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Title Page.PONTIFICIO INSTITUTO DI STUDI ARABI E D’ISLAMISTICA
(P.I.S.A.I)
Thesis for Licentiate
Legitimacy of Political Authority in Ibn Taymiyya’s Theology And the Rise Islamic Sects in North-Eastern Nigeria.
As Presented by Shaykh Ibn Taymiyya
Moderator: Prof. Felix J. Phiri M. AfrSecond Moderator: Candidate: Barkindo A. Athanasius
DedicationThis work is dedicated to the family
of Mr. & Mrs. Francis Ng. (Singapore). I
truly appreciate their personal commitment and unequalled
generosity towards my years of formation overseas.
Table of ContentsDedicationAcknowledgementTable of ContentsSystem of TransliterationAbbreviations and SymbolsVersion(s) of Qur’an used
General Introduction0.1 Introduction0.2 Definition0.3 Methodology0.4 Scope
CHAPTER ONE: The Biography of the Author of the Text.2.1 His name, Birth and Upbringing.2.2 His Search for Knowledge and His Spiritual Masters.2.3 His Gihad2.4 His Works and the Position He Occupied.2.5 His Disciples.2.6 His Publications.
CHAPTER TWO: The Book Under Consideration (The Contents and Chapters3.1 The First Chapter 3.2 The Second Chapter3.3 The Third Chapter3.4 Fourth Chapter
CHAPTER THREE: Translation of the text with corresponding Arabic text placed opposite
Foot-notes to the translation
Conclusion: SummaryValue of the textAny criticism of the textFurther studies (about the major topic)
1. The Source and Development of Political Authority from the Beginning of Islam to its Contemporary Understanding.
2. The Qur’an and Political Authority3. The Hadith and Political Authority4. The Schools of Law and Political Authority5. The Ulama and Political Authority
6. Contemporary Islamic Intellectuals and Political Authority7. The influence of Ibn Taymiyya On modern Islamic Political Thought. 8. The Rise of Islamic Sects in North-Eastern Nigeria.
Conclusion
BibliographyGlossaryIndex of Names (peoples, places, common and technical names).Index of Qur’anic Quotations.
Acknowlegdment Table of ContentsSystem of TransliterationAbbreviations and SymbolsVersion (s) of Qur'an used
GENERAL INTRODUCTION0.1 Introduction.There is probably no other Islamic theologian, medieval or otherwise, who has had as
much influence on the modern radical Islamist movements as Ibn Taymiyya (1268-1328).
He may be quoted by people from a variety of religious positions, but it is among the
most conservative and radical religious leaders that his voice carries the most weight.
The reason why Taymiyya has become such a powerful force among reformers and
vigilantes is that he lived during an age of profound spiritual and political upheaval. In
1258, the Abbasid Empire was defeated by the invading Mongol armies, leading to the
capture even of the great city of Baghdad1. For most Muslims, the defeat of the caliphate
was simply an impossible event - thus, it required a great deal of clever and innovative
thinking in order to both explain what happened and provide people a way out. A
professor of Hanbali law, the most conservative of the four major legal schools, Ibn
Taymiyya worked in Baghdad and was forced to flee to Damascus, where his life as a
refugee colored his writings. Those writings were not, however, especially popular with
political leaders and he was subsequently persecuted and imprisoned in both Syria and
Egypt. 2
What did he write which was so distressing to the political establishment? A
literalist in his interpretation of religious documents, Ibn Taymiyya believed that the ideal
Muslim community had been the original community in Medina, surrounding
Muhammad. Ever since, however, the quality and morality of Muslims had gradually
1Ibn Taymiyya, Profile and Biography, in www.about.com cited on 22 March, 20102 Ibn Taymiyya, Ibid.
dropped off, losing its purity. Muslim leaders, in particular, bore much of the burden for
not encouraging the proper faith and attitudes among the people. His strongest
condemnations were saved for the Mongols, even though they had converted to Islam by
that point. According to Ibn Taymiyya, the mere act of conversion was not sufficient to
make a person a true Muslim. The Mongols, for example, still tended to Yasa codes of
law established by Genghis Khan instead of the sharia3. As a result, Ibn Taymiyya issued
a fatwa against them, thus starting a new precedent of treating so-called apostates as
worthy of violent revolution, even if they are political leaders. This attitude has been
carried on by nearly all later Islamist movements, from the Wahhabis to Sayyid Qutb to
Osama bin Laden. All have attacked the validity of the alleged authority of political
leaders who have failed both in their personal and in their political lives to uphold correct
Muslim ideals4. According to these extremists, it is the duty of true Muslims to revolt
against these leaders in order to help establish a proper Islamic state - the same basic
message which Taymiyya promoted in his own day.
How far has this teaching and Islamic duty advocated by Ibn Taymiyya affected
Nigeria? As a country Nigeria has continued to experience one form of political, religious
and ethnic conflicts. Dramatically, since the 1980’s, particular Islamic religious sects are
alleged to be engaged in these violent acts. We had the Maitatsine Islamic sect that raked
havoc on the city of Kano in 1984. This same sect spread its violence to Yola (the capital
of the former Gongola State). The Izala Islamic sect has been preaching violence
unabated since the 1990’s in the city of Zaria (Kaduna State). For two weeks in July
2009, the members of the Nigeria Police force battled members of a sect within Islam
known as Boko Haram. The violence first started after the members of the so called sect
allegedly attacked a Police Station in Bauchi metropolis. Suddenly, similar violence was
unleashed on the public by members of the sect in the state capitals of Maiduguri and
Kano, with tensions spreading to the cities of Yola, Gombe, all in Northern Nigeria. In
November 2009, there was another Islamic sect that called itself the Kala-Kato sect. It
attacked Christians and destroyed churches in Bauchi5. In January 2010, ethnic conflicts
erupted in Plateau state capital. Lots of Christians and Muslims were killed. In fact the 3 Ibn Taymiyya, Ibid.4 Ibn Taymiyya, Ibid.5Richard Downie, Islamic Extremism in Nigeria, in www.realclearworld.com, quoted on the 3rd January 2009.
attempted bombing of a transatlantic airliner over Detroit on Christmas Day has shone an
unwelcome spotlight on Nigeria and the problem of Islamic extremism within its borders.
The suspected bomber, Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, is a 23-year-old Nigerian Muslim
from a prominent family who, it is claimed, picked up his explosives in Yemen before
trying to detonate them as the plane began its descent into the United States6. This been
seen by many Nigerians as the work of a lone individual and in no way representative of
Nigeria. However, the questions continue to come up. What are the causes of these
religious conflicts particularly in North-Eastern Nigeria? Why the sudden rise in Islamic
sects across Northern Nigeria particularly in the North-Eastern region? Who is to blame?
There have been different reactions to the religious conflicts in Northern Nigeria.
Different social commentators, political critics and Islamic experts have lend their voices
as to why Northern Nigeria is a boiling cauldron and may continue to be a volatile region
for some time to come.
According to Richard Downie, a fellow in the Africa Program at the center for
Strategic and International studies, Nigeria is a “large, chaotic, and badly governed
country split along ethnic and religious lines. A predominantly Muslim north and a
predominantly Christian south coexist in a permanent state of tension. Furthermore, the
north is chronically underdeveloped and home to a mass of unemployed and restless
youth, who, if the experience of other countries is anything to go by, tend to be
vulnerable to extremist messages.”7 For Richard, the boldness with which various
religious sects portray Islam as a best form of government in Nigeria is a thing to keep an
eye on.
Fr. Hassan Kukah, a social commentator on Nigerian political affairs claims that
“it is more useful to suggest that these religious sects are really against the corrosive
effect of all that has persisted in Nigeria in the name of modernization in our country. We
can only properly understand their teachings when we see them within the context of
when a society experiences change that is leaving too many people behind or is
threatening their values and their sense of who they are. Reactions to these contradictions
are almost the same everywhere in the world”.8 Thus for him, there is a crisis of identity,
6Richard Downie, Ibid. 7Richard Downie, Ibid. 8Matthew Hassan Kukah, Boko Haram: Some Reflections on Causes and Effects. An unpublished article.
and that identity in Nigerian terms is clearly and deeply defined within religious, ethnic
and cultural confines. The general impression in Nigeria is that the emergence of these
Islamic sects is due to globalization, changes in the Modern Nigerian state, corruption
and misgovernance. The influential Islamic elite insist the traditionally Sufi-derived
Islam found in Nigeria has been less receptive to the puritanical Saudi-exported
Wahhabism that has gained a foothold in parts of East Africa and the Horn9. Fr. Kukah
even goes further to state that, some of the names of these sects have no “theological
meaning and could not in themselves become a set of theological beliefs as such”10
While it is good to note that deprivation, humiliation, poverty, fear of losing
ethnic identity and ignorance are some of the root causes of violence, extremism and
terrorism, they are not the only causes. If the Islamic sects that are at the root of religious
conflicts and violence, want to install Islamic law in Northern Nigeria as a substitute to
the non performing government in Nigeria, where did they get their idea of Islamic
governance? Why did they resort to Islamic governance rather than looking at other
forms of political options? The North-Eastern region of Nigeria remains one of if not the
most underdeveloped regions in the country. Furthermore, North-Eastern Nigeria is
situated in a troubled neighborhood. It borders the unstable Sahel region, where al Qaeda
in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) is known to operate11. However, limiting the growth of
Islamic Sects in Northern Nigeria to Corruption, Misgovernance, Social changes without
taking into consideration external influences is like treating the cut and not the wound.
My research is aim at examining the issue of corruption and underdevelopment in the
North-Eastern region. Is the emergence of these Islamic sects a reaction or is there any
influence from the Modern Islamic reform movements?
I will specifically dwell on Ibn Taymiyya’s political theology, the implications of
this doctrine as outline by him, the context within which he wrote it and how it has
influenced contemporary Islamic thinkers like Sayyid Qutb, Osama bin Laden and the
teachings and actions of some of the Islamic sects in North-Eastern Nigeria.
9Richard Downie, Op. Cit. 10Matthew Hassan Kukah, Op. Cit. 11Richard Downie, Op. Cit.
CHAPTER ONE: THE DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL AUTHORITY IN ISLAM TO ITS CONTEMPORARY UNDERSTANDING.
First of all we should know whether or not there is any concept of Islamic state in
the Qur'an or Hadith literature. A thorough examination of the scripture and Hadith
literature shows that there is no such concept of Islamic state. One of the basic duties of
the Muslims is to "enforce what is good and combat what is evil."12 This clearly gives a
moral and spiritual direction to an Islamic society. The Prophet was an enforcer of good
par excellence and he devoted his life to eradicating evil from society. He was one of the
great spiritual persons born on this earth. He strove to inculcate spiritual power among
his companions. The following verse of the Qur'an enunciates the basic philosophy of the
Muslim community. "You are the best ummah (nation, community) raised up for people:
you enjoin good and forbid evil and you believe in Allah." (3:109). Thus it will be seen
that the basic task of the Muslim ummah is to build a moral society based on good and
negation of evil. The unity of Muslims is possible only if they remain basically a
religious community engaged in building a just society, which has no elements of zulm
(oppression and injustice), though there may be different ways of approaching the truth.
The Holy Prophet is reported to have said that a society can persist with kufr (unbelief)
but not with zulm (injustice). The Qur'an also describes Allah as Ahkam al-Hakimin (best
of the Judges, 95:8). These are all value-giving injunctions and hence give a direction to
the society. The later emphasis on integral association between religion and politics with
its foundation in the Qur’an has become of subject of intense literature and research.
1.1 The Brief History of the Development of Political Authority in Islam.
The idea of an Islamic Political Authority is a most discussed subject among
supporters and opponents. Is there any such concept? Can we call any state an Islamic
state? There are many claimants of course. Interestingly among the claimants are military
dictators as well as monarchs. Can we legitimately call a state an Islamic state? Is there
any criterion to judge the claim? If so, what is that criterion? Generally some ritualistic
aspects of Islam like prayer, fasting, zakat etc. are imposed in addition to the Islamic
punishments to lay claim to the status as an Islamic state. Is this enough?
