15, 136

th eor y of, 75

ideology,

abstract, 23, 41, 46-48, 51, 157, 160

and alienation, 138

anarchist, 16

th e blu r r ing of, 11 , 14

and the collective sensibility, 13

democr at ic Chr istian , 24

dogmatic, 68

the dom ina nt , 15

individualist, 59, 80, 134

introduction of syncretist, 128

multiplication of, 44, 68

Protestant, 153

of proximity, 84

saturation of an, 83

theological, 130

tribal (multiple), 90, 92, 94, 115, 145-147

and Utopia 58

and versatility, 63

imaginary (cf mystical/mythical),

function of emblems, 138

perspective, 1, 13

th e pr evale nce of, 74, 118

and the return of irrationalism, 38

imagination,

collective, 18, 22, 27, 78, 82-83, 133

vs eco n om ics , 14

the impor ta nce of, 137-138

and mysticism, 59

and myth, 148

and non-activism, 33

and social theory, 4

immanen t t r anscend ence , x, 40-41 , 43, 59,

6 7 , 126, 130, 132



170

T H E

T I M E O F T H E TRIBES

i n d i v i d u a l i s m,

an d th e b ou rgeo i s ord er , 74 , 78 , 127

a n d t h e F r e n c h R e v o l u t i o n , 4 0

g o i n g b e y o n d , 9 - 1 0 , 5 9 , 6 7 - 6 8 , 7 2 ,

7 8 - 8 0 , 8 6 - 8 7 , 1 0 4 , 1 2 9 , 1 4 5

an d h o l i s m , 115

th e s a tu ra t i on o f , 64 -65 , 69

vs t r i b a l i s m, 97 -9 9

indiv idual i s t ,

doxa,

15

a n d e c o n o m i c m o d e l , 1 1 3

i d e o l o g i e s , 1 3 4

an d mech an i ca l v s organ i c , 79 , 104

i n d i v i d u at i on (principium individuationis),

156

an d th e b ou rgeo i s ord er , 64

cri t ique of , 1 0- 11

a n d d i o n y s i a c t h e m a t i c , 7 5 - 7 6 , 8 9

saturat ion of , 27 , 95

i n ters u b jec t i v i ty ,

an d p rox i mi ty , 132

an d re l a t i on i s m, 69

i n tu i t i on ,

vs abstract ion , 31

and organici ty , 3 , 161

and socia l theory, 4

i ron y (c f l au gh ter , d er i s i on ) , 130

a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 5 0 - 5 1 , 5 3 , 9 3

and socia l i ty , 32

J u l e s - R o s e t t e , B . , 4 2

J u n g , C , 3 4

J u n g e r , Ε . , 3 4 , 5 9

ju s t i ce ,

ab s tract , 17 -18

K afk a , F . , 93 , 107

K i erk egaard , x i i

k n o w l e d g e ,

acc oun tan ts of , 14 , 56 , 107

capital of, 1

e m b o d i e d , 2 5 , 6 3

e v e r y d a y , 3 , 7 , 5 7 , 1 4 8 , 1 5 2 - 1 5 3 , 1 5 5 - 1 5 6

exp l os i on o f , 97

i n s tru men ta l , 4

o f th e mas s es , 34 , 68 ,

o f mod ern i ty , 9

a n d p o w e r , 3 8 , 5 6

t h e o l o g i c a l , 8 4

L a B e s t i e , E . d e , 4 5

L acarr i ere , J . , 34

L a m b e r t , Y . , 6 7 , 7 8

L a m m e n a i s , 4 1

l au gh ter ( c f d er i s i on , i ron y) ,

a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 5 0 - 5 1 , 9 3

L e B o n , G . , 17 , 43 , 58

l e i s u re , 26 , 129 , 140

an d mas s en ter ta i n men t , 81

L e n i n i s m , 6 1 , 1 5 4

L e P l a y , F . , 7 9

L e f e b v r e , H . , 5 2

L erou x , P . , 41

L ov i -S trau s s , C , 2 , 104 , 155

l i fes ty le(s ) , x -x i

t h e avoidance, 92 , 94

the conf orm ity of , 89

and logic of ident i ty , 11

an d th e mas s es , x , 96 -100

an d s ecrecy , 95

and the sect ty pe , 82 , 85

and tribal i sm, x i , 115 , 127-128, 143

