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Amachan:

The Usage of Idol and Nostalgia to Aid in the Tohoku Restoration Efforts

By: Maggie Thorpe MA Candidate for Japan Studies

Master’s Degree Research Paper (2/2), January 9, 2015 JSIS 584: Media and Popular Culture in Japan (SPRING 2014)

Dr. Andrea Arai

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I. Introduction

The 2011 Tohoku (Great East Japan) Earthquake Disaster was the most powerfully

recorded earthquake in Japan’s history as well as the fifth most powerful in the world since

modern record-keeping began in 1900. Not only was there a 9.0-magnitude earthquake, there

was a large-scale tsunami and nuclear accidents in Fukushima. This three-disaster scenario was

unprecedented in Japan. The effects of the disaster reverberated throughout Japan and the world.

Concerns about radiation poisoning, missing persons, and government false reports circulated.

And while debates were being raised, a region that was already suffering in depopulation and a

stalled economy was the ultimate victim.

In 2013, NHK – the national public broadcaster – aired its new serial novelization

(renzoku terebi shousetsu), also known as a “morning drama” (asadora). The series, Amachan,

was broadcasted from April 1st to September 28th 2013 with a total of 156 15-minute episodes.

Amachan would air between 8 A.M. to 8:15 A.M. and would rebroadcast on various channels

such as NHK satellite. The series would take place in one of the disaster-affected regions, the

Sanriku coast in Iwate Prefecture. Overall, Amachan was wildly successful, with an average

viewership rate of 20.6%. It won the Grand Prix for best television program of 2013 at the 51st

Galaxy Awards, given by the Japan Council for Better Television and Radio. It also became a

social media phenomenon with its numerous key phrases, songs, and story developments.

I argue that Amachan was a way of communicating NHK’s ideology of a nation that

would work hard towards the purpose of restoring and revitalizing the disaster-affected region

through the use of stories, characters, and the idea of nostalgia and idol. These ideologues can be

traced back to the late Meiji period, an era in which conflicting values and views of country and

city life can still be felt in the fabric of postmodern Japan today. Through an “imagined”

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nostalgia that connects the viewer to the storyline, it encourages the creation of a substitute

fursuato. The conduit for the imagined nostalgia is from the characterization of an “idol” – a

representation of the Meiji ideologue of striving for success. By creating this imagined nostalgia,

Amachan ensures that people who are far away from or have no connection to the disaster-

affected region will still think about and support the recovery efforts in Tohoku – even after

many years. In Japan, nostalgia has been a key political tool in mobilizing efforts to protect a

certain Japanese area – and within that, a local and nationalized identity.

In this paper, I will first describe the historical background of NHK morning dramas as

well as a summary of Amachan. NHK morning dramas are a widely watched, daily aspect of

Japanese media life that will focus on an area that the nation should learn from. Next, I will

analyze elements from Amachan that will link to the ideas of nostalgia, idol, and recovery efforts.

These elements will show the underlying symbolic workings of a national media that will

subconsciously revitalize (or perhaps hinder) an area that the state cannot wholly fix. In addition,

these elements will show a potential for its effect in the next section. Third, I will analyze the

reception to the drama as well as connections to the effects on restoration efforts in Tohoku. This

section will allow me to show empirical evidence of the show’s effect on the Japanese public.

Lastly, I will finish the paper with some concluding remarks.

II. BACKGROUND

2.1 NHK and Morning Drama History

The NHK (Nippon Hoso Kyokai) is a public broadcaster that has been around since 1925,

starting as a radio broadcaster. The NHK was frequently used as a means of war propaganda

during the Pacific War mobilization. When Japan lost in World War Two, NHK was censored by

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the American Occupation and would instead relay messages of democracy and peace. In 1950,

the Broadcast Law was passed and the NHK would be re-established as a public broadcaster.

NHK’s philosophy is one that is tied to government goals, especially during the postwar

period. “NHK envisioned television broadcasting as a tool of national enlightenment that could

cultivate and refine the citizenry.”1 This cultivation of the nation has been around since the

modernization efforts of the Meiji period. NHK largely filled its programming with educational

and current events segments (and still does so to this day); however trends towards entertainment

programming began to appear in the late postwar period. The preference was more so for

entertainment and NHK would eventually have more entertainment programs than cultural and

educational (36% entertainment; 20% cultural and educational).2

Combining entertainment with an underlying motive of showcasing Japanese culture to

educate audiences, NHK began to air annual television novels. The NHK Television Novel

(renzoku terebi shosetsu) or morning dramas (asa-dorama or asadora) typically centers on the

developments of a young woman, showcasing a certain locale. Due to the media exposure of

these areas, “many local governments lobby the NHK to get their areas covered.”3 If a certain

region was chosen as the setting, it was found to have a positive effect on the local economy.

Unlike other annual programs like historical and home dramas, the morning drama would air

every day for fifteen minutes. Despite being criticized as “simply being a program handy for

1 Jayson M. Chun. "A Nation of a Hundred Million Idiots"?: A Social History of Japanese Television, 1953-1973. New York: Routledge, 2007. Print. p. 55 2 Chun. "A Nation of a Hundred Million Idiots"?: A Social History of Japanese Television, 1953-1973. p. 92 3 http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/07/27/national/media-national/nhk-drama-dives-into-the-idea-of-idols-in-rural-japan/#.U5i2-Y1dU_E

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checking on the time (digital figures indicating the time are continually displayed on the upper

left-hand corner of the screen), [asadora] continues to receive very high ratings.”4

One of the most famous and well received was Oshin. Oshin is about a girl from a

poverty-stricken family in Yamagata Prefecture who faces trials and tribulations throughout her

life – from moving to Tokyo to become a hairdresser to having an unhappy marriage in Saga

Prefecture. It is “the life of a Japanese woman, an account of a lifetime of endurance, patience

and perseverance.”5 There are two arguments about the portrayal of Oshin: Nihonjinron and

nostalgia. “The drama could be interpreted as a fictionalized version of Nihonjinron – an account

of the special virtues which explain Japan’s miraculous evolution from rural poverty to

commercial triumph.”6 This stimulation to mobilize work efforts was felt in other East Asian

countries that the drama was exported to (such as China). Instead, Morris-Suzuki relays that

Oshin was a way for Japanese viewers to “indulge in a wondering, bittersweet nostalgia for the

hardships of the past.”7 Even for the children who did not experience Oshin’s struggles could

finally imagine the hardships their parents and grandparents went through. In addition, Morris-

Suzuki argues that Oshin, as a woman, has given a different interpretation of history, one “with a

liberal and pacifist view.”8

The use of a female protagonist developing through trials in a certain time period and in a

certain place allows for a certain type of message to be relayed to audience. This is what NHK

morning dramas allow to happen. Like Oshin, the drama Amachan would also display the

4 Kazuhiko Goto, Masunori Sata, and Hideo Hirahara. A History of Japanese Television Drama: Modern Japan and the Japanese. Tokyo, Japan: Japan Association of Broadcasting Art, 1991. Print. p. 192 5 Goto, Sata, and Hirahara. A History of Japanese Television Drama: Modern Japan and the Japanese . p. 192 6 Tessa Morris-Suzuki. Re-inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1998. Print. p. 133 7 Morris-Suzuki, Re-inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation. p. 133 8 Morris-Suzuki, Tessa. Re-inventing Japan: Time, Space, Nation. p. 134

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challenges that the female protagonist would face. Despite not having as much of a tragic

storyline like Oshin, the very core storyline of a young woman experiencing the hardships of

finding her life’s path is one that reverberates with the Japanese viewer. As will be discussed in

the section 3, nostalgia is a powerful tool that is frequently utilized in morning dramas. The

biggest difference between Oshin and Amachan is when the storyline takes place. This

temporality will create a slightly different form of nostalgia, as I will explain later.