12 www.hurights.or.jp/asia-pacific/no_16/no16_islamic.htm
The pre-Islamic Arab society had not known any state structure. It was a
predominantly tribal society, which did not know any distinction between a state and a
civil society. There was no written law, much less a constitution. There was no governing
authority either hereditary or elected. There was a senate called mala'. It consisted of
tribal chiefs of the tribes in the area. Any decision taken had to be unanimous and the
tribal chiefs enforced the decision in their respective tribes. If a tribal chief dissented, the
decision could not be implemented.
There was no taxation system nor any police or army. There was no concept of
territorial governance or defense or policing. Each tribe followed its own customs and
traditions. There were of course inter-tribal wars and all adult tribals took part in
defending one's tribal interests. The only law prevalent was that of qisas (retaliation). The
Qur'an put it succinctly as "And there is life for you in retaliation, O men of
understanding. " (2:179) The whole tribal law and ethic in pre-Islamic Arabia was based
on the law of retaliation.
There was no taxation system nor any police or army. There was no concept of
territorial governance or defense or policing. Each tribe followed its own customs and
traditions. There were of course inter-tribal wars and all adult tribals took part in
defending one's tribal interests. The only law prevalent was that of qisas (retaliation). The
Qur'an put it succinctly as "And there is life for you in retaliation, O men of
understanding. " (2:179) The whole tribal law and ethic in pre-Islamic Arabia was based
on the law of retaliation.
The Islamic movement in Mecca inherited this situation. When the Prophet and his
companions faced severe persecution in Mecca they migrated to Madina also known as
Yathrib. Madina was also basically a tribal city governed by tribal laws. Like Mecca,
there was no state in Madina and only tribal customs and traditions prevailed. In fact
Madina was worse in a way than Mecca. In Mecca, inter-tribal wars were not much in
evidence as it was turning into a commercial society and inter-tribal corporations for
trade were coming into existence. However, Madina, being an oasis, was a semi-
agricultural society and various tribes were at daggers drawn. To get rid of the inter-tribal
warfare, the people of Madina invited the Holy Prophet as an arbitrator.
The Prophet, a great spiritual and religious personality, commanded great respect and
set out to establish a just society in Madina. First of all he drew up a pact between various
tribal and religious groups known as Mithaq-i-Madina (i.e. the Medinese treaty) which
guaranteed full autonomy to all tribes and religious groups like the Jews, the Muslims
and other pagan tribes. All religious groups were free to follow their own laws and
traditions. Coercion was not used to force people to follow other laws and traditions. The
Holy Qur'an also declared that "there is no compulsion in the matter of religion" (2:256).
The Mithaq-i-Madina was a sort of preliminary constitution of the "state" of Madina,
which went beyond a tribal structure and transcended the tribal boundaries in matters of
common governance. It also laid down the principle that if an outside force attacks
Madina all will defend it together. Thus for the first time a concept of common territory,
so necessary for a state to operate, was evolved. Before this, as pointed out earlier, there
was the concept of tribal but not of territorial boundaries.
The Prophet, in a way, took a revolutionary step, in dissolving tribal bonds and laying
more emphasis on ideological boundaries on one hand, and territorial boundaries on the
other. However, the Prophet's aim was not to build a political community. He wanted to
build a religious community instead. If Muslims evolved into a political community it
was accidental rather than essential. Hence the Qur'an lays more emphasis on values,
ethic and morality than on any political doctrines. It is Din (religion) which matters most
than governance. Allah says in the Qur'an that al-yauma akmaltu lakum dinakum (I have
perfected your Din today, 5:3). Thus what the Qur'an gives us is a perfect Din, not a
perfect political system. The political system had to evolve over a period of time and in
keeping with the needs and requirements.
In fact after the death of the Holy Prophet the Muslims were not agreed even on the
issue of his successor. The Muslims split on the question - a section maintaining that the
Prophet never appointed any successor and another section maintaining that he did.
1.2 The Qur’an and Political Authority The principle message of the Qur'an is the unity and absoluteness of God (tawhid)
and the duty of the believer to remember God in all actions, thought, and speech (dhikr).
But the Qur'an is also meant to be a "guide to life," that is, a moral rule-book governing
individual and collective behavior. It is a book of precepts, advice, and prohibitions;
Islam itself is an active and practical religion which enjoins on its believers the task of
modelling society along Islamic ethical lines13. In addition to the Qur'an, Muhammad
provided the Islamic community (ummah) with the sinless example of his life and
conduct (Sunna) and his own sayings not directly inspired by God (Hadith). So from the
beginning of Islam, the Qur'an , the Sunna, and the Hadith, were regarded as the
principle or even the sole guide for all ethical, social, and political knowledge. Not only
should individual actions be guided by the ethical teachings of the Qur'an , the Sunna,
and the Hadith, but so should all social and political actions. The Qur'an should serve as
a basis for writing laws and for judging disputes14.
Out of this general orientation towards the relationship between the Qur'an and
government arose the tradition of fiqh, or "jurisprudence." It was recognized early on in
Islam that certain people, by virtue of the uprightness and their study and scholarship of
the Qur'an , Sunnah, and Hadith, were more capable of applying these to the messy,
everyday issues of society, law, and disputes. This group became the ulama, or "learned
clerics," whose job it is to produce Islamic law (Shari'a) from their knowledge of the
Islamic religion and traditions. Fiqh is a particular branch of this activity; for our
purposes, it would be accurate to say that it is the "judicial" branch. The fuqayah , or
clerical judges, function as court, trying crimes, especially moral and religious crimes,
and resolving disputes by applying their years of scholarship on the Qur'an and the
Sunnah15.
However, it is different matter as far as mu'amalat (relations between human
beings) are concerned. A state has to govern these mu'amalat and the ultimate aim of the
state is to set up a society based on justice and benevolence ( 'adl and ihsan in the
Qur'anic terms). 'Adl and 'ihsan are most fundamental human values and any state worth
its salt has to strive to establish a society based on these values. But for this, no particular
form of state is needed. Even an honest monarch can do it. It is for this reason that the
holy Qur'an praises prophet-rulers like Hazrat Da'ud and Hazrat Sulayman16 who were
13 Louay Safi, The Islamic State, A conceptual Framework in American Journal Of Islamic Social Sciences (September 1990), Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 177-91.14 Ibid15 Ibid16 Ibid
kings but Allah's Prophets too. Even Queen Bilquis is praised for her just governance in
the Qur'an though she was not a prophet herself.
But the Qur'an is also aware that such just rulers are normally far and few in
between. The governance has to be as democratic as possible so that all adults could
participate in it. If governance is left to an individual, or a monarch, the power may
corrupt him or her as everyone knows absolute power corrupts absolutely. It is for this
reason that the Qur'an refers to democratic governance when it says: "And those who
respond to their Lord and keep up prayer, and whose affairs are (decided) by mutual
consultation, and who spend out of what We have given them" (42:38). Thus the mutual
affairs (those pertaining to governance) should be conducted only by mutual consultation
which in contemporary political parlance will be construed as democratic governance.
Since in those days there was no well-defined practice of political democracy, the Qur'an
refers to it as `amruhum shura' baynahum (affairs to be conducted through mutual
consultation) which is very meaningful way of hinting at democracy. The Qur'an is thus
against totalitarian or monarchical rule.17
Verse 3:158 of the Qur'an is a very important verse in laying down the guidance
for governance. It is a divine statement against dictatorship or authoritarianism. The verse
reads: "Thus it is by Allah's mercy that thou art gentle on them. And hadst thou been
rough, hard-hearted, they would certainly would have dispersed from around thee. So
pardon them and ask protection for them, and consult them in (important matters)..."18
Thus a ruler has to be gentle not hard-hearted and rough, and has to act in consultation
with the representatives of the people. This verse has been addressed to the Prophet and
no imam from his family can deviate from this divine injunction.
We can also say that the word “state” (dawlah) was first used in the Qur’an,
almost six centuries had to elapse before the word was given its first technical definition
by Muslim scholars. The word dawlah was mentioned once in the Qur’an (in 59:7)[1] in
connection with the distribution of fay’ (the property Muslims appropriated from the
Banu al Najjar upon the latter’s expulsion from Madinah. The Qur’an justified this
departure from the usual practice of dividing the spoils among the fighters by referring to
17www.hurights.or.jp/asia-pacific/no_16/no16_islamic.htm 18 Ibid
the divine intention of preventing the circulation of wealth among a small group within
the society.
In fact, to the contrary, it can be argued that the Qur’an warns against the
establishment of a religious class. The Qur’an says that past religious communities took
their religious leaders [for their lords beside God] (At-Tawbah 9:31) and accuses many
in the religious class of Jews and Christians of stealing people’s wealth and turning
people [away from the path of God] (At-Tawbah 9:34). Furthermore, Muslims believe
that after Prophet Muhammad there is no one who has direct access to God’s will, and
therefore no one person or group has the legitimacy or authority to claim a pope- or
priesthood-like status in the Muslim community. As such, Islam’s political system is not
a theocracy19.
There is no doubt that an Islamic political system would be bound by the laws,
principles, and spirit of the Qur’an and Sunnah, which would serve as the overarching
sources of a constitution in an Islamic state. Furthermore, violating or going directly
against any sacred teaching of Islam could not be tolerated in an Islamic political system,
for doing so would be going against the sources of the constitution. So, in this sense God
is recognized as the sole giver of law20.
However, implementing the laws of God, as articulated in the Qur’an and Sunnah,
necessitates the role of man who is given the position of God’s vicegerent or
representative on earth (Al-Baqarah 2:30) because of his superior intellect, ability to
acquire knowledge, and ability to exercise free will. All of these God-given qualities
enable man not only to implement sacred law, but also to interpret sacred law and derive
from sacred sources the wise principles that form the basis of new laws needed for an
ever-changing world with new ethical and moral complexities21.
As such, the Islamic political system does not entail a struggle or competition for
power between God and man. Rather, God and man function with a unified purpose to
bring social benefit and civilization-enhancing laws to the world. Simply put, God is the
giver of law in Whom sole authority rests, while man, as a collective body, interprets and
implements these laws as God’s representatives on earth. As such, the democratic ideal of
19 Sohaib N. Sultan, Forming an Islamic Democracy in islamicdetour.com/index.php?.20 Ibid21 Ibid
a “government by the people” is compatible with the Qur’anic understanding of man’s
role on earth, and therefore compatible with the notion of an Islamic democracy. It is
important to remember, however, that just as man’s ability to govern is shaped and
limited by the founding constitution in a secular democracy, the sacred sources of Islam
shape and limit man’s ability to govern within an Islamic democracy.
1.2 The Hadith and Political Authority1.3 The Schools of Law and Political Authority1.4 Contemporary Islamic Intellectuals and Political Authority
CHAPTER TWO: THE BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR OF THE TEXT.
2.1 His name, Birth and Upbringing.His name is Ahmad Ibn 'Abdul-Haleem Ibn 'Abdis-Salaam. His kunyah is Aboo
al-'Abbaas and he is also referred to as Taqiyy ad-Deen. As for his most common
appellation: Ibn Taymiyyah, scholars give different accounts for why he was referred to
by this term. Some say that one of his ancestors performed hajj through the route of
Taymaa and he saw a maid (there) who had came out of a tent, when he returned (to his
homeland) he found that his wife had given birth to a daughter and they raised her up to
him, whereupon he said: "O Taymiyyah, O Taymiyyah" i.e., she resembled the maid he
had seen at Taymaa. It is also said that the mother of his grandfather Muhammad, was
named Taymiyyah and thus he came to be ascribed to her. 22
He was born in Harraan, an old city within the Arabian Peninsula between
Shaam23 and Iraq, on the tenth or the twelfth of the month Rabee' al-Awwal in the year
661H, that is 1263. His grandfather, Abu al-Barkat Majd ad-deen ibn Taymiyyah al-
Hanbali (d. 1255) was a reputable teacher of the Hanbali school of law. Likewise, the
scholarly achievements of ibn Taymiyyah's father, Shihab al-deen 'Abd al-Haleem ibn
Taymiyyah (d. 1284) were well known. Because of the Mongol invasion, ibn
Taymiyyah's family moved to Damascus in 1268 , which was then ruled by the Mamluks
22 Refer to Al-'Uqood ad-Durroyyah min Manaaqib Shaykhul-Islaam Ahmad Ibn Taymiyyah of Ibn 'Abdil-Haadee, pg.2, tahqeeq of Muhammad Haamid al-Faqee, 1365H print, Matba'ah Hijaazee, Cairo and Siyar 'Alaam an-Nubalaa of adh-Dhahabee, 22/289, tahqeeq by a number of researchers, takhreej and supervision by Shu'ayb al-Arna'oot, Mu'assasah ar-Risaalah, Beirut. 23 An old name that represents the areas of Syria, Jordan, Palestine and Lebanon.
of Egypt. It was here that his father delivered sermons from the pulpit of the Umayyad
Mosque, and ibn Taymiyyah followed in his footsteps by studying with the great scholars
of his time, among them a woman scholar by the name Zaynab bint Makki from whom he
learned Hadith.