an d th e u n d i rec ted b e i n g - tog eth e r , 81

l o c a l ( i s m ) ,

and Chris t ian i ty , 130

and elect ive socia l i ty , 86

vs g lob al /univ ersa l , 31 , 105 , 141

an d th e s ec t - typ e , 84

and tribal i sm, 19 , 137

L ock e , J . , 80

logic of ident i ty , 6 , 74 , 163

cau sal ist , 163

g o i n g b e y o n d , 1 1

refus ing the, 38

o f s ep ara t i on , 147 , 153

L o i s y , 32 , 41

L u ck man n , T . , 82 , 161

L u p as co , S . , 112 , 124 , 142 , 161

L u th er , 158

M a c h i a v e ll i , Ν . , 1 , 5 7 - 5 8 , 1 4 8

M af i a , 15 , 90 , 94 , 119 , 14 1 -14 2

M al l arme, 21

M an , H . d e , 43

M an n , T . , 10

M an n h e i m , K . , 19 , 43 , 58 , 80 , 136 , 163

M art i n o , E . d e , 99

M arx , K . , 58 , 61 , 79

M arx i s m, x , 16 , 61 , 83

m a s k s ,

an d th e p er s on a , x ii , 5 , 10 , 49 , 9 0 - 95

M atta R . d a , 66 , 77 , 117 -11 8

M au s s , M . , 20 , 66 , 68 , 89

mech an i ca l , 145

vs organic , 3 , 18 , 27 , 79 , 104 , 117, 133

M e d a m , Α . , 13 3

M eh l , R . , 153

m e d i a ( m a s s ) ,

an d th e g l ob a l v i l lage , 17 -1 8 , 23 -2 8 , 32 ,

4 1 , 7 8 , 1 3 8 - 1 4 0

a n d h e d o n i s m , 5 2

and the sp iri t of the t imes , 73 , 106

an d s yn ton i c re l a t i on s h i p s , 75

and theatrical i ty , 49

and tribal mass r i tes , 98

m e d i c i n e ,

N e w A g e , 3 2 , 9 9 , 1 2 8 - 1 2 9

tradi t ional , 24

m e g a l o p o l i s ,

an d ap p earan ce , 11 , 76

and effects of c iv i l i zat ion , 129

and the g lobal v i l lage, 138 , 140





172

T H E

T I M E O F T H E TRIBES

optical (cf tact i l e) ,

v s tac t i l e , 31 -3 2

organ i c ,

b a l a n c e , 1 1 4 - 1 2 0

con cep t o f th e s oc i a l b od y , 87

c o n t e x t a n d m i c r o - g r o u p s , 9 5 - 9 6

im age of a bo dy , 107

k n o w l e d g e , 1 6 0 - 1 6 4

vs mech an i ca l , 3 , 18 , 27 , 79 , 100 , 104 ,

117, 133

p ers p ect i ve o f th e grou p , 81

p ract i ces o f s i l en ce , 93

vs rat ional , 67 , 69

sol idari ty , 13 , 145

s ys tem an d th e s ec t - typ e , 84

organ i c i ty ,

and the Carnival , 118

a n d e m p a t h y , 3 1 - 3 2

and hol i sm, 13 , 80

an d med i eva l s oc i e ty , 79

o f op p os i t es , 105

and rel ig ion , 40 , 59

and rel ig ios i ty , 77

and the socia l g iven , 145

and unici ty , 52

and the wil l to l ive , 3 , 24 , 147

O u t h w a i t e , W . , 1 6 2

Pa l o Al to S ch oo l , 22 , 104

p an th e i s m, 115

Pareto , V . , 46 , 80 , 88 , 111 , 132 , 162

p as s i on ,

an d th e com mu n i ty e th os , 12 , 60 , 69 , 88 ,

9 3 ,

143 , 164

an d con fo rm i ty , 64

an d d i f f eren ce , 115

P e n t h e u s , 5 0

Pern i o l a , M . , 12

p e r s o n s / p e r s o n a ,

vs the indiv idual , 6 , 10 , 27 , 66-67 , 76 ,

129

and the role of the outs ider, 120

and secrecy , 91

phalanstery , 16 , 116 , 143

p h e n o m e n o l o g y ,

an d a formi s t s oc i o l ogy , 86

an d p l u ra l i s t i c k n owl ed ge , 155

s oc i o l og i ca l , 161

tradi t ion of , 73

p h y l u m , 3 4 , 4 5 , 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 , 1 3 6