Amachan takes place between 2008 and 2012. Aki Amano is a 16-year-old girl, born and

raised in Tokyo. When her mother, Haruko, was 18-years-old, she fled from her hometown of

Sodegahama, Kita-sanriku in Iwate Prefecture. In 2008, Haruko is informed by a friend that her

mother has collapsed. Haruko, with her daughter in tow, rushes back to her hometown only to

find out it was a trick.

Haruko’s mother, Natsu-bappa, is the leader of the town’s “Kita-no-Amasan” (Northern

Divers). Ama-san are traditional female divers who dive into the cold waters without the use of

scuba gear or air tanks. This tradition has been going for nearly 2,000 years.9 They collect a

variety of sea creatures such as clams, octopus, sea urchins, and seaweed. The Kita-no-Amasan

are known for sea urchins (uni). Once they bring the sea urchins to shore, tourists would pay the

ama-san to open the sea urchin and feed them. This activity is a huge hit for tourists and the

ama-san could be considered a traditional idea of idol (see section 3.2); however, the Kita-no-

Amasan, the pride of Kita-sanriku (and much of its economic prowess), is aging. The town is

struggling due to depopulation. Due to the economic struggles of the small town, Haruko was

tricked into coming back to become an ama-san; however, her daughter, Aki, instead finds

inspiration and becomes one. Aki falls in love with the small community.

9 Hermann Rahn and Tetsuro Yokoyama. Physiology of Breath-Hold Diving and the Ama of Japan: Papers. Washington: National Academy of Sciences-National Research Council, 1965. Print.

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Aki becomes a huge hit in the small town. Images and videos of her training to become

an ama-san are uploaded on the Internet and wotaku – fans of idols – come in herds to admire,

support, and be fed by her. She also becomes friends with Yui, a girl who dreams of moving to

Tokyo to become an idol. Yui attracts train-otaku (densha otaku), especially as she rides on the

Kitatetsu train. She has an enigmatic and photogenic look and is proclaimed by many to be the

best idol (unlike Aki who is slightly awkward and fumbles around – but later proves otherwise).

Yui becomes the Miss Kitatetsu in order to attract tourists – particularly train-otaku. Eventually,

Aki and Yui become a jimoto (local) idol duo called “Shiosai no Memories” (Memories of the

Sound of Waves). They perform in a train parlor. Eventually, a café is built for the Ama-san to

entertain, feed, and sell goods to tourists where the jimoto idol duo performs.

Aki and Yui are scouted and urged to come to Tokyo to become a part of an AKB48-

parody unit: GMT47 (Jimoto, or local). A variety of issues come up involving family (Haruko

was a former idol who does not want Aki to become one; Yui’s father collapses and her mother

disappears) and psychological ones that Aki ends up being the only one who manages to go to

Tokyo. While in Tokyo, the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake occurs. Aki, distraught and

feeling at a loss of what to do, rushes back to find the already-suffering town devastated. Aki,

with the good will in her heart, works hard at revitalizing the town.

This short summary does not cover all of the crises and story developments. For a 156-

episode series (a total of 39 hours), the Tohoku disaster only transpired at episode 132. From

April to September 2013 – a total of five months – Amachan did not involve anything about the

disaster. Foreshadowing only became apparent when the main character was going to have a

small debut concert on March 11, 2011. It is in this realization that we have to wonder why

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Amachan went into such careful development of the storyline and characters and the usage of

idol in revitalization in a disaster-stricken part of Japan.

Next, we will look at the behind the scenes motivations by the production team for

Amachan. Amachan was written by Kankuro Kudo. Kudo decided to explore the “Japanese idea

of ‘idol.’”10 Kudo stated that he wants people to fall in love with the jimoto.11 In addition, Kei

Kurube, the producer, stated that he wanted to cast people that had an adult charm. Kurube

wondered about what Kudo meant about falling in love with the jimoto, but he concluded that it

was the adults who live there that would make the audience fall in love with them.12 These

casting points were integral in having characters where the audience could laugh and cry with

them – in other words, to identify with.

The casting involved up-and-coming actress, Rena Nounen, who played Aki. Nounen

stated in a press conference announcing her role that she wants “to become a heroine who lends

the people [in Tohoku] energy and power.”13 This type of statement was made multiple times

when it was revealed that the story would take place in Iwate Prefecture. In addition, the casting

of Kyoko Koizumi as Aki’s mother, Haruko, was a tip of the hat to Koizumi’s past as a top

1980s idol (even her hit, “Idol No Matter What” or “Nantetatte Idol”).

The connection of idols and local places are tightly linked as seen through the production

process. There is a clear motive to enrich and cultivate a connection to the locale through the use

10 Philip Brasor. "NHK drama dives into the 'idea' of idols in rural Japan." . The Japan Times, 27 July 2013. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2013/07/27/national/media-national/nhk-drama-dives-into-the-idea-of-idols-in-rural-japan/#.U5uXzo1dU_F>. 11 "Koizumi Kyoko, hiroin no hahaoya yaku de asadora hatsushutsuen musume wo inochikage mamorimasu." Eiga.com News, 6 Sept. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://eiga.com/news/20120906/8/>. 12 "Koizumi Kyoko, hiroin no hahaoya yaku de asadora hatsushutsuen musume wo inochikage mamorimasu." Eiga.com News, 6 Sept. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://eiga.com/news/20120906/8/>. 13 "Nounen Rena cast as heroine for next year's morning drama 'Amachan'." . Tokyohive, 27 July 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.tokyohive.com/article/2012/07/nounen-rena-cast-as-heroine-for-next-years-morning-drama-amachan/>.

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of characters and storyline. Thus, Amachan can be put forth to analysis of how the drama rouses

its viewers to aid in Tohoku restoration efforts.

III. ANALYSIS

I will first discuss the elements of nostalgia (in this case, furusato and imagined

nostalgia) such as dialect, regional cuisine, and transportation system. I will then discuss the idol

connection. Next, I will discuss how the show tackled the Tohoku disaster storyline after the

series developed its nostalgic and idol elements. In addition, I will discuss direct evidence of

Amachan’s influence on restoration efforts. Lastly, I will discuss the audience reception to the

show.

3.1 Nostalgia

Japan has been undergoing urbanization processes since the end of World War Two.

With a strong national purpose of high economic growth indoctrinated by Prime Minister

Shigeru Yoshida in the 1950s, many Japanese migrated to urban centers to find work. Ideas of

living the “American way of life” were disseminated to the public through the media and a

consumer cultural lifestyle. The Japanese mass media was able to reach to rural areas with

broadcasted images of Tokyo and would attract much of the youth to come to the burgeoning

cities.14

After decades of urbanization, one of the biggest issues in Japan today is that of

depopulated rural areas. Loss of a vital economic center in many rural towns (such as ones that

rely on one industry like coal mining) would lose its youth population over time. Due to a low

child birthrate and rapid aging, many rural areas are filled to the brim with elderly and have

barely any children to keep the schools open. Plans to repopulate these areas involve

14 Chun. "A Nation of a Hundred Million Idiots"?: A Social History of Japanese Television, 1953-1973.

p. 152

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immigration, but in a tightly controlled country, open immigration is not a viable option in the

near future.

These depopulated areas have tried to revitalize their economy through a variety of

methods. A majority of villages choose the tourism industry as the tool to attract people to visit.