Ibn Taymiyyah was brought up, cared for and nurtured by his father. He obtained
knowledge from him and the other shaykhs of his era. He did not confine himself to the
knowledge of those around him but also directed his attention to the works of the scholars
before his time by way of perusal and memorisation. Ibn Taymiyyah was an industrious
student and acquainted himself with the secular and religious sciences of his time. He
devoted special attention to Arabic literature and gained mastery over grammar and
lexicography as well as studying mathematics and calligraphy. His scholarly zeal
combined with his intense partisanship and hypergraphia led many contemporaries and
later observers, most notably Ibn Battuta to consider him mentally unbalanced.24 As for
the religious sciences, he studied jurisprudence from his father and became a
representative of the Hanbali school of thought. Though he remained faithful throughout
his life to that school, whose doctrines he had decisively mastered, he also acquired an
extensive knowledge of the Islamic disciplines of the Qur'an and the Hadith. He also
studied theology (kalam), philosophy, and Sufism,25 which he later rejected. He also
refuted the Shia Raafidah as well as the Christians. His student Ibn ul-Qayyim al
Jawziyyah authored the famous poem "O Christ-Worshipper" which unapologetically
examined the dogma of the Trinity propounded by many Christian sects.
2.2 His Search for Knowledge and His Spiritual Masters.His search for knowledge took him far and wide. Abu Safwan makes the
following observations about his initial search for knowedge. The strength of his memory
and speed of his comprehension26 was unequalled. His strict observance of time from an
early age27 was surprising which later led the rest of his life to be filled with actions such
as jihad, teaching, commanding the good, forbidding the evil, writing books and letters
2412. Little, Donald P. "Did Ibn Taymiyya Have a Screw Loose" Studia Islamica No. 41 (1975), pp. 93–111 http://www.jstor.org/stable/1595400 25see aqidatul-waasitiyyah daarussalaam publications 26 Refer to al-'Uqood ad-Durnyyah, pg. 4, and al-Kawaakib ad-Durriyyah Fee Manaaqib al-Mujtahid Ibn Taymiyyah by al-Karmee al-Hanbalee, pg.80, tahqeeq of Najm `Abdur-Rahmaan Khalaf, 1406H print, Daar al-Gharb al-Islaamee, Beirut.
and refuting opponents. The scope and strength of the effects his arguments were deeply
admirable. A Jew accepted Islam at his hands whilst he was still very young.28 He started
issuing legal verdicts at the age of nineteen29 and started teaching in Daar al Hadeeth as-
Sukriyyah when he was approximately 22 years of age.30
His initial sources of knowledge centered around diverse sciences like: Tafseer;
Sciences of the Qur'aan; the Sunnah; the Six books; Musnad Imaam Ahmad; Sunan ad-
Daarimee; Mu'jam a-Tabaraanee; Sciences of Hadeeth and narrators; Fiqh and it's
Usool; Usool ad-Deen and sects; language; writing; mathematics; history and other
subjects like astronomy, medicine and engineering. This is quite evident from examining
the works he later authored; any topic he tackled and wrote about leaves the reader
thinking that Ibn Taymiyyah was a specialist in that particular field.
The following is a selection of some of his teachers. Aboo al-'Abbaas Ahmad Ibn 'Abdud-Daa'im al-Maqdasee Aboo Nasr 'Abdul-'Azeez Ibn 'Abdul-Mun'im Aboo Muhammad Ismaa'eel Ibn Ibraaheem at-Tanookhee al-Manjaa Ibn 'Uthmaan at-Tanookhee ad-Dimashqee Aboo al-'Abbaas al-Mu'ammil Ibn Muhammad al-Baalisee Aboo 'Abdullaah Muhammad Ibn Abee Bakr Ibn Sulaymaan al-'Aamiree Aboo al-Faraj 'Abdur-Rahmaan Ibn Sulaymaan al-Baghdaadee Sharaf ad-Deen al-Maqdasee, Ahmad Ibn Ahmad ash-Shaafi'ee Muhammad Ibn 'Abdul-Qawee al-Maqdasee Taqee ad-Deen al-Waasitee, Ibraaheem Ibn 'Alee as-Saalihee al-Hanbalee His paternal aunt, Sitt ad-Daar bint 'Abdus-Salaam Ibn Taymiyyah
2.3 His Gihad
27 Refer to ar-Radd al-Waafir 'alaa man za'ama bi anna man sammaa Ibn Taymiyyah Shaykhul- Islaam Kaafir by Ibn Naasir ad-Deen ad-Dimashqee, pg. 218, tahqeeq of Zuhayr ash-Shaaweesh, first edition, 1400H, al-Maktab al-Islaamee, Beirut, and A'yaan al-'Asr 'an Shaykhul-lslaam Ibn Taymiyyah, Seeratuh wa Akhbaaruh 'inda al-Mu'arrikheen by al-Munajjid, pg. 49. 28Refer to al-A'laam al-'Aliyyah Fee Manaaqib Shaykhul-lslaam Ibn Taymiyyah by al-Bazzaar, tahqeeq of Zuhayr Shaaweesh, 3rd edition, 1400H, al-Maktab al-Islaamee, Beirut. 29 Sharaf ad-Deen al-Maqdasee (d. 694H) gave him permission to deliver legal verdicts. He later used to take pride in this, saying, "I gave him the permission to give legal verdicts." See al-Bidaayah wan-Nihaayah by Ibn Katheer, 13/341, first edition 1966, Maktabah al-Ma'aarif, Beirut, and al-'Uqood ad-Durriyyah, pg. 4. 30Refer to al-'Uqood ad-Durriyyah, pg. 5; al-Bidaayah wan-Nihaayah, 13/303; ar-Radd al-Waafir, pg. 146 and adh-Dhayl 'alaa Tabaqaat al-Hanaabilah of Ibn Rajab, 2/388, tahqeeq Muhammad Haamid al-Faqee, 1972 print, Matba'ah as-Sunnah al-Muhammadiyyah, Cairo.
The life of Ibn Taymiyyah was distinguished with the tremendous qualities of ordering
the good, forbidding the evil and performing Jihad for the cause of Allah, He combined
his roles of teaching, issuing legal verdicts and writing with actions of the highest
magnitude. His whole life was in fact filled with jihad. With a very brief examination of
his life in this area we can point out at a number of incidents:
2.3.1 The Ordering of Good and Forbidding of Evil: His destruction of idols and
places31 that were worshipped besides Allah and prevention of people from visiting such
places:32 This practical aspect was preceded by two stages: the first, by explaining the
reality of these shrines in that many of them were fabricated and that many of the graves
that were glorified and journeyed to were in fact not even those of whom they were
attributed to.33The second, by way of intellectual discourse through direct debates, books
and letters and explaining the shirk and innovations connected to such acts and also
through presenting the opinions of opponents and refuting their arguments.
2.3.2 His Jihad Against the Christians: He wrote a letter to the then Christian King of
Cyprus inviting him to Islaam and exposing the lies and corruption being committed by
the priests and monks whilst they knew fully well that they were upon falsehood. After
mentioning the devoutness of the King, his love for knowledge and good conduct towards
the people, Ibn Taymiyyah then invited him to embrace Islam and adopt the correct
belief. He did this in a gentle and exemplary manner addressing his intellect, and
entrusted him to behave benevolently towards the Muslims in Cyprus, not to strive to
31Read for example his destruction of a pillar, at Masjid at-Taareekh in Damascus, which people used to seek blessing from. Nahiyyah min Shaykhul-lslaam Ibn Taymiyyah, pg. 10-11; al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah, 13/34; as-Sulook lee Ma'rifah Duwal al-Mulook of al-Miqreezee, tahqeeq Musfafaa Ziyaadah, second print 1957, Matba'ah Lajnah at-Ta'leef wa at-Tarjamah, Cairo and Badaa'i' az-Zuhoor fee Waqaa'i' ad-Duhoor of Muhammad Ibn Ahmad Ibn 'Iyaas al-Hanafee, tahqeeq Muhammad Mustafaa, second print 1402H, al-Hay'ah al Misriyyah al-'Aamah lee al-Kitaab, Cairo. 32See examples of this in Naahiyah min Hayaat Shaykh Al-lslaam Ibn Taymiyyah by his attendant, Ibraaheem Ibn Ahmad al-Ghayaathee, pg. 6-24, tahqeeq of Muhibb ad-Deen al-Khateeb, third edition 1396H, al-Matba'ah as-Salafiyyah, Cairo. 33Refer to Ra's al-Husayn of Ibn Taymiyyah recorded in Majmoo 'al-Fataawaa, Vol. 27 and also 17/500, 27/173 and 27/61 on the topic of Nooh's grave.
change the religion of a single one of them. 34 He also engaged in debates with Christians,
some of which he himself referred to in his book al-Jawaab as-Saheeh. [15] 35
2.3.3 His Jihad Against the Sufis: A famous one was against the Bataa 'ihiyyah.36 He
refuted them and exposed their satanic behaviour such as entering into fire and emerging
unharmed and claiming that this was an indication of their miraculous nature. He
explained that even if they did this or flew in the air it would not be an evidence that
could be used to declare their violations of the Sharee'ah to be correct. [17]37 He
challenged them by proposing to also enter into the fire with them on the condition that
they first wash themselves with vinegar and hot water. Ultimately, they were exposed and
defeated and they agreed to a complete adherence to the Book and Sunnah.38 In the year
699H, he and a number of his companions rose against some taverns; they broke their
utensils, spilt their wine and chastised a number of them, which caused the people to
come out and rejoice at this. [19] [20]39
2.3.4 His Jihad Against the Rulers: His stance against the rulers was famous. One of
the well-known ones was his stance against Qaazaan, the ruler of the Tartars. At a time
when the Tartars commanded awe and authority, he spoke to the ruler with strong words
concerning their actions, spread of corruption and infringement of the sanctities of the
Muslims whilst they themselves claimed to be Muslims.40 Likewise, his strong words
with Sultan an-Naasir, convinced the Sultan to refrain from pursuing a course of action
which was impermissible.41 Ibn Taymiyyah also had an effect in causing the rulers to
assume their role of commanding the good and forbidding the evil. An example of this is
34 Risaalah al-Qubrussiyah of Ibn Taymiyyah, within Majmoo ' al-Fataawaa, Vol. 28. This is available translated along with a number of Ibn Taymiyyah's letters: Ibn Taymiyyah's Letters from Prison, published by Message of Islam, U.K. 35Al-Jawaab as-Saheeh lee man Baddala Deen al-Maseeh of Ibn Taymiyyah, 2/172, printed under the supervision of 'Alee as-Subh al-Madanee, Matba'ah al-Madanee, Cairo. 36They are referred to as al-Ahmadiyyah and ar-Rafaa'iyyah in attribution to their founder Ahmad ar-Rafaa'ee, originally from one of the villages of al-Bataa'ih. 37 Imaam ash-Shaafi'ee, may Allaah have mercy upon him, said: "If you see someone walking on water or flying through the air, then do not believe him until you ascertain his conformity to the Sunnah." 38 See Majmoo' al-Fataawaa, 11/456-457, al-'Uqood ad-Durriyyah, pg.194 and al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah 14/36. 39Al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah, 14/122-123. 40Such incidents that the Shaykh performed are of course done within the guidelines and principles pertaining to commanding the good and forbidding the evil. Ibn Taymiyyah himself discusses such guidelines in his treatise al-Amr bi al-Ma'roof wa an-Nahy 'an al-Munkar.
when bribery became widespread and became an influencing factor in holding offices and
even in abolishing capital punishment in the year 712H, An official decree was sent to
Damascus, from the Sultan, citing that no one should be granted a post or office through
money or bribery and that the killer is to be punished by the law of the Sharee'ah; this
decree emanated through the advice and consultation of Ibn Taymiyyah.42
2.3.5 His Jihad Against the Tartars: Ibn Taymiyyah played a great role in establishing
jihad against the Tartars. He clarified the reality of their condition and showed that it was
an obligation to fight them, firstly, because of the consensus of the scholars on the
obligation of fighting any group that openly rejects and resists the laws of Islaam and
secondly, explaining that this ruling is applicable to the Tartars because of their
condition. He elucidated the causes for victory and explained that it was not impossible
or difficult to achieve victory over them if the Muslims adopted the causes that achieve
victory such as judging by the Shari’yah, putting an end to oppression, spreading justice
and being sincere in one's intention when performing jihad in Allah’s cause.