Pindar, 142

P l a t o ,

51 , 56 , 80

plural i sm, 65 , 162

an d an tagon i s m, 99 , 105 , 111 -112 , 115

causal , 157 , 162

a n d d o m i n a t i o n , 4 7

an d k n ow l ed ge , 155

pluricu l tural i sm (cf polycul tural i sm), 105 ,

1 1 3 , 143

P o e , E . A . , 9 0

Poir ier , J . , 159

p o l i t i ca l - econ omi c ord er ,

vs affin ity ne tw ork s , 89

and analyses , 41

an d d omi n at i on , 23 , 137

go i n g b e yo n d , 110

an d i n d i v i d u at i on , 64 , 95 , 97

vs mas s es , 6

vs pass ional order, 164

an d th e p ro jec t i ve , 63

vs puissance, 4

relat iv izat ion of , 61

p o l ycu l tu ra l i s m, 7 , 10 4 -12 0

and ext ens ion vs in -ten t ion , 124

and the s tranger, 136

p o l ye th n i s m, 143

p o l y p h o n y ,

and p lural i sm, 105, 111, 114

p o l y t h e i s m ,

and causal p lural i sm, 157

an d d i on ys i ac ceremon i es , 109

a n d m a s s e s , 9 5 - 9 6 , 1 1 0 - 1 1 5

an d th e re l a t i v i za t i on o f p ower , 44 , 48 ,

1 1 9 ,

125

and tribes , 33

p os i t i v i s m,

and cri t ique of in tel lectual i sm, 2-5 , 31 , 56

and d ia lect ica l tradi t ions , 44

D u r k h e i m i a n , 4 , 4 5 , 7 4 , 8 7

an d th e Fren ch Pos i t i v i s t S ch oo l , 32

Marxis t and funct ional i s t , 83

and mechanical or indiv idual i s t

p ers p ect i ves , 79

and relat iv i sm, 18

red uct ion is t , 14 , 33 , 159

p o s t m o d e r n i t y ,

and barbari ty , 28

an d h ete rog en e i t y , 110

vs mo d ern i ty , 6

and the wi thdrawal in to the group, 89

P o u l a t , E . , 2 4 , 4 0 - 4 1 , 48 , 111 -112 , 116

p ro jec t i ve ,

v s co l l ec t i ve , 7 -8 , 12 -13 , 16 , 83

cr i t i q u e o f , 57 -5 9 , 65 , 148

vs nature, 69

and pol i t i ca l saturat ion , 31 , 89

an d th e p o l i t i ca l - econ omi c ord er , 63

Pro tagoras , 80

Prou s t , M . , 66

p rox i mi ty ( c f p roxemi cs , s p ace) ,

and the affectua l , 148

and the archi tectonic of the c i ty , 124

and the d ionys iac, 147

an d fami l i a l i s m, 94 -95 , 141

and the image, 138

and the mass , 65

an d th e n e i g h b o u rh ood , 12 , 78 , 125

and prom iscui ty , 16

vs rat io nal i sm , 136

an d re l i g i on , 35 , 131 -133

an d res i s tan ce , 59

an d th e s ec t typ e , 83 - 85



I NDEX

173

and the socia l d iv ine, 21 , 25 , 41

and so l idari ty , 63 , 131

p r o x e m i c s , 7 , 8 0 , 1 1 6 - 1 1 7 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 3 - 1 4 8 ,