For example, industrial heritage tourism was used in Yubari City in Hokkaido – a town that

experienced coalmine closures. But “with local resort initiatives souring after the 1980s

economic bubble burst and cheap holidays abroad becoming more readily available, Yubari’s

attraction faded.”15 Even if Yubari tried to further revitalize, borrowed capital as well as other

struggling competing neighbor villages proved a difficult future.

Kamaishi City located on the Sanriku Coast in Iwate Prefecture is a shrinking city with a

strong past in the steel industry. Instead of opening amusement parks or relying on day visitors

like Yubari, Kamaishi City has rediscovered itself through “green tourism.” This green tourism

involves a region’s agricultural and fishery resources.16 In 1997, Kamaishi City enacted its green

tourism plan with a variety of events advertising its local dishes and environment. Kamaishi City

started its building blocks of revitalization through not depending on a single industry (steel), but

also seeing tourism as an alternative. Unfortunately, the 2011 Great East Japan Earthquake and

Tsunami would halt any further developments in revitalization for Kamaishi City and many other

disaster-affected areas in Tohoku Japan.

Amachan takes place in a depopulated, aging region of Japan. Like Kamaishi City, the

fictional town’s economic foundation is based on its agriculture, fishing, and transportation –

aspects that are floundering. The deep contrast between the city and the countryside is described

from the very beginning. For example, the narrator describes the convoluted train route from

15 Peter C.D. Matanle and Anthony Rausch. Japan's Shrinking Regions in the 21st Century. Amherst, N.Y: Cambria Press, 2011. Print. p. 257 16 Matanle and Rausch. Japan's Shrinking Regions in the 21st Century. p 374

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Tokyo to the small town. The characters also symbolize the stark difference between city and

country dwellers through their clothes, accent, and mannerisms. The didactic relationship of the

city and countryside has been one that can find its origins in the Meiji period as Japan was

rapidly modernizing.

Before the Meiji period began, the Tokugawa hierarchy declared that peasants, or farmers,

were not necessarily the lowest on the social ladder. For example, they were placed higher than

merchants, who produced nothing of value to society. Peasants were integral in the running of

the Tokugawa state, providing rice as tax. A majority of Japanese, even until the early 20th

century, lived in small villages where agriculture was the main form of economic livelihood.

However, as industrialization found its roots in the late 19th century, the populace began to

migrate to city centers.

The Japanese identity was going through a crisis in the late Meiji period as intellectuals

began to regret the intense modernization. Cities became examples of the positives and negatives

of modernity. Once again, an agrarian myth was espoused to the public where “foundation of the

nation” was based in the countryside. “Disaffected intellectual youth sometimes romanticized the

country as a pastoral refuge from the emptiness of modern life or looked to it to provide popular

energies for reform.”17 Students and intellectual leaders would make “pilgrimages” to the

countryside. In Amachan, Aki also rediscovers these aspects when she lives in the countryside.

Her mother even comments that Aki has blossomed in the countryside, compared to her life in

the city. The contrast between the countryside and city has been an integral part of the Japanese

national experience. Raymond Williams, who studied a similar phenomenon in industrializing

England, stated, “The contrast of city and country is often used to express an unresolved conflict

17 Carol Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1985. Print. p. 181

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between the experienced present and its remembered or imagined past.”18 To this day, the state –

its politicians and bureaucrats – has acknowledged the existence of the “foundation of the nation”

and still latches onto the rural regions. This leads to the underlying fabric of the national

experience – one in the form of “nostalgia for nostalgia.”

The Japanese word, “natsukashii” refers to a nostalgic feeling. A commonly used word in

daily conversation, it evokes images of a remembered past. For example, the word “kawaii”

(meaning cute, as discussed in the next section) is a form of nostalgia that can represent the

reminiscence on the supposed “innocence” of childhood – even if ones’ childhood was not

necessarily good. Nostalgia frequently romanticizes and creates an imagined past, especially

during times of uncertainty.

In connection to the diptych relationship of city and country, Japanese experienced

“urban nostalgia” – in late Meiji period and the postwar. “Urban nostalgia” is where there is a

“romantic re-evaluation of pre-industrial society.”19 It is the memories of a simpler time that

involved living in rural communities. Rapid urbanization in the postwar period led to societal

issues including pollution and crowding. Being able to think back on a “simpler” time (without

thinking of how much more difficult it was to survive in pre-industrial society), an “urban

nostalgia” effect occurs. After the astounding economic growth the Japanese accomplished, more

and more Japanese would have the time to think back on the past - and in particular, to where

they came from. As discussed in section 2, Oshin utilized the “urban nostalgia” experience as it

attracted its viewers to experience this bittersweet feeling.

The “Discover Japan” advertisement campaign took this natural human psychological

response to its marketing advantage. This 1970s campaign came at a time when many citizens’

18 Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. p. 178 19 Sharon Kinsella. "Cuties in Japan." Women, Media, and Consumption in Japan. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1995. . Print. p. 241

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protest movements occurred such as pollution, urban congestion, and U.S. involvement in the

Vietnam War. “Discover Japan” by Dentsu, one of the world’s largest advertising firms, was for

Japan Railways. Ivy states that it “targeted Japanese desires for a simpler rural past, yet its

recuperation of that past indicated all the more clearly the difficulty of escaping the managed

society of the 1970s.”20 Images of a female traveler in places that were not famous were

advertised in targeted areas like train stations. The images were more so of rural places, scenes

that could happen to anyone who would travel. In the 1980s, a similar campaign called “Exotic

Japan” would also tap into notions of an unshared experience within Japan. These messages were

disseminated and influenced a major domestic tourism boom. In a way, the media form acts as a

gateway to realizing ones’ nostalgia.

Nowadays, a majority of the Japanese population does not live in the countryside. The

amalgamation of villages and towns in the immediate postwar made it this way as well as a

swelling of open positions in the booming economy. Jiro Kamishima states:

“The Meiji period witnessed the first generation of people who had

left their homes for the city. This generation had hometowns, but

as it turned into the second, and the third generation, their parents’

or grandparents’ furusato was no longer their own. These later

generations therefore had to synthesize an image of the furusato

through some kind of mediation…In 1914, the Education Ministry

published the song “Kokyo (Furusato)” in its official collection of

school songs, and it came to be sung throughout the country. In its

role of providing a synthesis of the furusato image, this song had a

20 Marilyn Ivy. "Formations of Mass Culture." Postwar Japan as History. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. Print. p. 252

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big influence on those people who had come to Tokyo from

elsewhere, or people who moved around a lot – in short, those

people who had no furusato.”21

The word “furusato” is a “yamatokotoba,” or indigenous Japanese word. It can be described in

two ways. First, “one’s hometown, one’s native place.” Second, “Historic ruins, ancient sites of

human habitation, old and dilapidated villages.”22 According to Ivy, it “invokes particular,

personal memories as well as diffuse, publicly acknowledged traces of ancient sites.”23

The idea of furusato has been utilized as a political tool in the form of furusato-zukuri.

Furusato-zukuri is a “political process by which culture as a collectively constructed and shared

system of symbols, customs, and beliefs, is socially reproduced.”24 Jennifer Robertson argues

that furusato-zukuri in postwar Japan is “motivated by a nostalgia for nostalgia, a state of being

provoked by a dissatisfaction with the present on the grounds of a remembered, or imagined, past

plentitude.”25 Furusato-zukuri was provoked after the Tohoku disaster. Places that were

depopulating rapidly suddenly became the spotlight in media reports. Victims of the disaster

would realize the amount they had lost from the tsunami, while others would realize the amount

lost due to corruption in the pursuit for progress in the Fukushima nuclear disaster. Amachan

would utilize this mindset as the story begins three years before the disaster occurs. This allows

for the viewer to create a “nostalgia for nostalgia” as they witness both the downturn and

strengthening of Kita-sanriku only to have the place ultimately destroyed or broken in the last

few episodes.