We find Ibn Taymiyyah ordering the people in the battle of Shaqhab, which took place in
the month of Ramadaan, to break fast in emulation of the guidance of the Prophet
(SAAS). Again, when Ibn Taymiyyah encouraged the Sultan to perform jihaad, the
Sultan asked him to take position by his side to which Ibn Taymiyyah replied: "The
Sunna is for each man to stand behind the flag of his people and we are from Shaam so
we will only stand with them."43 After performing jihad against the Tartars and defeating
them, we see Ibn Taymiyyah analyzing the battles, expounding upon the beneficial
lessons that can be derived from them and illustrating the areas of similarity between
these battles against the Tartars and the battles of the Prophet (SAAS).44
41Al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah, 14/89; al-'Alaam al-'Aliyyah, pg.69; al-Kawaakib ad Durriyyah, pg. 93 and Dawlah Banee Qalaawoon fee Misr, pg. 178 of Muhammad Jamaal ad-Deen Suroor, Daar al-Fikr al-Arabee, Cairo. 42 Al-Uqood ad-Durriyyah, pg. 281; al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah, 14/54; al-Kawaakib ad-Durriyyah, pg. 138 and Husn al-Muhaadarah fee Taareekh Misr wa al-Qaahirah of as-Suyoofee, tahqeeq Muhammad Aboo al-Fadl Ibraaheem, first print 1967, Daar Ihyaa' al-Kutub al-'Arabiyyah.
43 See Al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah, 14/26.
44 Al-'Uqood ad-Durriyyah, pg. 121.
2.3.6 His Second Jihad Against the Christians and the Raafidah: The majority of
references do not make mention of Ibn Taymiyya’s role in jihad against the Christians
before their final expulsion from Shaam. Al-Bazzaar however, does mention the
following when discussing the bravery and strength of heart of Ibn Taymiyyah: "They
relate that they saw of him at the conquest of 'Akkah, such a display of bravery that was
beyond description. They say that he was a reason behind it's seizure by the Muslims
because of his deeds, advice and sharp perception."45 As for the Raafidah, they fortified
themselves in the mountains of al-Jard and al-Kasrawaaniyyeen. Ibn Taymiyyah headed
for them in the year 704H with a group of his companions and requested a number of
them to repent and they enjoined the laws of Islam upon them. In the beginning of the
year 705H, Ibn Taymiyyah went to battle with a brigade and the deputy Sultan of Shaam
and Allaah aided them over the Raafidah.46
These are examples of the jihaad of Ibn Taymiyyah, may Allaah have mercy upon him,
and his unification of knowledge with action.
2.4 His Status and RankShaykhul-Islaam Ibn Taymiyyah held a lofty status amongst the scholars of his
time. This was for a number of reasons, such as his ability to clarify matters that were
vague to the other scholars of his time, such as the issue of fighting the Tartars and the
issue of the wealth obtained from some of the sects of the Raafidah.47 Ibn Taymiyyah
expounded upon these matters and clarified them to the people.
In the year 701H, a Jew came from Khaybar alleging that he had a letter from the
Messenger of Allaah (SAAS), which abrogated the Jizyah that the Jews had to pay to the
Muslims. Ibn Taymiyyah exposed his lies and critically scrutinized and invalidated the
letter from a hadeeth point of view and relying upon historical knowledge.48 Whilst Ibn
Taymiyyah was in prison in Cairo, Ibn Katheer mentions: "Difficult legal questions used
to be sent to him from governors and specific people, whom the Jurists could not deal 45Al'-Alaam al-'Aliyyah, pg. 68. 46 Refer to al-'Uqood ad-Durriyyah, pg. 179-194, al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah, 14/35 and as-Sulook, 12/2. Read another incident of his jihaad in Majmoo' al-Fataawaa, 11/474. 47 Al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah, 14/78. 48Al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah, 14/19.
with, and he would respond from the Book and Sunna in a way that would bewilder the
minds."49
Another reason was his role in jihad; he was not only a brave soldier but also an
instructor and leader. He was sought after for advice and military strategy.
Most importantly, one of the greatest causes behind his exalted rank amidst the scholars
and common folk alike was his comprehensive knowledge. When he gave a lecture;
delivered a sermon; gave a legal ruling; wrote a letter or authored a book in any field, he
would produce a level of knowledge that far excelled the other scholars of his time. This
is why Ibn Taymiyyah became a reference point amongst the people. Whenever two
people fell into dispute over a matter - and they could be from the people of knowledge
and students alike as noticed from some questions - his opinion would be the deciding
factor.
2.5 His PublicationsIbn Taymiyyah left a considerable body of work (350 works listed by his student
Ibn Qayyim Al-Jawziyya[40] and 500 by other student al-Dhahabi[41]) that has been
republished extensively in Syria, Egypt, Arabia, and India. His work extended and
justified his religious and political involvements and was characterized by its rich
content, sobriety, and skillful polemical style. Extant books and essays written by ibn
Taymiyyah include:
1. A Great Compilation of Fatwa—(Majmu al-Fatwa al-Kubra) This was collected
centuries after his death, and contains several of the works mentioned below.
2. Minhaj as-Sunnah an-Nabawiyyah—(The Pathway of as-Sunnah an-Nabawiyyah)
—Volumes 1–4
3. Majmoo' al-Fatawa—(Compilation of Fatawa) Volumes 1–36
4. al-Aqeedah Al-Hamawiyyah—(The Creed to the People of Hamawiyyah)
5. al-Aqeedah Al-Waasittiyah—(The Creed to the People of Waasittiyah)
6. al-Asma wa's-Sifaat—(Allah's Names and Attributes) Volumes 1–2
7. 'al-Iman—(Faith)
49 Al-Bidaayah wa an-Nihaayah, 14/46.
8. al-Jawab as Sahih li man Baddala Din al-Masih (Literally, "The Correct Response
to those who have Corrupted the Deen (Religion) of the Messiah"; A Muslim
theologian's response to Christianity)—seven volumes, over a thousand pages.
9. as-Sarim al-Maslul ‘ala Shatim ar-Rasul—The Drawn Sword against those who
insult the Messenger. Written in response to an incident in which Ibn Taymiyyah
heard a Christian insulting Muhammad. The book is well-known because he
wrote it entirely by memory, while in jail, and quoting more than hundreds of
references.
10. Fatawa al-Kubra
11. Fatawa al-Misriyyah
12. ar-Radd 'ala al-Mantiqiyyin (Refutation of Greek Logicians)
13. Naqd at-Ta'sis
14. al-Uboodiyyah—(Subjection to Allah)
15. Iqtida' as-Sirat al-Mustaqim'—(Following The Straight Path)
16. al-Siyasa al-shar'iyya
17. at-Tawassul wal-Waseela
18. Sharh Futuh al-Ghayb—(Commentary on Revelations of the Unseen by Abdul-
Qadir Gilani)
Some of his other works have been translated to English. They include:
1. The Friends of Allah and the Friends of Shaytan
2. Kitab al Iman: The Book of Faith
3. Diseases of the Hearts and their Cures
4. The Relief from Distress
5. Fundamentals of Enjoining Good & Forbidding Evil
6. The Concise Legacy
7. The Goodly Word
8. The Madinan Way \
9. Ibn Taymiyya against the Greek logicians
2. 6 His Disciples/Students: He had many students and those that were affected by him are countless, some of
his students were:
1. Ibn Qayyim alJawziyyah, Muhammad Ibn Abee Bakr, (d. 751H). 2. adh-Dhahabee, Muhammad Ibn Ahmad, (d.748H). 3. al-Mizzee, Yoosuf Ibn 'Abdur-Rahmaan, (d. 742H). 4. Ibn Katheer, Ismaa'eel Ibn 'Umar, (d. 774). 5. Ibn 'Abdil-Haadee, Muhammad Ibn Ahmad, (d. 744H). 6. al-Bazzaar, 'Umar Ibn 'Alee, (d. 749). 7. Ibn Qaadee al-Jabal, Ahmad Ibn Hasan, (d. 771H). 8. Ibn Fadlillaah al-'Amree, Ahmad Ibn Yahyaa, (d. 749H). 9. Muhammad Ibn al-Manjaa Ibn 'Uthmaan at-Tanookhee, (d. 724H). 10. Yoosuf Ibn 'Abdul-Mahmood Ibn 'Abdis-Salaam al-Battee, (d. 728).
2.6 Historical Opinions by Scholars, Thinkers and Students on Ibn Taymiyya.
Throughout history, many scholars and thinkers have praised ibn Taymiyyah and his
works. Ibn Taymiyya's views and manners created intense controversy both in his life
and after his death. Here is a selected view of what renowned scholars, thinkers and some
of his students have to say about him.