154

and the aesthet ic aura, 23

and everyday l i fe , 119

the impersonal nature of , 12


an d n a tu re , 35 , 40 , 69

a n d o r g a n i c k n o w l e d g e , 1 6 0 - 1 6 4

vs the proj ect iv e and universa l , 57

an d s a tu ra t i on , 27

and so l idari ty , 24

and space, 14

an d th e t ran s u b jec t i ve , 22

p s ych oan a l y t i c t rad i t i on , 35

a n d m y s t i c i s m , 6 7 - 6 8

puissance, 1 , 7 , 24 , 67 , 81 , 125

th e b in d i n g n a tu re o f , 58 -5 9

vs p ower , 4 , 21 , 32 , 38 , 63 , 73 , 106 -107 ,

133 -134 , 155 , 158 , 160

an d tran s cen d en ce o f th e i n d i v i d u a l , 76

t h e u n d e r g r o u n d , 3 1 - 5 3

race ,

the constr ict ing fram ewo rk of , 33

rac i s m,

an d th e cu l t o f D i on ys u s , 82

an d th e growth o f a f f ec tu a l n e twork s ,

113

and the logic of ident i ty , 38

an d th e n on -rac i s m o f th e ma s s es , 111

the relat iv izat ion of , 118

Rap h ae l , F . , 134

ra t i on a l i s m,

a n d A d o r n o , 7 4

an d th e E n l i gh ten m en t , 144

and irrat ional i sm, 38

mon o-cau s a l i s t , 162

vs pro xim ity , 136

Wes tern , 105

rat ional i s t ,

vs myst ic , 32

p ers p e ct i ve [ cr i t iq u e o f ] , 39 -4 0 , 80 , 137

rat ional i ty ,

affectual , 144

c o m m u n i c a t i v e , x i i

con tractu a l , 88

i n s tru me n ta l , 21 , 27 , 69 , 133

op en , 162

and the sect typ e , 85

Wert

an d

Zweck,

23 , 60

R a y m o n d , H . , 1 2 6

R a y n a u d , E . , 6 9

R e a u , L . , 1 0 6 - 1 0 7

re-en ch an tmen t wi th th e wor l d , 34 , 39

vs d i s e n ch an tm en t , 28 , 78 , 83

R e f o r m a t i o n , 1 5 8

re l a t i on i s m, 86 , 123 , 163

an d e l ec t i ve s oc i a l i ty , 88 -8 9

and organici ty , 97

and the sp irit of the t im es , 68

relat iv i sm, 4

and everyday l i fe , x i i , 32 , 63

the foun datio n of , 157

and i l l egal i t i es , 94

an d th e i n s t i tu t i on s o f p ower , 44 , 48 , 51 ,

5 9 , 61 , 134

of l i fe, 72


an d th e l og i c o f th e n e twork , 88 -89

p op u l ar , 48 , 53

and truth , 5 , 65

re l a t i v i za t i on ,

o f acad em i cs , 160

o f a u t o n o m y , 1 2 4

o f b u rea u cracy , 84

o f exp er i e n ce , 163

of the future, 83

o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m, 80

o f p ow er , 44 , 48 , 119 , 125

of raci sm, 118

of va lue s , 110

reliance, 148

and rel ig ion (religare), 2 2 - 2 3 , 8 2 , 1 3 0

and rel ig ios i ty , 3 , 77

re l i g i on ,

civ ic , 41

an d h en oth e i s m , 110

and h ierarchy, 115

o f h u man i ty , 74

and the logic of the network, 86

p o p u l a r , 1 5 8 - 1 5 9

vs the pro-jectum, 57

as

religare,

3 5 - 3 6 , 3 8 , 4 0 , 5 8 - 6 2 , 1 1 3 , 1 3 0

an d th e re l i g i ou s mo d e l , 82 -85

and Satan , 48

an d s p a ce , 131 - 137 , 140

rel ig ios i ty (cf socia l d iv ine) ,

p op u l ar , 59

as reliance or religare, 3 , 7 7 - 7 8

an d tr i b es , χ

Ren a i s s an ce , 80 , 158

R e n a n , Ε . , 6 7 , 8 3 , 9 1 , 1 3 0 , 15 7

R e n a u d , G . , 6 4

r e v o l u t i o n ( s ) ,

an d a l oo fn es s , 37

B o l s h e v i k , 4 3

Chris t ian , 111

Cop ern i can , 4 , 147

Fren ch , 40 , 43 , 56 , 79 , 109 , 116 , 159

an d l i f e s ty l es , 96 -97

and the logic of the network, 86

a n d t h e m a s s e s , 5 0 - 5 1 ,

58 , 61

O u r o b o r u s , 4 2 - 4 3

p o l i t ica l or ec on om i c , 18

vs s tatus quo, 40

ri tual (s ) ,

an d th e commu n a l e th i c , 16 -17 , 25 , 27 ,

3 3

an d th e Di on ys i an th emat i c , 1

an d mag i c , 49



174

T H E

T I M E O F T H E

TRIB ES

ritual(s)

cont.