21 Ivy. Discourses of the Vanishing: Modernity, Phantasm, Japan. p. 104 22 Ivy. Ibid. p. 103 23 Ivy. Ibid. p. 103 24 Jennifer Robertson. "Furusato Japan: the Culture and Politics of Nostalgia." International Journal of Politics, Culture & Society. 1.4 (1988). Print. p. 494 25 Jennifer Robertson. "Furusato Japan: the Culture and Politics of Nostalgia." p. 495

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There is a certain degree of “homelessness” in modern Japan as observed by Kamishima.

Amachan’s Aki was described to feel this way at the beginning, as her mother would talk about

how boring and lost her daughter is. Aki is an urban youth who discovers her true self by living

in the countryside. She will discover what Kamishima calls a “daiyou furusato” (substitute

homeland).26 Kamishima explains further, “that those who are living continuously in the place

where they were born don’t usually call that place ‘furusato’. The furusato resides in the memory,

but is linked to tangible reminders of the past; when the material, palpable reminders of one’s

childhood home no longer exist, then the furusato is in danger of vanishing. Since the majority of

Japanese until the post-war period had rural roots, furusato strongly connoted the rural

countryside while the urban landscape implied its loss.”27 Aki, who only has a connection to

Kita-sanriku through her mother, slowly grows into acknowledging this place as her “true” home.

This phenomenon will elicit Amachan’s viewers to associate the setting of Kita-sanriku

and Sodegahama as a daiyou furusato. This connection is what I will call an “imagined nostalgia.”

This is because of two reasons: the viewers do not necessarily have a direct connection as they

experience this nostalgic feeling through Amachan’s setting, storyline, and characters. Jennifer

Robertson states, “The mass media contribute to and exploit the ubiquity of furusato, and help to

make consensual its popular imagination.”28 Amachan is the media pipeline for the state to relay

its notions of furusato in an underlying attempt to arouse viewers’ interest in the depopulated,

and eventually, disaster-affected region. The second reason is because Kita-sanriku does not

actually exist. The landscapes do exist in the many depopulated places of furusato, but Kita-

sanriku as an actual town does not exist, and thus, was not affected by the 2011 disaster. The

idea of Kita-sanriku as a daiyou furusato exists in a temporal and spatial dimension, but it does

26 Ivy. Discourses of the Vanishing: Modernity, Phantasm, Japan . p. 104 27 Ivy. Ibid. p. 104 28 Robertson. "Furusato Japan: the Culture and Politics of Nostalgia." p. 496

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not exist. It is an imagined community filled with fictional characters built upon the ideas and

communal memories of a furusato.

In the following paragraphs, I will discuss various aspects that I argue creates an

“imagined nostalgia” for the audience. As discussed previously “urban nostalgia” was a powerful

persuasive tool to enact action such as domestic travel within Japan. Due to the high economic

growth, many Japanese migrated to urban centers for work or certain towns were amalgamated.

Tourism would use this nostalgia to promote certain services, such as transportation or food. An

“imagined nostalgia”, I argue, is one that creates feelings of nostalgia even though the person

does not have a personal background or history that is responsible for explaining the emotion;

rather, it is “imagined.” It is imagined through interaction with media literature such as novels,

films, television shows, and web communities. While the notion of “furusato,” invokes images of

a rustic hometown that anyone could imagine, Amachan produces this “imagined” nostalgic

effect through its detailed storyline. The cast of characters, dialect, setting, among others, will

make it so that a viewer can look back on certain items “fondly” as will be discussed in the

succeeding paragraphs.

In Amachan, dialect is used frequently throughout the script. Even though Aki was born

and raised in Tokyo, when she moves to Kita-sanriku and becomes a part of the local community,

she finds herself speaking in Tohoku-dialect. When she was recorded introducing the community

in an online promotional video, Aki became known as the girl who had too strong of a dialect.

“Jejeje” – a term used by residents as a way to express shock in which adding the word “je”

numerous times can show the degree of surprise – became a slogan, used frequently in real-life

social networking services such as Twitter.29 Despite being a Tokyoite, Aki truly transforms and

29 Keiko Mitsuya. "Asadora 'amachan' ha dou mirareta ka." NHK Broadcasting Culture Research Institute: Print. p. 21

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identifies with the Tohoku culture and language. With the spread of mass media, Japan has

undergone a homogenization in language to standard Japanese (hyojungo). Aki even criticizes in

episode 108 about standard Japanese stating: “Just because we are on television, why do we have

to speak the same?”30 Dialect in a way feels like a homecoming to the prefectures, a community

that is not a mash-up of transplants from different parts of Japan (like Tokyo), but one that feels

familiar and warm. The usage of dialect in Amachan created an imagined nostalgia for the

viewer as fans of the show would utilize certain dialectal phrases in social media and daily

conversation.

The regional cuisine that appeared most frequently on Amachan were two dishes: unidon

(sea urchin rice bowl) and mamebu. Unidon is created and sold by Natsu-bappa on the Kitatetsu

train. Aki eventually joined her grandmother in selling the dish. Aki’s idol status with Yui later

in the story would create hordes of buyers for the lunchboxes. Even when Aki was living in

Tokyo, whenever she was facing certain trials, she would find comfort in eating unidon. Of

course, sea urchins are the centerpiece of the series and can be considered the mebutsu (famous

cuisine) of the region; however, mamebu is the odd local dish. Consisting of sweet rice balls in a

salty soup, mamebu is frequently commented as a strange dish – one that the person cannot

figure out what to describe the taste as. When Aki discovers a mamebu food truck in Tokyo

(discovered to be owned by one of the former ama-san), Aki happily eats it as it brings a

nostalgic feeling. She even has members from her Tokyo idol group, GMT47, happily eat it

during a business discussion. These members are jimoto idols from different prefectures so for

the characters to enjoy the strange-tasting regional dish is a representation of a substitute

furusato. Curiosity for fans of the show grew so mamebu began to appear in grocery stores with

references to the show and region. Food brings a local identity and a cultural heritage and 30 Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen, Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK, 2013. Television. Ep. 108

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Japanese tourists frequently visit areas to try the regional cuisine. Most often, Japanese tourists

will bring back food as omiyage, or souvenirs.31 As mentioned before, many depopulated areas

have found ways of reinventing their region through agricultural tourism. These local initiatives

have been argued to “represent the collective effort and civic action that might restore

neighborhood morale and vitality”32 – a form of “striving for success” as discussed in section 3.2.

These initiatives also represent the “communal values” of villages – a Meiji myth that is

highlighted as a part of the Japanese way of life.