2.6.1 Imâm S.alâh. al-Dîn al-S.afadî said: "The Shaykh, Imâm, and erudite scholar
Taqî al-Dîn Ah.mad ibn Taymiyya – Allâh have mercy on him! – was immensely learned
but he had a defective intelligence (`aqluhu nâqis.) that embroiled him into perils and
made him fall into hardships."50
2.6.2 Ibn Taymiyyah's student and renowned scholar in his own right, Ibn Kathir
stated: He (Ibn Taymiyyah) was knowledgeable in fiqh. And it was said that he was more
knowledgeable of fiqh of the madh'habs than the followers of those very same madh'habs, (both)
in his time and other than his time. He was a scholar of the fundamental issues, the subsidiary
issues, of grammar, language, and other textual and intellectual sciences. And no scholar of a
science would speak to him except that he thought the science was of speciality of Ibn
Taymiyyah. As for Hadith, then he was the carrier of its flag, a Hafidh, able to distinguish the
weak from the strong and fully acquainted with the narrators.51
2.6.3 Ibn Taymiyyah's other student, Al-Dhahabi stated: Ibn Taymiyyah...the matchless
individual of the time with respect to knowledge, cognizance, intelligence, memorisation,
generosity, asceticism, excessive braveness and abundancy of (written) works. May Allah rectify
50Al-S.afadî, Sharh. Lâmiyya al-`Ajam li al-T.ughrâ'î, in al-Nabahânî, Shawâhid al-H.aqq (p. 189). 51Mountains of Knowledge, pg. 220, quoting Al-Bidaayah wan-Nihaayah'(14/118-119)
and direct him. And we, by the praise of Allah, are not amongst those who exaggerate about him
and nor are we of those who are harsh and rough with him. No one with perfection like that of the
Imams and Tabieen and their successors has been seen and I did not see him (Ibn Taymiyyah)
except engrossed in a book.[31][32] Adh-Dhahabi however, after praising his teacher Ibn Taymiyya,
also states: "He also had some strange opinions on account of which he was attacked." 52
2.6.4 Al-Sakhâwî noted: "Certain people gave rise to disavowal and a general reluctance
to make use of their knowledge despite their stature in knowledge, pious scrupulosity,
and asceticism. The reason for this was the looseness of their tongues and their
tactlessness in blunt speech and excessive criticism, such as Ibn H.azm and Ibn
Taymiyya, who were subsequently tried and harmed."53
2.6.5 The widely-known Hanbali scholar, Ibn Rajab stated: He (Ibn Taymiyyah) is the
Imam, the legal jurist, the Mujtahid, the Scholar of Hadith, the Hafiz, the Explainer of the Quran,
the Ascetic, Taqi ad-Din Abu al-Abbas Shaykh al-Islam, the most knowledgable of the
knowledgable. It is not possible to exaggerate his renown when he is mentioned and his fame
does not require us to write a lengthy tract on him. He, may Allah have mercy upon him, was
unique in his time and with respect to understanding the Quran and knowledge of the realities of
faith...54
2.6.6 The famed Shafi'i scholar and master of Hadith, Al-Mizzi stated: "I have not
seen the likes of him, and his own eye had not seen the likes of himself. And I have not seen one
who was more knowledgeable than him of the Book and the Sunnah of His Messenger, nor one
who followed them more closely."55
2.6.7 The Shafi'i scholar and well-known critic of Ibn Taymiyyah, Taqi al-Din al-
Subki wrote a letter to Imam al-Dhahabi - after the latter rebuked him for his harsh
words on Ibn Taymiyyah, and demanded him for justice - in which he stated: As for what
you say with regards to the Shaykh, Taqi al-Din (Ibn Taymiyyah), then i am convinced of the
great scope, the ocean like vastness of his knowledge of the transmitted and intellectual sciences,
his extreme intelligence, his Ijtihad and his achievements in that which surpasses description. I
have always held this opinion and personally, his status in my eyes is greater and more esteemed
for his ascesticism, piety, religiousity, his aiding of the truth and remaining firm upon it for the
52 Al-Dhahabî, al-`Ibar (4:84). 53 al-Tawbîkh (p. 61) 54Relief from Distress, pg. xxiii, footnote ibn Rajab, [2/387-392] 55Bahajtul Baitar, Hayat Shaykh Al Islam Ibn Taymiyyah, pg 21
sake of Allah alone, his adherence to the path of the Salaf and his great dependence upon it and
use of it, his strangeness in these times, in fact in any time.56
2.6.8 The famous muhaddith, Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani stated: The acclaim of Taqi ad-Din
(Ibn Taymiyyah) is more renowned than that of the Sun and titling him Shaykh al-Islam of his era
remains until our time upon the virtuous tongues. It will continue tomorrow just as it was
yesterday. No one refutes this but a person who is ignorant of his prestige or one who turns away
from justice.57
More modern thinkers include an 18th century Arabian scholar named Muhammad ibn
'Abd al-Wahhab, who studied the works of ibn Taymiyyah and aimed to revive his
teachings Ibn Taymiyyah is also revered as an intellectual and spiritual exemplar by
many contemporary Salafis.
CHAPTER THREE: THE ARABIC TEXT AND TRANSLATION.3.0 Introduction
السياسة الشرعية
والرعية الراعي إصالح في
تيمية ابن اإلسالم شيخ تأليف
( الله( رحمه
الرحيم الرحمن الله بسم
المقدمة
معهم وأنزل بالبينات، رسله أرسل الذي لله الحمد
وأنزل بالقسط، الناس ليقوم والميزان الكتاب
56al-Dhayl 'alaa Tabaqat al-Hanabilah li Ibn Rajab 4/503, Maktabah al-'Ubaykan, 2005 edition 57Relief from distress, pg. xx–xxi, quoting Radd al-Wafir in footnote
الله وليعلم للناس، ومنافع شديد، بأس فيه الحديد
عزيز، قوي الله إن بالغيب، ورسله ينصره من
أرسله الذي وسلم، عليه الله صلى بمحمد وختمهم
وأيده كله، الدين على ليظهره الحق، ودين بالهدى
والقلم العلم معنى الجامع النصير، بالسلطان
للنصرة والسيف القدرة ومعنى والحجة، للهداية
له، شريك ال وحده الله إال إله ال أن وأشهد والتعزير،
أن وأشهد اإلبريز، الذهب خالص خالصة شهادة
آله وعلى عليه الله صلى ورسوله عبده محمدا
صاحبها يكون وشهادة كثيرا، تسليما وسلم وصحبه،
( ) . فيها مختصرة، رسالة فهذه بعد أما حريز حرز في
ال النبوية، واإلنابة اإللهية السياسة من جوامع
أوجب من اقتضاها والرعية، الراعي عنها يستغني
الله صلى النبي قال كما األمور، والة من نصحه الله
{ : الله إن وجه غير من عنه ثبت فيما وسلم، عليه
: شيئا، به تشركوا وال تعبدوه أن ثالثة لكم يرضى
وأن تفرقوا، وال جميعا الله بحبل تعتصموا وأن
} الرسالة موضوع أمركم الله واله من تناصحوا
( كتاب( في األمراء آية على مبنية رسالة وهذه وهذه
{ : تؤدوا أن يأمركم الله إن تعالى قوله وهي الله،
أن الناس بين حكمتم وإذا أهلها إلى األمانات
كان الله إن به يعظكم نعما الله إن بالعدل تحكموا
. وأطيعوا الله أطيعوا آمنوا الذين يأيها بصيرا سميعا
شيء في تنازعتم فإن منكم، األمر وأولي الرسول
بالله تؤمنون كنتم إن والرسول، الله إلى فردوه
( ) } العلماء قال تأويال وأحسن خير ذلك اآلخر واليوم
يؤدوا أن عليهم األمور، والة في األولى اآلية نزلت
أن الناس بين حكموا وإذا أهلها، إلى األمانات
من الرعية في الثانية ونزلت بالعدل، يحكموا
األمر أولي يطيعوا أن عليهم وغيرهم، الجيوش
ومغازيهم وحكمهم قسمهم في لذلك الفاعلين
أمروا فإن الله، بمعصية يأمروا أن إال ذلك، وغير
فإن الخالق، معصية في لمخلوق طاعة فال بمعصية
رسوله وسنة الله كتاب إلى ردوه شيء في تنازعوا
. ذلك، األمر والة تفعل لم وإن وسلم عليه الله صلى
من ذلك ألن الله، طاعة من به يأمرون فيما أطيعوا
أمر كما إليهم حقوقهم وأديت ورسوله، الله طاعة
{ وال والتقوى، البر على وتعاونوا ورسوله الله
} قد اآلية كانت وإذا والعدوان اإلثم على تعاونوا
. بالعدل والحكم أهلها، إلى األمانات أداء أوجبت
. والوالية العادلة، السياسة جماع فهذان
Chapter One.3.1 Section One of the First Chapter
الولي اختيار أسس األول الباب
األصلح استعمال
مكة* فتح لما وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي فإن
منه طلبها شيبة بني من الكعبة مفاتيح وتسلم
البيت، وسدانة الحاج، سقاية بين له ليجمع العباس،
بني إلى الكعبة مفاتيح بدفع اآلية، هذه الله فأنزل
عمل كل على يولي أن األمر ولي على فيجب شيبة
العمل، لذلك يجده من أصلح المسلمين، أعمال من
أمر }: من ولي من وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي قال
أصلح هو من يجد وهو رجال فولى شيئا، المسلمين
: .} رواية وفي ورسوله الله خان فقد منه للمسلمين
تلك} في يجد وهو عصابة، على عمال رجال قلد من
رسوله وخان الله خان فقد منه، أرضى العصابة
} وروى صحيحه في الحاكم رواه المؤمنين وخان
. عنه ذلك روي عمر البن عمر قول من أنه بعضهم
: من ولي من عنه الله رضي الخطاب بن عمر وقال
قرابة أو لمودة رجال فولى شيئا المسلمين أمر
وهذا والمسلمين ورسوله الله خان فقد بينهما،
المستحقين عن البحث عليه فيجب عليه واجب
الذين األمراء من األمصار، على نوابه من للواليات،
األجناد أمراء ومن والقضاة، السلطان، ذي نواب هم
األموال ووالة والكبار، والصغار العساكر ومقدمي
الخراج على والسعاة والشادين والكتاب الوزراء من
. للمسلمين التي األموال من ذلك وغير والصدقات،
ويستعمل يستنيب أن هؤالء، من واحد كل وعلى
الصالة أئمة إلى ذلك وينتهي يجده، من أصلح
الحاج، وأمير والمعلمين، والمقرئين، والمؤذنين،