an d p o l ycu l tu r a l i s m, 116 -117

an d p roxemi cs , 123 , 129 , 133 , 135 , 142

an d s ecrecy , 93

an d s oc i a l i ty , 20 , 69

an d th e tak en for gran ted , 41

tribal and mass , 98

an d the wil l to l ive , 21

R o b e s p i e r r e , 4 0 , 5 8

r o l e ,

vs funct ion , 6 , 117 , 129,

o f th e ou ts i d er , 120 , 142

and theatrical i ty , 63 , 137

R o m a n t i c i s m

G e r m a n , 1 2 9

H e g e l i a n , 8 8

tribal , 144

r o o t e d n e s s ( d y n a m i c ) ,

an d H el l en i s t i c c i t i e s , 124 -125

an d a mys t i ca l p ers p ect i ve , 33 , 58 ,

1 3 1 - 1 3 2 ,

136

R o u s s e a u , J . J . , 4 0 , 4 5

S a d e , M a r q u i s d e , 8 8

Saint-Just , 58

S artre , J . P . , 154 , 156

s a tu ra t i on , 61

o f ac t i v i s m, 92

of the

function

o f the indiv idu al , 6

o f grea t s y s tems , 27 , 41 , 78

o f an i d eo l ogy , 83

of the mass , 112

p o l i t i ca l , 31 -33 , 36 , 46 -47 , 64 , 88 -^89

of the princip le of indiv iduation , 95

Sor okin s law of , 114 , 157

S a v a n a r o la , Α . , 1 , 1 2 4

S ch e l er , M . , 3 , 75 , 136

S ch erer , R . , 76

S c h m a l e n b a c h , H . , i x

S c h m i d t , C , 1 0 4

S ch mi t t , 142

S c h o l e m , G . , 4 , 1 5 3

S c h o p e n h a u e r , Α . , 7 8 , 1 55

S c h u t z , Α . , 4 0 , 7 3 , 9 9 , 1 6 1 - 1 6 3

s e c r e c y ,

an d grou p s , 37 , 143

th e l aw o f , 9 0 - 96

and the nea r , 44

an d s ec t s , 32

and socia l i ty , 24

s ec t ( s ) ( c f s ec t typ e) ,

of early Chris t ian i ty , 82

an d s ecrecy , 32

an d s ec tar i an i s m, 99 , 158

s ec t typ e ( c f ch u rch typ e ) , 83 - 85

S ogu y , J . , 77 , 144

S h e l d r a k e , R . , 3 6 , 6 8

Si les ius , 160

S i m m e l , G . , i x , 3 , 2 0 , 2 4 , 3 5 , 3 7 - 3 8 , 6 4 ,

77 , 79 , 81 , 86 , 89 -9 0 , 95

Sorokin , P . , 110 , 114, 157

S i tu a t i on i s t s ,

and eth ics , 85

and the labyrinth , 37

S i tu a t i on i s m,

and truth , 5

S m i t h, Α . , xi

sociabi l i ty ,

an d p rox i m i ty , 125


socia l c lass ,

an d th e b ou rgeo i s i d ea l , 16

an d b ou rgeo i s p h i l o s op h y , 10 , 99

an d th e b ou rgeo i s re i gn / ord er , 46 , 74 , 78

an d co l l ec t i ve b ou rgeo i s ac t i v i s m, 12

the constrict ing framework of , ix , 2

an d th e d i s i n tegra t i on o f b ou rgeo i s

cu l tu re , 26

th e d omi n an t , 51

p op u l ar v s u p p er , 42 , 48

th e p ro l e tar i a t , 6 , 31 , 35 , 38 , 47 , 58 ,

6 1 - 6 2 ,

105

a n d t h e b o u r g e o i s i e , 1 1 , 6 4 - 6 5 , 1 0 9 ,

1 1 5 ,

127 , 148, 153

s oc i a l d i v i n e ( c f d emoth e i s t i c ) , 10 ,

a n d D ü r k h e i m , 4

a n d ' i m m a n e n t t r a n s c e n d e n c e ' , x , 2 1 - 2 2 ,

41

a n d m a s s iv e p o l it i ca l d i s e n g a g e m e n t , 6 0