Another element of nostalgia is the train. In the first episode of Amachan, there is a

celebration of the opening of the Kitatetsu rail line in the 1980s. During much celebration, an 18-

year-old Haruko runs away from home to live in Tokyo via the new train. This scene is repeated

frequently throughout the series. Depiction of a time when the economy’s bubble had not yet

burst is a source of nostalgia for the fictional residents of the community (most notably Daikichi,

the train conductor). For those viewers who were alive during that time, it is also a form of a

shared nostalgia. It was during a time when everyone could have a consumerist lifestyle. The

sharp contrast from the 1980s train scene to that of the 2008 is staggering. The struggle of the

Kitatetsu to remain afloat is frequently discussed upon throughout the series. Train-otaku may be

interested in checking out the train, but there are still not enough of them. This is one reason why

Yui became Miss Kitatetsu – in order to attract more passengers. In addition, the connection of

the railway to Kita-sanriku is a major plot point and source of economy for the town. As

observed by Louise Young in her book, Beyond the Metropolis about interwar Japan, “Japan’s

31 Jerry Chi, Foster Chiang, Russell Gottfredson, Neeraj Maathur, and Erica Sugai. "Meibutsu: The Economic and Cultural Significance of Traditional Japanese Products." Knowledge@Wharton, 26 Jan. 2011. Web. 13 June 2014. <https://knowledge.wharton.upenn.edu/article/meibutsu-the-economic-and-cultural-significance-of-traditional-japanese-products/>. 32 Bridget Love. "Mountain Vegetables and the Politics of Local Flavor in Japan." Japanese Foodways, Past and Present. Urbana: U of Illinois, 2010. Print. p. 232

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rail system developed to maximize the goals of national development, and the railway emerged

as the strategic connection between domestic and international markets.”33 Carol Gluck observes

that “in popular iconography of the Meiji period two ubiquitous images gradually emerged as

symbols of ‘civilization’: the monarch and the locomotive.”34 The train is a symbol for

modernity since the Meiji period – opposite to the idea of furusato and nostalgia in general;

however, its integration since the very beginning of modern Japan has made it a nostalgic symbol.

In order to revitalize a struggling town, many depopulated areas receive subsidies from the

government to create means of access such as through Japan Railways. For example, Kamaishi is

one place that managed to do that.35 Lastly, the train employees frequently deplore upon

motorization, especially when they find out that Aki’s father is a taxi driver. Trains are

frequently romanticized about in Japan and have been a source of setting and adventure for many

media products since its introduction to Japan in the 19th century. The appearance of the cute

one-car train of the Kitatetsu line, especially in opening shots of the show, brings forth memories

of living in smaller towns where the train only runs every hour (unlike Tokyo where trains can

be twenty-cars long and appear every five minutes). Even if the viewer has never ridden such a

train, the Kitatetsu is the road to a substitute furusato. Trains, especially smaller ones, bring forth

a sense of nostalgia.

Imagined nostalgia helps forge a connection to a time and place that never existed in the

personal history of the viewer through a media product. Through the interactions of the

characters of these objects, the realism is intensified and viewers could reminisce on situations

involving these objects. The most important imagined nostalgia factor is the characters. Amachan

33 Louise Young. Beyond the Metropolis: Second Cities and Modern Life in Interwar Japan. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2013. Print. p. 86 34 Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period . p. 91 35 Matanle and Rausch. Japan's Shrinking Regions in the 21st Century.

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has a variety of characters (both in Kita-sanriku and Tokyo) that enhance the feeling of a

community. While living in Tokyo, Aki thinks of every single person back in Kita-sanriku before

she goes to sleep and the viewer can join along with her and think of each character. The Kita-

sanriku characters especially evoke the feeling of a warm family and tight-knit community with a

variety of aspirations, histories, and quirks. The quirks, especially, differentiate the characters

one from another and tap into the sense of a depopulating, aging community (such as one

character constantly forgetting certain words, mostly borrowed foreign words). These unique

characterizations enhance the connection and the viewer relates the place and time with the

people involved. As was stated in section 2, Kurube, the producer, realized that the only way

people like the rural, local communities are because of the people living there. These people

would sometimes end up becoming an “aidoru.”

3.2 Idol (Aidoru)

The term idol, or aidoru is one that may seem strange to Western readers, but the concept

of an idol in Japan has transformed since its inception in the 1960s. Idols are typically young

females or males who strive to be role models that everyone adores. They not only sing, but idols

also have a variety of roles such as acting, modeling, or being an interesting personality on

variety shows.

In the 1970s and 1980s, idols were considered ones who could sing professionally, with

fresh-faced looks and curious fashion. With the appearance of Onyanko Club – predecessor to

AKB48 – it became normal for idols to not even have much talent. Some examples of famous

idols and idol groups are Seiko Matsuda (“the eternal idol”), Morning Musume, and AKB48.

Idol culture has experienced a recent boom in the past few years that it has been deemed “Idol

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Warring States” (Aidoru Sengoku Jidai)36 with new rookie groups and current idol groups

dominating the music charts, television shows, and movies. Within this idol boom, there has

been a growth in jimoto, or local, idols that usually have a special tie to a certain region and

perform locally.37 The jimoto idol will also act as a form of tourism for their community, often

charming outsiders with dialects or traditional costumes. Japanese idols have changed from the

unattainable dream to the girl next door.

Idols are frequently called “kawaii” or cute. In Kinsella’s Cuties in Japan, she argues that

the phenomenon of kawaii is one grounded in a youth subculture that is rebelling against

maturation. Images that are called kawaii are usually vulnerable – even “handicapped.” Idols are

frequently considered girls who are trying their best, but are vulnerable to the public. The

support structure becomes necessary due to idols’ “vulnerability.”

In addition, musicologist Judith Herd observed that unlike Western pop stars, Japanese

idols are “fairly standard.” “Their appearance and ability are above average, yet not so much as

to alienate or offend the audience – just enough to provide their fans with the sense that they too

can be stars if they try hard enough.”38 It is considered a joy for many idol fans to watch their

favorite idol grow and develop, mainly because they believe their support (through purchases of

CDs, photo books, and attending concerts with distinct fan chants) helped them along the way.39

Some fans will even spend copious amounts of money to show their loyalty, such as a farmer

who recently bought $300,000 worth of AKB48 CDs to help vote his favorite member in the

36 "Debyuu sokuzoku! 2010nen aidoru sengoku jidai ikinokoru no ha dono guruupu?." . Nikkan Saizoo, 23 Apr. 2010. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.cyzo.com/2010/04/post_4372.html>. 37 "Gotouji aidoru korekushon." . NHK OnDemand, n.d. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.nhk-ondemand.jp/share/pr/index.html>. 38 Timothy J. Craig. Japan Pop!: Inside the World of Japanese Popular Culture. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 2000. Print. p. 311 39 lonenail. "Arisu no chika aidoru no shogeki no puraibeeto." Online video clip. Youtube. Youtube, 30 Nov 2013. Web. 13 June 2014

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annual election.40 Idol fans are called otaku (obsessive fans), but many English-speaking fans of

idols refer to themselves as wotaku or wota in order to differentiate their fandom from fans of

anime and manga. The intimacy that is built and maintained between Japan’s idols and their

audiences is integral to the franchise. Phrases like “akiramenaide” (do not give up) and “ganbare”

(do one’s best) frequently appear in idol lyrics and speeches as well as at events when fans are

cheering on their favorite idols. When an idol finishes a self-introduction on television programs

and at concerts, they usually end with the phrases “ouen yoroshiku onegaishimasu” (please

support me). The support structure between the two is sometimes the only way many idols

continue in their profession.

This “never-give-up” attitude for the abysmally standard pop fare has its origins in a

Meiji ideologue. Carol Gluck discusses the notions of “striving and success” in her book,

Japan’s Modern Myths. The social ideology of success can be seen through the institution of

education. One would have to work hard in order to accomplish anything. This “yare-yare shugi”

(Go! Go!-ism) would proliferate, especially in the rural youth.41 Unlike the “educated idle,”

Meiji literature would highlight the fortuity of the ordinary youth from poor families. Here is one

example:

“You are fortunate indeed. Look. Many rich men’s sons squander

the legacy of their ancestors in idleness...lose the family

property…and end up like beggars. And if you look at those who

have succeeded in past or present, most are youth from poor

families….You at least are free of extravagance and loose living

40 Casey Baseel. "AKB48 fan shows his love the only way he knows how: By buying $300,000 worth of CD." . RocketNews24, 22 May 2014. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://en.rocketnews24.com/2014/05/22/akb48-fan-shows-his-love-the-only-way-he-knows-how-by-buying-300000-worth-of-cds/>. 41 Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. p. 210

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and are well able to endure hardship. You probably don’t realize

that Heaven gave you these virtues instead of lending you the fees

for education – you are in the happiest position in the world.”42

Climbing up the social ladder despite an unfortunate background is representative of the

Japanese modernization experience as a nation. Idols represent it in two ways: one, as a conduit

for their fans to do their best and improve through idol’s encouragement and song; two, as a

personal experience for the idol to self-improve as well.