األموال، وخزان القصاد، هم الذين والعيون والبرد،
البوابون هم الذين والحدادين الحصون، وحراس
الكبار العساكر ونقباء والمدائن، الحصون على
. كل على فيجب واألسواق القبائل وعرفاء والصغار،
هؤالء من المسلمين، أمر من شيئا ولي من
موضع، كل في يده تحت فيما يستعمل أن وغيرهم،
طلب لكونه الرجل يقدم وال عليه، يقدر من أصلح
. الطلب في يسبق أو الوالية،
النبي* عن الصحيحين في فإن المنع، سبب ذلك بل
{ : فسألوه عليه دخلوا قوما أن وسلم عليه الله صلى
.} : وقال طلبه من هذا أمرنا نولي ال إنا فقال الوالية،
{ : تسأل ال الرحمن عبد يا سمرة بن الرحمن لعبد
أعنت مسألة غير من أعطيتها إن فإنك اإلمارة،
} أخرجاه إليه وكلت مسألة عن أعطيتها وإن عليها،
{ : من وسلم عليه الله صلى وقال الصحيحين في
يطلب لم ومن إليه وكل عليه واستعان القضاء طلب
} يسدده ملكا إليه الله أنزل عليه، يستعن ولم القضاء
. إلى األصلح األحق عن عدل فإن السنن أهل رواه
صداقة، أو عتاقة والء أو بينهما، قرابة ألجل غيره،
جنس، أو طريقة أو مذهب أو بلد في موافقة أو
لرشوة أو والرومية، والتركية والفارسية كالعربية
من ذلك غير أو منفعة، أو مال من منه يأخذها
عداوة أو األحق، على قلبه في لضغن أو األسباب،
ودخل والمؤمنين، ورسوله الله خان فقد بينهما،
{ : ال آمنوا الذين أيها يا تعالى قوله في عنه نهي فيما
وأنتم أماناتكم وتخونوا والرسول الله تخونوا
{ : وأوالدكم{. أموالكم أنما واعلموا قال ثم تعلمون
.} لحبه الرجل فإن عظيم أجر عنده الله وأن فتنة،
أو الواليات، بعض في يؤثره قد لعتيقه، أو لولده،
كذلك أمانته، خان قد فيكون يستحقه، ال ما يعطيه
ال ما بأخذ حفظه، أو ماله في زيادة يؤثره قد
الواليات، بعض في يداهنه من محاباة أو يستحقه،
. إن ثم أمانته وخان ورسوله، الله خان قد فيكون
فيحفظه الله يثبته هواه، مخالفة مع لألمانة المؤدي
الله يعاقبه لهواه والمطيع بعده، وماله أهله في
. ماله ويذهب أهله، فيذل قصده بنقيض
بني* خلفاء بعض أن المشهورة، الحكاية ذلك، وفي
أدرك عما يحدثه أن العلماء بعض سأل العباس
: أمير: يا له فقيل العزيز، عبد بن عمر أدركت فقال
المال، هذا من بنيك أفواه أقفرت المؤمنين
موته، مرض في وكان لهم شيء ال فقراء وتركتهم
ذكرا،: عشر بضعة فأدخلوهم، علي، أدخلوهم فقال
: يا قال ثم عيناه، ذرفت رآهم فلما بالغ، فيهم ليس
بالذي أكن ولم لكم، هو حقا منعتكم ما والله بني،
أحد أنتم وإنما إليكم، فأدفعها الناس أموال آخذ
غير: وإما الصالحين، يتولى فالله صالح، إما رجلين
الله، معصية على به يستعين ما له أترك فال صالح،
: مائة على حمل ولده، رأيت فلقد قال عني قوموا
. عليها يغزو لمن أعطاها يعني الله، سبيل في فرس
أقصى: من المسلمين، خليفة كان وقد هذا قلت
بالد المغرب، أقصى إلى الترك، بالد المشرق،
الشام وثغور قبرص جزائر ومن وغيرها، األندلس
اليمن أقصى إلى ونحوها، كطرسوس والعواصم
شيئا تركته من أوالده، من واحد كل أخذ وإنما
- : وحضرت قال درهما عشرين من أقل يقال يسيرا،
واحد كل فأخذ بنوه، تركته اقتسم وقد الخلفاء بعض
يتكفف بعضهم، رأيت ولقد دينار، ألف ستمائة منهم
- - من الباب هذا وفي بكفه يسألهم أي الناس
الزمان في المشاهدة والوقائع الحكايات
. لب ذي لكل عبرة فيه ما قبله، عما والمسموعة
وسلم* عليه الله صلى الله رسول سنة دلت وقد
مثل مواضع، في أداؤها يجب أمانة الوالية أن على
{ في عنه الله رضي ذر ألبي قوله ومثل تقدم، ما
وندامة،: خزي القيامة يوم وإنها أمانة، إنها اإلمارة
.} رواه فيها عليه الذي وأدى بحقها، أخذها من إال
هريرة. أبي عن صحيحه في البخاري وروى مسلم
{ : : األمانة، ضيعت إذا قال النبي أن عنه الله رضي
.} معنى على المسلمون أجمع وقد الساعة انتظر
الرجل ووكيل الوقف، وناظر اليتيم، وصي فإن هذا،
كما فاألصلح، باألصلح له يتصرف أن عليه ماله، في
{ : هي بالتي إال اليتيم مال تقربوا وال تعالى الله قال
ألن{ وذلك حسنة هي بالتي إال يقل ولم أحسن
قال كما الغنم، راعي بمنزلة الناس على راع الوالي
{ : وكلكم راع كلكم وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي
راع الناس على الذي فاإلمام رعيته، عن مسئول
بيت في راعية والمرأة رعيته، عن مسئول وهو
في راع والولد رعيتها، عن مسئولة وهي زوجها،
في راع والعبد رعيته، عن مسئول وهو أبيه، مال
راع فكلكم أال رعيته، عن مسئول وهو سيده، مال
} الصحيحين في أخرجاه رعيته عن مسئول وكلكم
{ : راع من ما وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي وقال
غاش وهو يموت، يوم يموت رعية، الله يسترعيه
. } مسلم رواه الجنة رائحة عليه الله حرم إال لها،
أبي بن معاوية على الخوالني، مسلم أبو ودخل
: : فقالوا األجير، أيها عليك السالم فقال سفيان،
: أيها السالم فقال األمير، أيها عليك السالم قل
: عليك السالم فقال األمير أيها قل فقالوا األجير
: أبا دعوا معاوية فقال األمير قل فقالوا األجير أيها
: أجير أنت إنما فقال يقول بما أعلم فإنه مسلم
هنأت أنت فإن لرعايتها، الغنم هذه رب استأجرك
على أوالها وحبست مرضاها، وداويت جرباها،
جرباها تهنأ لم أنت وإن أجرك، سيدها وفاك أخراها
أخراها على أوالها تحبس ولم مرضاها، تداو ولم
عباد الخلق فإن االعتبار، ظاهر وهذا سيدها عاقبك
العباد وكالء وهم عباده، على الله نواب الوالة الله،
اآلخر، مع الشريكين أحد بمنزلة أنفسهم، على
والوكيل الولي ثم والوكالة، الوالية معنى ففيهم
أصلح هو من وترك رجال، أموره في استناب متى
وهو بثمن، السلعة وباع منه، المقارب أو للتجارة
خان فقد الثمن، ذلك من بخير يشتريها من يجد
أو مودة وبينه حاباه من بين كان إن سيما ال صاحبه،
وداهن خان قد أنه ويذمه، يبغضه صاحبه فإن قربة،
. صديقه أو قريبه
3.2 Section Two of the First Chapter.
فاألمثل األمثل اختيار
أصلح* إال يستعمل أن فليس هذا، عرف إذا
صالح هو من موجوده، في يكون ال وقد الموجود،
منصب كل في فاألمثل األمثل فيختار الوالية، لتلك
وأخذه التام، االجتهاد بعد ذلك فعل وإذا يحسبه،
في بالواجب وقام األمانة، أدى فقد بحقها، للوالية
العدل أئمة من الموضع هذا في وصار هذا،
بسبب األمور بعض اختل وإن الله، عند والمقسطين
: يقول الله فإن ذلك، إال يمكن لم إذا غيره، من
{ : } الله} يكلف ال ويقول استطعتم ما الله فاتقوا
.} وسعها إال نفسا
{ : تكلف* ال الله سبيل في فقاتل الجهاد في وقال
{ : .} الذين أيها يا وقال المؤمنين وحرض نفسك إال
إذا ضل من يضركم ال أنفسكم، عليكم آمنوا
فقد{ عليه المقدور الواجب أدى فمن اهتديتم
{ : إذا: وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي وقال اهتدى
} في أخرجاه استطعتم ما منه فأتوا بأمر أمرتكم
أو إليه، حاجة وال عجز منه كان إذا لكن الصحيحين،
في األصلح يعرف أن وينبغي ذلك على عوقب خيانة
: واألمانة، القوة ركنان لها الوالية فإن منصب، كل
{ : القوي استأجرت من خير إن تعالى قال كما
: السالم{ عليه ليوسف مصر صاحب وقال األمين
.} أمين} مكين لدينا اليوم إنك
{ : رسول* لقول إنه جبريل صفة في تعالى وقال
.} أمين. ثم مطاع مكين العرش ذي عند قوة ذي كريم
إمارة في فالقوة بحسبها، والية كل في والقوة
الخبرة وإلى القلب، شجاعة إلى ترجع الحرب
وإلى خدعة، الحرب فإن فيها، والمخادعة بالحروب،
: وضرب، وطعن رمي من القتال أنواع على القدرة
: تعالى قال كما ذلك، ونحو وفر، وكر وركوب
} الخيل} رباط ومن قوة من استطعتم ما لهم وأعدوا
{ : واركبوا، ارموا وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي وقال
الرمي تعلم ومن تركبوا، أن من إلي أحب ترموا وأن
} { : } جحدها نعمة فهي رواية وفي منا فليس نسيه ثم
إلى ترجع الناس، بين الحكم في والقوة مسلم رواه
القدرة وإلى والسنة، الكتاب عليه دل الذي العدل
. األحكام تنفيذ على
بآياته* يشتري وأال الله، خشية إلى ترجع واألمانة
الثالث الخصال وهذه الناس، خشية وترك قليال، ثمنا
في الناس، على حكم كل على الله اتخذها التي
{ : تشتروا وال واخشون تخشوهم فال تعالى قوله
{ } الله أنزل بما يحكم لم ومن ، قليال ثمنا بآياتي
} الله صلى النبي قال ولهذا الكافرون هم فأولئك
: { : وقاض النار، في قاضيان ثالثة القضاة وسلم عليه
في فهو بخالفه، وقضى الحق علم فرجل الجنة، في
في فهو جهل، على الناس بين قضى ورجل النار،
} الجنة في فهو به، وقضى الحق علم ورجل النار،
بين قضى من لكل اسم والقاضي السنن أهل رواه
أو سلطانا، أو خليفة كان سواء بينهما، وحكم اثنين
أو بالشرع، ليقضي منصوبا كان أو واليا، أو نائبا،
إذا الخطوط، في الصبيان بين يحكم حتى له، نائبا
الله صلى الله رسول أصحاب ذكر هكذا تخايروا،
. : ظاهر وهو وسلم عليه
3.3 Section Three of the First Chapter
الناس في والقوة األمانة اجتماع قلة
كان* ولهذا قليل، الناس في واألمانة القوة اجتماع
: أشكو اللهم يقول عنه الله رضي الخطاب بن عمر
كل في فالواجب الثقة، وعجز الفاجر، جلد إليك
. أحدهما رجالن تعين فإذا بحسبها األصلح والية،
لتلك أنفعهما قدم قوة، أعظم واآلخر أمانة، أعظم
إمارة: في فيقدم فيها، ضررا وأقلهما الوالية
فجور فيه كان وإن الشجاع، القوي الرجل الحرب
أمينا، كان وإن العاجز، الضعيف الرجل على فيها،
: أميرين يكونان الرجلين عن أحمد اإلمام سئل كما
ضعيف، صالح واآلخر فاجر قوي وأحدهما الغزو، في
: فقوته القوي، الفاجر أما فقال يغزو؟ أيهما مع
الصالح وأما نفسه، على وفجوره للمسلمين،
المسلمين، على وضعفه لنفسه، فصالحه، الضعيف
. الله صلى النبي قال وقد الفاجر القوي مع فيغزي
} الفاجر }: بالرجل الدين هذا يؤيد الله إن وسلم عليه
.} لهم } خالق ال بأقوام وروي
مما* الحرب بإمارة أولى كان فاجرا، يكن لم فإذا
. ولهذا مسده يسد لم إذا الدين، في منه أصلح هو
بن} خالد يستعمل وسلم، عليه الله صلى النبي كان
: خالدا إن وقال أسلم، منذ الحرب، على الوليد
} كان أحيانا أنه مع المشركين على الله سله لسيف
حتى وسلم، عليه الله صلى النبي ينكره ما يعمل قد
{ : - - إني اللهم وقال السماء إلى يديه رفع مرة إنه
.} خزيمة إلى أرسله لما خالد فعل مما إليك أبرأ
يجوز يكن ولم شبهة، بنوع أموالهم وأخذ فقتلهم،
حتى الصحابة، من معه من بعض عليه وأنكره ذلك،
أموالهم، وضمن وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي وداهم
كان ألنه الحرب؛ إمارة في يقدمه زال فما هذا ومع
بنوع فعل ما وفعل غيره، من الباب هذا في أصلح
تأويل.