a n d p r o x i m i t y , 25

' s o c i a l g i v e n ' ,

a n d t h e ' b l a c k h o l e s ' , 3 6

a n d t h e glutinum mu ndi , 145

a n d t h e ' t a k e n f o r gr a n t e d ' , 4 0 , 1 6 2

a n d t h e w o r l d a c c e p t e d a s i t i s , 27

s o c i a l i z a t i o n ,

an d s o c i a l i t y , 8 1

a n d t r i b e s , 1 4 3

s o c i a l m o v e m e n t s ,

t h e an a l y s i s o f , 4 0

a n a r c h i s m , 1 3 4

c h a r i s m a t i c , 1 5 8

' c o u n t e r c u l t u r e ' , x i

e c c l e s i a s t i c a l p o p u l i s m , 4 6

e c o l o g i c a l , 3 4 , 9 2

f e m i n i s t a n d h o m o s e x u a l , 9 2 , 9 8

m as s , 1 8

p o p u l i s m , 5 7 , 6 1 - 6 2 , 1 1 6 , 1 3 4 , 1 58

R u s s i a n p o p u l i s m , 1 6 , 5 7 , 6 1 , 1 53

w o r k e r s ' , 1 3 , 4 8 , 6 1 , 8 3

s o c i a l i t y , i x , 1 , 5

a n d t h e ' a f f e c t u a l n e b u l a ' , 8 8 , 1 0 6

a n d a t t r a c t i o n / r e p u l si o n , 1 16

b a r o q u e , 1 5 9

b l a c k h o l e s o f , 3 6 - 3 7

black-market, 21

a n d c u s t o m , 2 5 , 8 0

a n d D i o n y s u s , 9

a n d t h e e v e r y d a y , 1 1 9 - 1 2 0 , 1 2 6 , 1 5 2

a n d f a m i l i a l i s m , 9 0 , 9 4

a n d ' f a m i li a r i s m ' , 6 5 - 7 0

a s t h e p l a y - f o r m o f s o c i a l i z a t i o n , 8 1



I N D E X

175

p o s t m o d e r n , 1 4 7 - 1 4 8

a n d p o l y t h e i s m , 4 8

a n d

puissance,

4 , 7 , 32

a n d reliance o r religare, 3 , 7 7 - 7 8

and ri tuals , 20

an d s ecrecy , 24

and the sect ty pe , 85

vs s oc i a l , 6 , 56 -64 , 72 , 76 , 86 , 93 , 95

an d s p ace , 126 , 131 , 139

and the sp irit of the t im es , 57 , 73

an d s p i r i tu a l mater i a l i s m, 22 , 132 -133 ,

136

an d th e th i n k i n g o f th e p u b l i c s q u a re ,

1 6 2 - 1 6 4

and undergro und central i ty , 92 , 130 , 155

an d v i ta l i s m, 43 -44 , 160

s oc i a l i s m,

an d th e

obschina,

16 , 134

scient i f ic , 61

s o c i o l o g y ,

a n d a b s o l u t i s m , 5 2

A m e r i c a n , 2 3

the b irth of , 104

d i st r u st o f s p o n t a n e o u s , 5 6 - 5 7 , 1 5 4

a n d e v e r y d a y d r e a m s , 8

o f e v e r y d a y l i f e , 9 6 , 1 6 2 - 1 6 3

formi s t , 86 , 133

fou n d i n g fa th ers o f , 4

F r e n c h , 7 4 , 7 9 , 1 6 3

G e r m a n , 6 0 , 8 0

m o d e m v s p o s t m o d e r n , i x- xi i

an d an on to l og i ca l v i ta l i s m, 49

an d p os i t i v i s m, 87

o f re l i g i on , 38 , 82 , 111

an d th e s ec t typ e , 84 - 85

o f th e s en s es , 76

s o l i d ar i ty ,

a n d t h e c o m m u n a l f o r m , 1 6 , 2 2 , 2 4

an d th e commu n i ty o f d es t i n y , 13

a n d d i f f e r e n c e , 1 1 3 - 1 1 5 , 1 1 9

an d e l ec t i ve s oc i a l i ty , 86