“Ganbarou Nippon” and its variants (“Ganbatte kudasai” and “Ganbare”) are slogans

that appeared everywhere after the 2011 Tohoku disaster. “Ganbarou” means to “do one’s best”

and is a frequent phrase used to encourage someone to persevere. The slogan was used in charity

songs, t-shirt fundraising, and simple everyday conversation.

In an article by Debito Arudou in the Japan Times seven months after the disaster,

Arudou questions the usage of the phrase in the reconstruction efforts. He states:

“Just telling victims to ‘do their best’ in the face of such

adversity (some of it the result of government corruption,

human error, and just plain hubris) is in fact insulting.

There is already a suggested moratorium in Japan on telling

people with physical or mental handicaps to ganbatte. This

is because it doesn’t help them “overcome” anything (it’s

not that simple). Moreover, asking them to “persevere”

42 Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. p. 208

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through this situation often puts pressure on them, again to

their mental detriment.”43

Arudou argues that real action should be happening through the government and through

the average citizen. This argument follows the idea of jichi, or self-government, which has its

origins within the “striving for success” Meiji ideologues. “The term jichi was increasingly used

both by [Meiji] bureaucrats and others to represent not only effective fiscal management but also

the social harmony and cooperation associated with the idealized village community.”44 Linked

to the communal values of rural villages as discussed in the previous section, “striving for

success” is within the very fabric of Japanese national state. Arudou admits that the phrase does

create solidarity, but it is “treated like a panacea, absolving people of a need to do more.” Even

though there was overwhelming support from the public, the lack of civic action in the months

after the war asking for government accountability is something to seriously consider, argues

Arudou.

The idea of fukko and fukkyu as well has its place in this situation as it is frequently used

along with “Ganbarou.” According to anonymous surveys I conducted, Japanese respondents

explained that fukkyu means reconstruction – back to how the destroyed part originally was;

however, fukko means not only to recover, but also to revitalize the disaster-stricken areas and

make something new. Fukko became one of the top 60 Japanese buzzwords of 2011, along with

“Ganbarou Nippon” as compiled by publisher, Jiyu Kokuminsha.45

43 Debito Arudou. "Japan needs less ganbatte, more genuine action." . The Japan Times, 4 Oct. 2011. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.japantimes.co.jp/community/2011/10/04/issues/japan-needs-less-ganbatte-more-genuine-action/#.U5uXS41dU_G>. 44 Gluck. Japan's Modern Myths: Ideology in the Late Meiji Period. p. 195 45 Michael Gakuran. "Top 60 Japanese Buzzwords of 2011." Gakuranman, 18 Nov. 2011. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://gakuran.com/top-60-japanese-buzzwords-of-2011/>.

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With the following issues involving restoration of the Tohoku region, the NHK morning

drama, Amachan steps up to the challenge to encourage viewers to continue “striving for success”

in restoration efforts through the symbolism of “idol.”

The storyline about Aki and her friend becoming idols is one that is a common storyline

in many Japanese popular culture products. Idols are extremely trendy. Rather than have a classic

morning drama that would take place in a historic event such as the prewar period, they utilized a

contemporary setting. Doing so, Amachan would potentially be able to attract many young

viewers. As mentioned previously, it would also manage to influence the viewer in creating an

imagined nostalgia or substitute furusato as the story took place within the past five years.

In need of support, idols are considered vulnerable. Rather, Aki – despite having zero

talent – perseveres and tries her best at whatever challenge appears before her. The many

challenges and roles she tries to succeed in are of the following: ama-san (traditional diver),

nambu diver (deep-sea), jimoto idol (local), Tokyo idol, and actress. The many roles she assumes

is exactly what an idol does. An idol has a variety of roles, even if they may not be the best at

them all, but the fact they try in earnest is what is a very attractive point for Japanese idols. Yui –

her friend who is called the best potential idol by recruiters and fans – is in reality the exact

opposite. Yui may have the looks, mystique, and charm, but she often stops herself before she

even starts. She is the definition of “akirameta” or “given up”. As will be discussed in section

3.3, Yui will be the representative symbol of the Tohoku victims.

A song that played throughout the end of the show was “Jimoto ni Kaerou” (Let’s return

to our hometowns) as performed by the fictional idol unit, GMT47. The lyrics, simple and easy

to remember, emphasize the need for Japanese to appreciate their hometowns – especially in the

countryside. Yui contains the desires of many rural youth who feel that life in Tokyo will be a lot

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more interesting, while Aki finds her true identity when she moves out of Tokyo to Kita-sanriku.

In addition, when the Tohoku disaster happens, GMT47 (like many real-life idol groups) toured

around the affected areas and sang songs to cheer up people, even if it was an act of self-

promotion. The goal of Amachan was ultimately to cheer up the people of Tohoku, but the

underlying effect was to also inspire those who do not have a connection to Tohoku to still

remember and help out the region.

Aki’s experience as a part of the jimoto idol unit, Shiosai no Memories, and their

philosophy as idols encompasses the following: “An idol is supposed to help everyone.”46 When

Aki is depressed in Tokyo after being fired from her unit GMT47, her manager, Mizuguchi

consoles her with the following:

“Around you, there are always people gathering and

smiling. I guess that’s the proof that you have a natural

talent as an idol. Becoming an idol is not something you

can decide on your own nor something that you can just

declare for yourself. The people who gather around you are

the one who’ll make you an idol.”47

Idols are role models – an achievable dream for many youth. Aki is an idol that everyone in

Japan has the potential to become. Enthusiasm, kindness, and perseverance are strengths that Aki

has and these are characteristics that are needed in restoring the Tohoku region.

Aki and Yui as a duo of jimoto idols are significant in the full circle journey they

experience. Aki returns to Tokyo even though she wants to stay in Kita-sanriku; Yui stays in

46 Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen, Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK, 2013. Television. Ep. 63 47 Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen, Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK, 2013. Television. Ep. 108

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Kita-sanriku even though she wants to move to Tokyo. It is only when a catalyst (earthquake and

tsunami) occurs that an ultimate decision is needed to be made.

3.3 Disaster and Recovery Depictions

For 131 episodes – or almost 33 hours – the series focused on the development of Aki as

she explores her self and the people she meets. It follows her life for three years. The viewers

have spent several months watching the show every weekday being enchanted by the sights,

characters, and storyline. Many viewers will most likely reminisce on good arcs in the storyline,

such as the numerous revitalization plots or the feeling of being a youth. When episode 132 hits,

Amachan revisits the horrors, confusion, and tragic loss of March 3, 2011. How Amachan deals

with the disaster and recovery effort depictions will have an effect on the strength of the

imagined nostalgia experienced by viewers as well as actual efforts to help restore the region the

show is based on.

Unlike the rest of the series, the tone, appearance, and even the sound of the show

seemed to change drastically when episode 132 ended. Amachan is known for its cheerful

soundtrack and original idol songs, but in a majority of scenes all that could be heard was a

reverberating tuning fork sound. In this section, I will describe and analyze how the series

depicted the Tohoku earthquake and tsunami.