األمانة* في منه أصلح عنه، الله رضي ذر أبو وكان
عليه الله صلى النبي له فقال هذا ومع والصدق،
{ ما لك أحب وإني ضعيفا، أراك إني ذر أبا يا وسلم
: مال تولين وال اثنين، على تأمرن ال لنفسي أحب
. والوالية؛{. اإلمارة عن ذر أبا نهى مسلم رواه يتيم
{ : . الخضراء أظلت ما روي قد أنه مع ضعيفا رآه ألنه
.} ذر أبي من لهجة أصدق الغبراء، أقلت وال
{ بن* عمرو مرة وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي وأمر
ألقاربه استعطافا السالسل ذات غزوة في العاص
وأمر منه أفضل هم من على إليهم، بعثه الذين
.} يستعمل كان ولذلك أبيه ثأر ألجل زيد، بن أسامة
من األمير مع يكون كان قد أنه مع لمصلحة، الرجل
. بكر أبو وهكذا واإليمان العلم في منه، أفضل هو
الله رضي وسلم عليه الله صلى الله رسول خليفة
الردة، أهل حرب في خالدا يستعمل زال ما عنه
كان هفوات منه وبدت والشام، العراق فتوح وفي
هوى، فيها له كان أنه عنه له ذكر وقد تأويل، فيها له
لرجحان عليها عتبه بل أجلها، من يعزله فلم
لم غيره وأن بقائه، في المفسدة، على المصلحة
خلقه كان إذا الكبير، المتولي ألن مقامه؛ يقوم يكن
يميل نائبه خلق يكون أن فينبغي اللين، إلى يميل
فينبغي الشدة، إلى يميل خلقه كان وإذا الشدة، إلى
األمر ليعتدل اللين، إلى يميل نائبه خلق يكون أن
يؤثر عنه، الله رضي الصديق بكر أبو كان ولهذا
عنه، الله رضي الخطاب بن عمر وكان خالد، استنابة
الجراح بن عبيدة أبي واستنابة خالد، عزل يؤثر
بن كعمر شديدا، كان خالدا ألن عنه؛ الله رضي
األصلح وكان بكر، كأبي لينا كان عبيدة وأبا الخطاب،
معتدال، أمره ليكون واله، من يولي أن منهما لكل
عليه الله صلى الله رسول خلفاء من بذلك ويكون
الله صلى النبي قال حتى معتدل، هو الذي وسلم،
.} { : الملحمة نبي أنا الرحمة نبي أنا وسلم عليه
.} تعالى: } قال وسط وأمته القتال الضحوك أنا وقال
{ ركعا: تراهم بينهم رحماء الكفار على أشداء فيهم
: } تعالى وقال ورضوانا الله من فضال يبتغون سجدا
.} لما} ولهذا الكافرين على أعزة المؤمنين على أذلة
كاملين صارا عنهما الله رضي وعمر بكر أبو تولى
إلى فيه ينسبان كان ما منهما واعتدل الوالية، في
وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي حياة في الطرفين أحد
النبي فيهما قال حتى اآلخر، وشدة أحدهما لين من
{ : أبي بعدي من بالذين اقتدوا وسلم عليه الله صلى
.} وعمر بكر
قتال* في القلب، شجاعة من بكر أبي من وظهر
وسائر وعمر علي به برز ما وغيرهم، الردة أهل
. الحاجة كانت وإن أجمعين عنهم الله رضي الصحابة،
حفظ مثل األمين قدم أشد، األمانة إلى الوالية في
بد فال وحفظها، استخراجها فأما ونحوها، األموال
قوي شاد عليها فيولى وأمانة، قوة من فيه
بخبرته يحفظها أمين وكاتب بقوته، يستخرجها
األمير. أمر إذا الحرب، إمارة في وكذلك وأمانته
المصلحتين بين جمع والدين العلم أولي بمشورة
برجل المصلحة تتم لم إذا الواليات سائر في وهكذا
أو األصلح، ترجيح من بد فال عدد، بين جمع واحد،
. تام بواحد الكفاية تقع لم إذا المولى، تعدد
األكفأ،* األورع األعلم القضاء، والية في ويقدم
- قد فيما قدم أورع، واآلخر أعلم، أحدهما كان فإن
يدق وفيما األورع، الهوى فيه ويخاف حكمه، يظهر
. : الحديث ففي األعلم االشتباه فيه ويخاف حكمه،
{ : الله إن قال أنه وسلم، عليه الله صلى النبي عن
العقل ويحب الشبهات، ورود عند النافذ، البصر يحب
} كان إن األكفأ، على ويقدمان الشهوات حلول عند
أو الحرب، والي جهة من تاما، تأييدا مؤيدا القاضي
. قوة، إلى يحتاج القضاء كان إن األكفأ ويقدم العامة
العلم مزيد إلى حاجة من أكثر القاضي، وإعانة
عالما يكون أن يحتاج المطلق، القاضي فإن والعلم،
صفة فأي للمسلمين، وال كل وكذلك بل قادرا عادال
بسببه، الخلل ظهر نقصت، الصفات هذه من
ورغبة،: بإحسان وإما ورهبة بقهر إما والكفاءة
: . إذا العلماء بعض وسئل منهما بد فال الحقيقة وفي
جاهل أو فاسق عالم إال القضاء، يولى من يوجد لم
يقدم؟ فأيهما دين
لغلبة: أكثر الدين إلى الحاجة كانت إن فقال
أكثر الدين إلى الحاجة كانت وإن الدين قدم الفساد،
. يقدمون العلماء وأكثر العالم قدم الحكومات لخفاء
في بد ال أنه على متفقون األئمة فإن الدين ذا
واختلفوا للشهادة أهال عدال يكون أن من المتولي
أو مجتهدا، يكون أن يجب هل العلم اشتراط في
األمثل تولية الواجب أو مقلدا، يكون أن يجوز
وبسط أقوال ثالثة على تيسر؟ كيفما فاألمثل
يجوز أنه ومع الموضع هذا غير في ذلك على الكالم
الموجود، أصلح كان إذا للضرورة، األهل غير تولية
حتى األحوال، إصالح في السعي ذلك مع فيجب
الواليات أمور من منه، لهم بد ال ما الناس في يكمل
السعي المعسر على يجب كما ونحوها، واإلمارات
إال منه يطلب ال الحال في كان وإن دينه، وفاء في
بإعداد للجهاد، االستعداد يجب وكما عليه، يقدر ما
فإن للعجز، سقوطه وقت في الخيل ورباط القوة
االستطاعة بخالف واجب فهو به إال الواجب يتم ال ما
الوجوب ألن تحصيلها؛ يجب ال فإنه ونحوها الحج في
. بها إال يتم ال هناك
3.4 Section Four of the First Chapter
تمامها وكيفية األصلح معرفة
إنما* وذلك األصلح، معرفة الباب هذا في والمهم
طريق ومعرفة الوالية، مقصود بمعرفة يتم
. األمر تم والوسائل المقاصد عرفت فإذا المقصود،
دون الدنيا، قصد الملوك أكثر على غلب لما فلهذا
تلك على يعينهم من واليتهم في قدموا الدين،
تقديم يؤثر نفسه، رئاسة يطلب من وكان المقاصد،
يصلي الذي أن السنة كانت وقد رئاسته، يقيم من
هم بهم، ويخطب والجماعة الجمعة بالمسلمين
على السلطان ذي نواب هم الذين الحرب، أمراء
أبا وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي قدم لما ولهذا الجند،
الحرب إمارة في المسلمون قدمه الصالة، في بكر
وغيرها.
أميرا* بعث إذا وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي وكان
بأصحابه، للصالة يؤمره الذي هو كان حرب، على
كما مدينة، على نائبا رجال استعمل إذا وكذلك
أبي بن وعثمان مكة، على أسيد بن عتاب استعمل
على موسى وأبا ومعاذا، وعليا الطائف على العاص
هو نائبه كان نجران على حزم بن وعمرو اليمن
مما وغيرها، الحدود فيهم ويقيم بهم، يصلي الذي
ومن بعده، خلفاؤه وكذلك الحرب، أمير يفعله
العباسيين، وبعض األمويين الملوك من بعدهم
. ولهذا والجهاد الصالة الدين أمر أهم ألن وذلك؛
عليه الله صلى النبي عن األحاديث، أكثر كانت
مريضا، عاد إذا وكان والجهاد، الصالة في وسلم
{ لك: وينكأ صالة لك يشهد عبدك، اشف اللهم يقول
عدوا{.
{ إلى* معاذا وسلم عليه الله صلى النبي بعث ولما
.} : الصالة عندي أمرك أهم إن معاذ يا قال اليمن،
يكتب عنه الله رضي الخطاب بن عمر كان وكذلك
: فمن الصالة، عندي أموركم أهم إن عماله إلى
كان ضيعها ومن دينه، حفظ وحفظها عليها حافظ
النبي ألن وذلك إضاعة أشد عمله من سواها لما
.} { : الدين عماد الصالة قال وسلم عليه الله صلى
عن تنهى فالصالة الدين، عماد المتولي أقام فإذا
. ما على الناس تعين التي وهي والمنكر الفحشاء
: تعالى الله قال كما الطاعات، من سواها
على} إال لكبيرة وإنها والصالة، بالصبر واستعينوا
{ : الذين{. أيها يا وتعالى سبحانه وقال الخاشعين
مع الله إن والصالة، بالصبر استعينوا آمنوا
{ : واصطبر{ بالصالة أهلك وأمر لنبيه وقال الصابرين
والعاقبة نرزقك، نحن رزقا، نسألك ال عليها
{ : إال{. واإلنس الجن خلقت وما تعالى وقال للتقوى
يطعمون أن أريد وما رزق من منهم أريد ما ليعبدون
} فالمقصود المتين القوة ذو الرزاق هو الله إن
: بالواليات الواجب
خسرانا خسروا فاتهم متى الذي الخلق دين إصالح
ما وإصالح الدنيا، في به نعموا ما ينفعهم ولم مبينا،
: . نوعان وهو دنياهم أمر من به إال الدين يقوم ال
المتعدين، وعقوبات مستحقيه، بين المال قسم
. بن عمر كان ولهذا ودنياه دينه له أصلح يعتد لم فمن
: ليعلموكم إليكم، عمالي بعثت إنما يقول الخطاب
فلما دينكم بينكم ويقيموا نبيكم، وسنة ربكم كتاب
تناقضت وجه، من والرعاة وجه، من الرعية تغيرت
ودنياهم دينهم إصالح في الراعي اجتهد فإذا األمور،
وكان زمانه، أهل أفضل من كان اإلمكان، بحسب
روي فقد الله، سبيل في المجاهدين أفضل من
} سنة} ستين عبادة من أفضل عادل، إمام من يوم
عليه الله صلى النبي عن أحمد اإلمام مسند وفي
{ : عادل، إمام الله إلى الخلق أحب قال أنه وسلم،
.} جائر إمام إليه وأبغضهم
عنه،* الله رضي هريرة أبي عن الصحيحين وفي
{ : سبعة: وسلم عليه الله صلى الله رسول قال قال
: وشاب عادل، إمام ظله إال ظل ال يوم الله يظلهم
إذا بالمسجد معلق قلبه ورجل الله، عبادة في نشأ
الله، في تحابا ورجالن إليه، يعود حتى منه خرج
خاليا الله ذكر ورجل عليه، وتفرقا ذلك على اجتمعا
منصب ذات امرأة دعته ورجل عيناه، ففاضت
: رب الله أخاف إني فقال نفسها، إلى وجمال
ال حتى فأخفاها، بصدقة تصدق ورجل العالمين،
.} عن مسلم صحيح وفي يمينه تنفق ما شماله تعلم
: رسول قال قال عنه، الله رضي حماد، بن عياض
: { : سلطان ثالثة الجنة أهل وسلم عليه الله صلى الله
ومسلم، قربى ذي بكل القلب رحيم ورجل مقسط،
} صلى عنه السنن وفي متصدق عفيف غني ورجل
:{ الصدقة على الساعي قال أنه وسلم عليه الله
} الله قال وقد الله سبيل في كالمجاهد بالحق،
{ : تكون ال حتى وقاتلوهم بالجهاد أمر لما تعالى،
.} لله كله الدين ويكون فتنة،
: { الله* رسول يا وسلم عليه الله صلى للنبي وقيل
رياء، ويقاتل حمية، ويقاتل شجاعة، يقاتل الرجل
: لتكون قاتل من فقال الله؟ سبيل في ذلك فأي
} في أخرجاه الله سبيل في فهو العليا هي الله كلمة
وأن. لله، كله الدين يكون أن فالمقصود الصحيحين
جامع اسم الله وكلمة العليا، هي الله كلمة تكون
: تعالى الله قال وهكذا كتابه، تضمنها التي لكلماته
الكتاب} معهم وأنزلنا بالبينات، رسلنا أرسلنا لقد
} من فالمقصود بالقسط الناس ليقوم والميزان
الناس يقوم أن الكتب، وإنزال الرسل، إرسال
. قال ثم خلقه وحقوق الله، حقوق في بالقسط،
{ ومنافع: شديد بأس فيه الحديد وأنزلنا تعالى
.} فمن بالغيب ورسله ينصره من الله وليعلم للناس،
الدين قوام كان ولهذا بالحديد، قوم الكتاب عن عدل
. والسيف بالمصحف
عنهما،* الله رضي الله عبد بن جابر عن روي وقد
{ أن: وسلم، عليه الله صلى الله رسول أمرنا قال
يعني - - - هذا عن عدل من السيف يعني بهذا نضرب
يتوسل{ فإنه المقصود، هو هذا كان فإذا المصحف
أيهما الرجلين، إلى وينظر فاألقرب، باألقرب إليه
الوالية كانت فإذا ولي، المقصود إلى أقرب كان
صلى النبي قدمه من قدم فقط، صالة إمامة مثال،
{ : أقرؤهم القوم يؤم قال حيث وسلم، عليه الله
فأعلمهم سواء، القراءة في كانوا فإن الله، لكتاب
هجرة، فأقدمهم سواء السنة في كانوا فإن بالسنة
يؤمن وال سنا فأقدمهم سواء الهجرة في كانوا فإن
تكرمته على بيته في يجلس وال سلطانه، في الرجل
} خفي أو رجالن، تكافأ فإذا مسلم رواه ، بإذنه إال
وقاص أبي بن سعد أقرع كما بينهما، أقرع أصلحهما
األذان، على تشاجروا لما القادسية، يوم الناس بين
{ الناس يعلم لو وسلم عليه الله صلى لقوله متابعة
أن إال يجدوا لم ثم األول، والصف النداء في ما
.} بأمر التقديم كان فإذا الستهموا عليه يستهموا
- إذا بالقرعة يرجحه ما وهو وبفعله ظهر، إذا الله
- في األمانات أدى قد المتولي كان األمر خفي
. أهلها إلى الواليات
CHAPTER FOUR: Commentary on the Text.4.1………..4.2………4.3………
1. 4.4 The influence of Ibn Taymiyya On modern Islamic Political Thought. 4.5 The Rise of Islamic Sects in North-Eastern Nigeria.