vs i n d i v i d u a l i s t i d eo l og i es , 145

v s m e c h a n i c a l , 7 9 , 9 3 - 9 4 , 9 8

orga n i c , 14 , 81 , 97 , 147

a n d p o p u l i s m , 6 1 , 1 1 6

an d p rox i mi ty , 63 , 131

a n d p u i s s a n c e , 4 1 , 4 3

and ritual, 17

an d s ecrecy , 91

an d th e s ec t typ e , 85

an d s o l i d ar i s t myth s , 74

of tr ibes , x-x i

s p a c e ( c f p r o x e m i c s , p r o x i m i t y ) ,

an d an aes th et i c s o f s en t i men t , 14

a n d a m b i e n c e , 1 5 6

areo l ar v s l i n ear , 147

an d th e b l ack h o l es , 46

the des ire for los t , 37

an d th e e th i ca l exp er i en ce , 19

a n d k n o w l e d g e , 1 6 1

a n d t h e n e i g h b o u r h o o d , 2 2

an d n etwork s , 139 , 141

an d th e org i a s t i c -d i on ys i ac t rad i t i on , 136

and rat ional i ty , 23

and sp iri tual ma ter ia l i sm , 133

an d t i me , 27 , 36 , 47 , 65 , 123 -124 , 126 ,

1 2 8 - 1 2 9 , 1 3 4 , 1 3 9 - 1 4 0

an d v i ta l i s m, 88

S p a nn , Ο . , 74

S p i n o z a , Β . , 10 7

s p i r i tu a l mater i a l i s m, 22 , 132 -133 , 136

S ta l i n i s m, 61

s ta te ,

a l l -p erv as i ve / s o vere i g n , 18 , 45

C h i n e s e , 5 9

an d i n d i v i d u a l i s m, 64

an d re l i g i on , 82

s tran ger ,

a n d D i o n y s u s , 1 0 8 - 1 1 0

an d th e glutinum mundi, 126

an d p o l ycu l tu ra l i s m , 136

a n d p o l y t h e i s m , 1 1 1 - 1 1 2 , 1 1 5 - 1 1 6 , 1 1 8

a n d p r o x e m i c s , 1 4 2

and trip l ic i ty , 104

an d xen op h i l i a , 106 , 120

S t r o h l , H ., 158

s u b jec t i v i ty ( c f i n ters u b jec t i v i ty ) ,

a n d t h e c o m m u n i t y e t h o s , 6 0

trans , 153

S u m n e r , W . G . , 7 4

S u rrea l i s m, 85

s yn cret i s m (c f a s tro l ogy , occu l t ) ,

an d th e aes th et i c au ra , 13

an d th e B raz i l i an candombli, 132

a n d m o n o t h e i s m , 1 5 7

s yn erg i s t i c re l a t i on s h i p , 3 , 81

s yn ton i c re l a t i on s h i p , 75

T ac i tu s , 56

tac t i l e ,

v s ab s tract , 77 -7 8

an d th e d i on ys i ac , 161

a n d t h e m e g a l o p o l i s , 1 3 8

v s o p t i c a l , 3 1 - 3 2

re l a t i on s h i p , 73

T a o i s m , 5 9 , 9 2 , 1 0 5

th ea tr i ca l i ty ,

a n d a p p e a r a n c e s , 9 0

an d th e carn i va l , 77

an d p o l i t i c s , 36 , 44 , 49 , 63

an d th e p r i mi t i ve th ea t re , 99

an d th e th ea tre o f everyd ay l i f e , 5

an d th e

theatrum mundi,

7 6

T h o m a s , L . - V . , 1 7 , 7 8

T o c q u e v i l l e , A . d e , 7 9

T ö n n i e s , F . , i x , 6 0 , 7 9 - 8 0

t o u r i s m ,

C l u b M e d , 1 2

a n d f e s t i v a l s , 5 2

m a s s , 2 3

t r a g e d y ( t r a g i c ) ,

o f t h e b o r d e r , 1 0 7



176

T H E T I M E O F T H E

TRIBES

v s d r a m a , 1 7 , 1 2 9