In episode 133, the narrator states, “It came suddenly.” Yui, who is heading to Tokyo via

the Kitatetsu to see Aki’s debut concert, is stuck in a train tunnel when Daikichi, the train

conductor, forces the train to stop after severe shaking from an earthquake. The music becomes

serious and the images are a bit frightening. Daikichi is usually portrayed as an earnest and naïve

man who wants his town to revitalize (through the use of many funny plans); but in this scene,

we are offered a look inside the head of Daikichi. He realizes that he needs to keep a calm

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expression for the train passengers so as not to alarm them and even comments on things

positively. Due to a lack of cellular connection inside the train tunnel, the situation is worrisome.

When another Kitatetsu train conductor, Masayoshi, radios Daikichi, Masayoshi shouts,

“Tsunami is coming!” and then is cut off.

Rather than showing actual footage of the tsunami destroying the Sanriku coast,

Amachan’s writers decided to do an artistic portrayal through the use of a diorama model. The

model is from the Kita-sanriku Tourism Association’s office. This model is one that viewers

were well acquainted with in the economic revitalization efforts of the depopulated town. Using

slow-motion animation, a model tsunami wave comes crashing into town, destroying many

landmarks that viewers know of – particularly the Ama Café.

Fortunately, the train tunnel was elevated and protected from the tsunami waves. Next,

Daikichi decides to walk out of the train tunnel to investigate and Yui tags along. Rather than

showing the destruction, the next scene relies on the reactions of the actors. Daikichi, who is

always cheerful and known for singing “Ghostbusters,” comes out of the tunnel with a

flabbergasted expression, tears brimming at his eyes. He yells at Yui to not look, but Yui, with

an emotionless voice, states, “I just did.” These characters have been followed closely and have

developed over time so viewers would have some form of a connection to them. The striking

contrast of the happy joy they were feeling just moments ago to one of absolute terror and awe is

heart wrenching. It makes the viewer miss the “past plentitude” and is the cut-off point between

the happy past and dreadful present that will create a nostalgic effect when referring to anything

in the storyline pre-disaster.

The plot then explains that the Kitatetsu trains were so close from falling off of a

collapsed bridge, destroyed by the tsunami’s impact. They were then called “the miracle of the

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trains” and declared a “symbol of reconstruction.” Daikichi and Masayoshi, in an effort to cheer

up the people in Tohoku, decide to work hard on reconstructing the railway. Even if the train

only ran between two stops and they did not charge passengers, Daikichi and Masayoshi were

determined to run the train. The train, as discussed in section 3.1, is a nostalgic element and for

viewers, creates an imagined nostalgia. Amachan’s finale episode even ends with a celebration of

the reconstruction of the Kitatetsu line in 2012.

In reality, the strongest impact of Amachan on reconstruction efforts is that of the

reopening of the Sanriku Railway in early 2014. The Kitatetsu line is based on the Sanriku line

and it was brought into the national spotlight. “Between April and November 2013, the number

of passengers (excluding season ticket users) increased to 210,000, up 60 percent from the same

period a year earlier.” 48 In addition, Sanriku Railway offers a service of a “ozashiki ressha”

(Japanese-style drawing room) as was portrayed in Amachan when Aki and Yui perform as

“Shiosai no Memories” for the first time.

Other than the depiction of the immediate disaster, the psychological dilemmas each

character went through had a variety of ways to deal with their unfortunate circumstances. This

display of the psychological dilemma recreates the overall feeling many Japanese experienced in

the immediate aftermath. There was a strong feeling of needing to do something, but ultimately

feeling helpless. Aki, feeling helpless in Tokyo, decides to head out to Kita-sanriku after Yui has

a psychological breakdown and urges Aki to come back “home.” Yui is the representation of the

Tohoku victims; Aki is the representative of the typical Japanese (i.e. someone who resides in

Tokyo or other large metropolitan areas). Even though she was given a warm homecoming, she

feels that something was different about the community. She asserts that it must have been

48 Tateki Iwai. "Famed Sanriku Railway soon back to pre-disaster operations." . The Asahi Shimbun, 28 Jan. 2014. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://ajw.asahi.com/article/0311disaster/life_and_death/AJ201401280053>.

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because it was a long time for them to laugh freely. The characters laugh as they talk about their

home disappearing or having troubles applying for temporary housing. Aki is annoyed with

phrases like “Ganbarou” as she feels ultimately helpless. When she discovers her precious Ama

Café was destroyed, she laments:

“Honestly, I don’t know what I could do or what I should

do. I’ve been thinking for a long time…Honestly on my

own there’s nothing I can do…’Let’s work hard,’ ‘let’s

come together,’ people say those things – it was just

annoying and I didn’t get it.” 49

It is in this moment when Aki decides that her role was not to be an idol or an actress, but

to be someone that would help restore, uplift and share the community she fell in love with.

Amachan not only was there to cheer up the people of Tohoku, but to also inspire all Japanese to

lend a hand in the continuing reconstruction efforts.

Humanitarian aid and emergency services are imperative in the immediate aftermath of

any disaster. Disaster refugees and evacuees were plentiful. Recovery became the top priority for

Japan; however, it is still a struggle to recover years later. Many have moved far away from their

hometown or live in temporary housing (as of November 2013, nearly 290,000 people).50 For

example, Fukushima Prefecture, as of February 23, 2012, has seen 62,674 residents evacuate

from the prefecture due to radiation concerns.51 In a survey conducted by Kawauchi, Fukushima,

more than 60 percent of the 1,817 respondents said they do not intend to return to the village or

49 Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen, Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK, 2013. Television. Ep. 138 50 Phro, Preston. "Nearly 290,000 people still living in shelters 2 1/2 years after Tohoku disaster." . Japan Today, 18 Sept. 2013. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.japantoday.com/category/national/view/nearly-290000-people-still-living-in-shelters-2-12-years-after-tohoku-disaster>. 51 Aoki, Mizuho. "Tohoku fears nuke crisis evacuees gone for good." . The Japan Times, 8 Mar. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2012/03/08/national/tohoku-fears-nuke-crisis-evacuees-gone-for-good/#.U5uT5Y1dU_F>.

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have yet to make up their mind. Sadly, it was also found that many funds allocated for recovery

efforts were misused in other unrelated government projects.52 Reconstruction efforts have been

slow or nonexistent. Concerns about population exodus have risen, with many municipalities in

Tohoku disaster areas offering reconstruction subsidies in a desperate plea.53 A sharp decrease in

school enrollment has also led to concern about the future of the disaster-affected cities. For

example, Namie Primary School originally had more than 500 students before the disaster, but

the number has dropped to 30 and no new students will enroll in the school in April 2013.54

Lastly, due to worries about nuclear contamination, a coin word, “fuhyo higai” or “harmful

rumors” spread afterwards causing significant economic damage. 55 Many agricultural facilities

had to undergo inspections and food products were thoroughly tested for contamination. Many

regional businesses suffered due to a lack of sales and negative press. As mentioned in section

3.1, many depopulated areas rely on agricultural tourism and fuhyo higai was and still is a critical

hit on the local economy of the disaster-affected areas.