ConclusionIndex of NamesIndex of Qur’anic QuotationsŠŠGlossaryBibliography.
Commentary On the Need for a State According to Allah’s Law by Ibn Taymiyyah.
Ibn Taimiyah, like most Islamic thinkers regarded the institution of government as
indispensable. Describing the need for a state, he says: “It should be noted that to regulate
the affairs of people is one of the most important requirements (wajibat) of the religion
(al-din).58 Really speaking, al-din cannot be established without it. The wellbeing of the
sons of Adam cannot be accomplished except through a well- organized society (ijtima')
because they are in need of one another; and for such a society a ruler is indispensable.” 59
He gives two reasons for regarding the state and leadership as a religious duty. First, the
saying of the Prophet: 'If three persons set out on a journey, they should appoint one of
them their leader.' Citing this hadith, he argues: 'If a leader is considered necessary on a
journey - a temporary association of a few persons - it is an instruction to have it in all
kinds of greater associations'60 He further argues that the duty of commanding good and
forbidding evil cannot be completely discharged without power (quwwah) and authority
(imarah). The same applies to all religious duties, like holy war (jihad), justice,
establishment of pilgrimage and prayers, helping those who are wronged and meting out
punishment in accordance with the legal penalties (iqamah al -hudud).61 Since all these
tasks cannot be carried on without government and power, the institution of government
and state is necessary from the religious point of view.
It is worth mentioning here that, on the same ground, some eminent Muslim scholars of
the present age have strongly advocated the view that political power is a necessary
means to enforce Islam fully in personal and social life. Al-Mawardi (991-1058), Abu
Ya`la al-Farra' (990-1065), al-Ghazali (1031-1111), Ibn Jama'ah (1241-1333) and Ibn
Khaldun (1332-1406) have all emphasized the need for the state and its religious
character. Al-Mawardi, Abu Ya`la and Ibn Khaldun distinguish between two types of
58By 'al-din' he means the religion of Islam, which provides not only a unique system of worship and moral rectitude but also a code of life. No aspect of man's behaviour, including politics and economics, is outside it. back59Ibn Taimiyah, al-Siyasah al-Shar'iyah (Cairo: Dar al-Sha'b, 1971), p. 184. back60Ibid., p. 185.61Ibid
government, based on reason ('aqliyah) and the higher form of government based on
revealed law (Shari`ah). The first merely guards against mutual injustice, discord and
anarchy, and strives for worldly well-being, while the second provides for the positive
enforcement of law and justice in mutual confidence and fellowship; above all, it takes
into account the well-being of the community in the Hereafter as well as in this world.62
To Ibn Taimiyah authority is preferable to anarchy. Although he asks Muslims not to
obey orders contrary to the commandments of Allah and forbids them to cooperate with
an unjust ruler,63 he does not advocate open rebellion or encourage overthrowing him. He
quotes the saying: 'Sixty years of an unjust imam (ruler) are better than one night without
a sultan.'64 Al-Ghazali and Ibn Jama'ah also take the view that any effort to depose even a
tyrannous sultan is liable to create chaos and lawlessness.65 Following the Greek
philosophers, St. Thomas Aquinas also adopts this view, on which William Archibald
Dunning has commented: 'In respect to individual action in slaying tyrants, he observes
that it is more often bad men than the good that undertake such an enterprise, and that,
since bad men find the rule of kings no less burdensome than that of tyrants, the
recognition of the right of private citizens to kill tyrants involves rather more chance of
losing a king than of being relieved of a tyrant.'66Behind the view that an individual
should not try to remove an established unjust ruler may have been the bitter experience
of these thinkers that the newcomer often proved a worse incompetent than the outgoing
one.
Moreover, the instability and chaos created by the overthrow of the regime always
retarded economic growth and prosperity and affected adversely the social and academic
institutions. However, it may be that these thinkers failed to suggest the proper way to get
rid of a tyrant. But this does not mean that for Ibn Taimiyah, as for the European
mercantilists67 of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the state was the be-all and end-all.
As against the attitude of mercantilism in which 'the welfare of the state was substituted 62Cf. Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddimah (Beirut: Dar al-Fikr, n.d.), pp. 150-1; cf. Al-Mawardi, Al-Ahkam al-Sultaniyah (Egypt: M. al-Babi, 1973), p. 5.back63Ibn Taimiyah, al-Siyasah at-Shar'iyah, op. cit., pp. 16, 61. back64Ibid., p. 185.65Cf. Rosenthal, Erwin I. J., Political Thought in Medieval Islam (Cambridge University Press, 1962), p. 44. back66Dunning, W. A., A History of Political Theories (Allahabad: Central Book Depot, 1966), p. 200. back
in place of the amelioration of the individual',68 Ibn Taimiyah emphasizes that the
necessary objective of those in authority (wilayah) is to improve the material and
religious conditions of the people in preparation for the life to come.69 He expresses the
need for close co-operation between those in authority and the people.70 By contrast,
mercantilism was essentially amoral, as Hecksher explains: 'The mercantilists were
amoral in a two-fold sense, both in their aims as also in the means for the attainment of
their ends. This two-fold amorality arose from their widespread indifference towards
mankind, both in its capacity as a reasoning animal, as also in its attitude towards the
eternal.'71 Mercantilist thinkers like Machiavelli (1469-1527) and Jean Bodin
(1520-96) freed politics from all moral and ethical considerations and held the state
accountable to no one.72 In Ibn Taimiyah's view, the authority exercised by the state is not
absolute. It is a trust (amanah) from Allah, and it is to be exercised in accordance with the
terms laid down in the Shari`ah. He quotes a hadith of the Prophet, peace be upon him, to
support his argument. Abu Dharr, a Companion of the Prophet, reported that he said: 'It
(sovereignty) is a trust, and on the day of judgement it will be a thing of sorrow and
humiliation except for those who were deserving of it and did well.'73 Elsewhere, he
observes that 'the government is a religious duty, to seek Allah's favour by fulfilling its
obligations with all one's might is one of the noblest of good deeds (afdal a'mal
alsalihah)'. He again quotes a hadith that 'to Allah the most beloved of His creatures is a
just sovereign (imam 'adil) and the most hateful is a tyrannical one'.74
Ibn Taimiyah believes that for appointment to a public office the most suitable person
should be chosen on grounds of relevant competence (quwwah) and integrity (amanah),
the two most necessary qualities. However, since it is not always easy to find a person
67Mercantilism developed at the end of the Middle Ages. According to the mercantilist writers it is very important that the state should be economically strong and powerful, and this can be done only through foreign trade. back68Heckscher, Eli F., Mercantilism, trans. by Shapiro. (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd., 1962), Vol. 2, p. 286.69Ibn Taimiyah, Al-Siyasah al-Shar'iyah, op. cit., p. 36.70 Ibid., pp. 42, 60.71 Heckscher, op. cit., p. 285.72Gray, A. and Thompson, A., The Development of Economic Doctrine (New York: Longman, 1980), p. 56. 73Ibn Taimiyah, al-Siyasah al-Shar'iyah, op. cit., p. 22. 74Ibn Taimiyah, al-Hisbah, (Dar al-Sha'b, 1976), p. 11
who possesses both in equal measure, the most essential quality for the particular office
should be determined.75 Erwin Rosenthal comments: 'Ibn Taimiyah is realistic enough to
suggest that ability to fill an office - courage and bravery in a war-leader, judgement and
power of enforcement in a judge - is more important than piety and loyalty if nobody can
be found who combines all requirements. In support he appeals to the Sunnah.
Muhammad (upon him be peace) was always guided in the choice of a leader by the
welfare of the ummah as the overriding consideration, even if his subordinates were to
surpass him in knowledge and faith. If no one person is available who possesses in
himself all the qualities needed for an office one has to appoint as many as together are
endowed with them.'76 And he goes on to observe: 'This idea is strongly reminiscent of al-
Farabi and goes back ultimately to Plato, as does the idea of men forming an association
to help each other to satisfy their need.'77 It is strange that Rosenthal should first say that
Ibn Taimiyah derives his view from the Sunnah and then say the view is reminiscent of
al-Farabi who, it is implied, got it ultimately from Plato, as if the true source of authority
for Ibn Taymiyah were Greek. In fact, of course, that similar ideas are found in two
different sources is not, without documentary evidence, proof that the later source is
derived from the earlier one.
Influence of Ibn Taymiyya on Modern Islamic Political Thought.
The revival and power of religious feelings among Muslims since the Iranian Revolution
presents a complicated and often perplexing picture of the politics of the Islamic world in
the modern era. What are the ideas which have influenced the direction of these trends?
In his book Modern Islamic Political Thought, Hamid Enayat, provides an answer by
describing and interpreting some of the major Islamic political ideas, especially those
expressed by Iranians and Egyptians, as well as thinkers from Pakistan, India, Lebanon,
Syria and Iraq. Enayat studies the political differences between the two main schools in
Islam--Shi'ism and Sunnism, how their ideas have evolved in recent times and how far
they have moved from confrontation to convergence78. Enayat examines the concept of
75Cf. Ibn Taimiyah, al-Siyasah al-Shar'iyah, op. cit., pp. 25-33. 7619. Rosenthal, Erwin 1. J., op. cit., p. 54.back 77Ibid., pp. 54-5. 78 Hamid Enayat, Modern Islamic Political Thought, I. B. Touris and Company, 2005
the Islamic state, and the Muslim repsonse to the challenge of alien and modern
ideologies such as nationlism, democracy and socialism.79 In all these, the influence of
Ibn Taymiyya on the present day Modern Islamic Political thought cannot be denied.
Taqi al-Din Ibn Taymiyya (1263-1328), one of the most controversial thinkers in Islamic
religious history, was repeatedly imprisoned during his lifetime. Today, he is revered by
the Wahhabi movement and championed by Salafi groups who call for a return to the
pristine golden age of the Prophet. His writings have also been used by radical groups,
such as al-Qaeda, to justify acts of terrorism and armed struggle80. In order to explain this
modern influence, it is necessary to remove historical and personal prejudices and offer a
fresh and objective perspective on Ibn Taymiyya's life, thought and legacy in all the
fields of Islamic science he was involved in; Islamic theology, law, Qur'anic exegesis and
political thought81. Contrary to his current image as an anti-rationalist puritan, and despite
the fact that his works and theories are sometimes interpreted to suit the political mood of
the moment which is a fact in the evolution of all Islamic ideologies, Ibn Taymiyya is
considered to be one of the most intellectually rigorous, complex and interesting figures
in Islamic intellectual history.
79Hamid Enayat, Op. Cit. 80Ibn Taymiyya Times, Edited by Youssef Rappoport and Shahab Ahmed, Oxford University Press, April 2010. 81Ibn Taymiyya Times, Edited by Youssef Rappoport and Shahab Ahmed, Oxford University Press, April 2010.