o f e v e r y d a y l i f e , 1 2 7

a n d f a t a l i s m , 4 0 , 5 1

a n d

puissance,

3 2

a n d t h e a t r i c a l i t y , 7 6

t r i b a l i s m , 7 , 9 , 1 9

a n d t h e a e s t h e t i c a u r a , 2 5

v s i n d i v i d u a l i s m , 6 9 , 9 7

m a s s / t r i b e d i a l e c t i c , 9 5 , 9 8 - 9 9 , 1 2 7 - 1 2 9 ,

1 4 7 - 1 4 8 , 1 6 4

a n d

puissance,

41

a n d r e l i g i o s i t y o r

reliance

3

a n d t h e ' s o c i a l g i v e n 1 , 27

T r o e l t s c h , E . , 8 3 - 8 4 , 1 4 8

u n i c i t y ,

of l i fe, 3

a n d o r g a n i c it y , 5 2

v s u n i t y , 1 0 5

a n d t h e ' w i l l t o l i v e ' , 2 4

u n d e r g r o u n d c en t r a l i t y , i x , 1 59

a n d a r c h i t e c t u r e , 3 7

t h e

hypothesis

of, 92

a n d puissance, 4 , 2 1 , 5 8

u t i l i t a r i a n i s m ( c f c a u s a l i t y , f u n c t i o n a l i s m ) ,

7 9

u t o p i a ( s ) ,

a n d t h e ' m o s t e x t r e m e c o n c r e t e * , 8 2

a n d a m y t h i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e , 7 , 5 8 , 8 3

V a t e r y , P . , 1 54

V e n t u r i , F . , 1 6

V e r d i l l on , C , 3 7

Verstehen,

156

V e y n e , P . , 7 2

v i t a l i s m ,

a n d avoidance l i f e s t y l e s , 9 2

B e r g s o n ' s , x , 3

a n d d e a t h , 7 , 6 7 , 8 8

a n d d e m o t h e i s m , 4 3 , 4 5

a n d d i s e n g a g e m e n t , 6 0

a n d D ü r k h e i m , 8 7

a n d t h e e n d o f m o d e r n i t y , 7 0

a n d i n d i v i d u a l i s m , 2 7

a n d puissance, 3 1 - 3 8 , 5 1

o n t o l o g i c a l , 4 9 , 6 6

a n d t r i b a l r e l i g i o n , 1 9 , 2 3

an d t h e 'w i l l t o l i v e ' , 2 4

W a t z l a w i c k , P , 7 5

W e b e r , M . , i x , 1 , 1 2 , 1 9 , 2 3 , 2 8 , 4 8 , 6 0 , 6 5 ,

7 8 -7 9 , 8 2 , 8 6 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 3 ,

1 5 6 - 1 5 7 , 1 6 0

W i l l m o t t , P . , 6 9 , 9 7 , 1 2 6 , 1 41

W i r t h , L . , 13 5

W a t z l a w i c k , P , 7 5 .

W e b e r , M . , i x , l , 1 2 , 1 9 , 2 3 , 2 8 , 4 8 , 6 0 , 6 5 ,

78^-79,

8 2 , 8 6 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 2 , 1 2 5 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 3 ,

1 5 6 -1 5 7 , 1 6 0

W i l l m o t t , P . , 6 9 , 9 7 , 1 2 6 , 1 4 1

W i r t h , L . , 1 35

w i t h d r a w a l (c f d i s e n g a g e m e n t , n a r c i ss i sm ) ,

a t t i t u d e s o f, 4 6

f r o m t h e p o l i t i c a l s p h e r e , 4 8

i n t o t h e

self, 4 0 , 6 4 , 1 0 7

W ö l f f l in , H . , 1 5 9

W o r r i n g e r , W . , 3 1 , 7 7 , 1 3 3

Y o u n g , M . , 6 9 , 9 7 , 1 2 6 , 14 1

Y o u r c e n a r , M . , 7 8

Z a s u l i c , V . , 6 1





Documents

(Theory, Culture & Society) Michel Maffesoli-The Time of the Tribes_ the Decline of Individualism in Mass Society-SAGE Publications (1996)