The largest issue is that of staying in the public consciousness. With an overwhelming

proliferation of information from the mass media in contemporary times, it is hard to even

remember last week’s current events. The CNN Effect is an often-mentioned phenomenon in

Western political science and communication academic circles in which the 24-hour broadcaster

52 Aoki, Mizuho, and Reiji Yoshida. "Misuse of disaster ‘reconstruction’ money runs rampant Expert finds 25% going toward projects that won’t benefit Tohoku." . Japan Times, 26 Oct. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://recoveringtohoku.wordpress.com/2012/11/01/misuse-of-disaster-reconstruction-money-runs-rampant-expert-finds-25-going-toward-projects-that-wont-benefit-tohoku-japan-times-102612/>. 53 "Fearing exodus, disaster-hit towns compete to offer highest subsidies." Asahi Shinbun, 23 Sept. 2012. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://recoveringtohoku.wordpress.com/2013/09/23/fearing-exodus-disaster-hit-towns-compete-to-offer-highest-subsidies-asahi-92312/>. 54 The Yomiuri Shinbun, Editorial Desk. "Tohoku children also need 'restoration' after disaster." . Asia News Network, 3 Nov. 2013. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.asianewsnet.net/Tohoku-children-also-need-restoration-after-disast-43798.html>. 55 Michael Gakuran. "Top 60 Japanese Buzzwords of 2011." . Gakuranman, 18 Nov. 2011. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://gakuran.com/top-60-japanese-buzzwords-of-2011/>.

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will focus on a disaster or crisis that a huge amount of aid will flow in. Examples of the CNN

Effect are the 2004 Asian tsunami, 2005 Hurricane Katrina, and the 2008 Sichuan earthquake in

China. Despite the positive effects, once CNN finds another crisis to focus on, the immediate

affect and desire to help dissipates as it fades from the public consciousness. For example, New

Orleans is still striving to recover, even after almost ten years since the disaster.56 In addition,

many journalism analysts argue that the media has caused widespread “compassion fatigue” for

viewers in society by oversaturating news outlets with stories of tragedy.57 It is a fine line that

needs to be carefully balanced when reporting disasters.

It is with this that Amachan could serve as a potential catalyst in the recovery efforts two

years after the disaster.

IV. RECEPTION

I will discuss the results of a 2014 survey conducted by the NHK Broadcasting Culture

Research Institute regarding the reception of Amachan. There has been a steady decline in

viewership rates for NHK morning dramas since the 1980s, but since 2010 there has been a

stable increase in viewership. In particular, the drama that aired before Amachan, Jun to Ai

received the lowest viewership in three years at 17 percent.58 As compared to the last popular

NHK morning drama, Umechan-sensei, Amachan’s average viewership increased over time

showing that Amachan was able to attract new viewers (unlike Umechan-sensei where it was

stable). Out of about 4,097 people surveyed, only nine percent did not know the existence of the

56 Kenny Klein. "Has New Orleans Recovered?." . Huffington Post, 4 Dec. 2013. Web. 13 June 2014. <http://www.huffingtonpost.com/kenny-klein/has-new-orleans-recovered_b_4374931.html>. 57 Birgitta Hoijer. "The discourse of global compassion: the audience and media reporting of human suffering." Media, Culture and Society 26: 513-531. Web. 13 June 2014. 58 Keiko Mitsuya. "Asadora 'amachan' ha dou mirareta ka." NHK Broadcasting Culture Research Institute. Print. p. 13

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drama with about 49 percent watching it every day or seeing it every once in a while. With about

half the population exposed to the drama, surely there will be some sort of an effect.

Table 1 displays several interesting answers to the survey about Amachan’s charm or

attraction. 59

Table 1

Amachan’s charm or attraction %

Bright and had liveliness 64

“Jejeje” and similar dialect phrases was interesting/funny 39

There were a lot of scenes I could laugh 38

The casting was good 34

The characterization was charming/attractive or individualistic 32

The music and original songs were good 31

The playwright (Kankuro Kudo) was good 30

The swing of the conversation was interesting/funny 29

The heroine was charming/attractive or individualistic 27

There were a lot of scenes where I felt moved 25

The tempo or flow of the storyline was good 25

The main setting of Iwate (Kita-sanriku) was impressive 22

Stories about idols from the 1980s was interesting/funny 19

When the stories about the disaster came out, I thought it was really interesting 18

There were a lot of scenes I could empathize with 16

It was good that the heroine would make her dream come true even while changing her goals

15

It was good that there was versatility and depth to the portrayal 13

The growth of contemporary idols was interesting/funny 13

The gags and “small stories” made me want to make it the topic of everyday conversation 13

The main setting of Tokyo was impressive 8

Source: Viewers of Amachan (633 participants)

One of the most interesting points was the difference in setting. Many viewers (22%)

were interested in the setting of Iwate Prefecture more so than with Tokyo (8%). By being able

to find areas outside of urban centers of Japan impressive is one way to attract visitors to the

locale (one of many plans to revitalize depopulated areas as discussed in section 3.1). It also

enhances the notion of a substitute furusato that many “homeless” Japanese are yearning for.

59 Mitsuya. "Asadora 'amachan' ha dou mirareta ka." p. 18

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In addition, the characters as well as the casting were widely complimented as the

attractive point for Amachan. As discussed in section 3.1, by being able to connect with the

characters, it can create an imagined nostalgia. By stimulating this nostalgia, viewers will now be

able to think of the disaster-affected areas as not only a devastating area filled with rubble, but

one that has people and has had a thriving and bright community before the earthquake and

tsunami. Seeing images, even fictional, will encourage viewers to visit these regional areas.

Lastly, the reception to Amachan from Iwate residents has been overall positive. Hitomi

Ike of the Kuji Chamber of Commerce stated in a newsletter detailing the reconstruction efforts

in Iwate:

“"Kuji took relatively minor damage during the disaster, and

so I want to use tourism in order to liven up the whole

region; Ama-chan really helped liven up this city." I think

Iwate’s people are reserved and don't like to assert

themselves, so I want to make the local residents think more

about how they can liven up the community. I think that

making not just Kuji, but all of Iwate, a happier, livelier

place is also an important part of the reconstruction."60

She attributes the bright, cheerfulness displayed in Amachan’s as something to strive to

emulate during the reconstruction process. Amachan not only inspired the people of Tohoku, but

all Japanese.

60 "News from Iwate's Reconstruction." News from Iwate's Reconstruction 15 Nov 2013, 52 ed. General Affairs Division, Bureau of Reconstruction. Print.

Amachan – Thorpe

35

V. CONCLUSION

Amachan was a social phenomenon that led to many phrases, songs, and characters being

entrenched into Japanese mass culture. Through the use of idol, Amachan’s story created an

imagined nostalgia for viewers – who may have lived in urban areas their whole lives – feel a

connection to the devastated area. The state’s proliferated motto of “Ganbarou Nippon”

reverberates throughout the storyline as Aki and the community of characters in Kita-sanriku and

Tokyo push forward through their lives. It makes the viewer feel like they still have to help out

the area – even if the disaster happened two years previously and may have been yesterday’s

nightmare. In addition, the methods of storytelling follow the moral lessons from the beginning

of the modern Japanese state. These ideologues provide an insight on the emphasis of the

Japanese state and its people on what is considered integral to the fabric of a nation that has been

torn by natural disaster. The state and public focuses on the importance of the countryside in its

relation to the city (what this importance may mean depends on who you ask) as well as

perseverance to succeed.

Like many Japanese idols that are trying to develop and become the best – even if they

lack any sort of talent – the devastated areas are trying to restore and reinvent themselves. Many

victims are still displaced. The disaster-affected areas are still struggling, but if the mass media

continues to keep the disaster in the public consciousness, more progress will likely continue.

When Aki decided to stay in Kita-sanriku and help with the restoration efforts, she said,

“In the end, this place is the best.”61 It is within this line that a motive to encourage the people of

Japan to embrace the disaster-affected areas and venture to them to discover the culture, scenery,

food as well as inspire the people of Tohoku.

61 Amachan. Perf. Rena Nônen, Hiroko Yakushimaru, Mio Yûki. NHK, 2013. Television. Ep 138

Amachan – Thorpe

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