Three Waves of Variation Study: The Emergence of Meaning in the Study of Sociolinguistic Variation

AN41CH06-Eckert ARI 16 August 2012 13:53

Three Waves of VariationStudy: The Emergence ofMeaning in the Study ofSociolinguistic VariationPenelope EckertDepartment of Linguistics, Stanford University, Stanford, California 94305-2150;email: [email protected]

Annu. Rev. Anthropol. 2012. 41:87–100

First published online as a Review in Advance onJune 28, 2012

The Annual Review of Anthropology is online atanthro.annualreviews.org

This article’s doi:10.1146/annurev-anthro-092611-145828

Copyright c© 2012 by Annual Reviews.All rights reserved

0084-6570/12/1021-0087$20.00

Keywords

indexicality, style, enregisterment, social meaning

Abstract

The treatment of social meaning in sociolinguistic variation has comein three waves of analytic practice. The first wave of variation stud-ies established broad correlations between linguistic variables and themacrosociological categories of socioeconomic class, gender, ethnicity,and age. The second wave employed ethnographic methods to explorethe local categories and configurations that inhabit, or constitute, thesebroader categories. In both waves, variation was seen as marking socialcategories. This article sets out a theoretical foundation for the thirdwave, arguing that (a) variation constitutes a robust social semiotic sys-tem, potentially expressing the full range of social concerns in a givencommunity; (b) the meanings of variables are underspecified, gainingmore specific meanings in the context of styles, and (c) variation doesnot simply reflect, but also constructs, social meaning and hence is aforce in social change.

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THE FATE OF SOCIAL MEANINGIN THE STUDY OF VARIATION

The first quantitative community studyof linguistic variation was all about socialmeaning. On the basis of ethnographic obser-vations and interviews on Martha’s Vineyard,William Labov (1963) established that thepronunciation of /ay/ had been recruited asan indexical resource in a local ideologicalstruggle. This diphthong had a centralizednucleus in the Vineyard dialect, but for someyears, island speakers had been following themainland trend to lower the nucleus to [a].Labov found that some speakers were reversingthis lowering trend, in an apparent move torecapture one of the most salient features of thedistinctive island dialect. Led by the Englishethnic fishing community whose control overthe local economy was under threat fromthe mainland-controlled tourist industry, thisrevival of a traditional local pronunciationconstituted a claim to island authenticity.This move was a textbook example of theworkings of what Silverstein (2003) has termed“indexical order,” by which a feature that hadsimply marked a speaker as a Vineyarder cameto be used stylistically within the island to indexa particular kind of Vineyarder, foregroundinga particular aspect of island identity.

This study established without questionthat speakers exploit linguistic variability in asystematic way to add a layer of social meaningto the denotational meaning that is the primaryfocus of most linguists. And in so doing, itraised a congeries of questions about both thelinguistic and the social embedding of variation.In the decades that followed, though, the socialstudy of variation moved quickly away fromsocial meaning to focus on macrosociologicalcategories as they reveal (and presumablystructure) the spread of linguistic changethrough social space. This first wave of studiesconstituted a retreat from ethnography tosurvey studies and from local social categoriesto the sociologist’s primary categories. Thesubsequent history of variation study has takenplace in two subsequent waves, moving first

back to ethnographic methods with a focus onlocal dynamics and finally back to a focus onmeaning. I describe briefly the first two wavesand focus on the third, which is in its infancy.

THE FIRST WAVE

The first wave of variation studies began withLabov’s (1966) study of the Social Stratificationof English in New York City. Labov’s mainresults were replicated in a series of urbanstudies during the late 1960s and the 1970s notonly in North America and Great Britain (e.g.,Wolfram 1969, Trudgill 1974, Macaulay 1977)but elsewhere such as Panama (Cedergren1973) and Iran (Modaressi 1978). These studiesestablished a regular pattern of socioeconomicstratification of linguistic form, with greaterregional and ethnic differentiation at thelower end of the socioeconomic hierarchyas well as greater use of more widespreadnonstandard forms. These forms, stigmatizedon the standard language market (Bourdieu &Boltanski 1975), decrease in frequency as onemoves upward through the class hierarchy.

Using recorded interviews and correlatingfeatures of speech production across and withinspeakers, this work introduced a new quan-titative empiricism into linguistics, with sup-portive theoretical underpinnings. AlthoughLabov’s study was based on a representativesample of the community (New York’s LowerEast Side), subsequent studies came to fo-cus on filling cells defined by macrosociolog-ical categories. In this way, speakers emergedas human tokens—bundles of demographiccharacteristics.

Central to the theory of variation wasthe notion of the vernacular. Labov (1972b)defined the vernacular as each speaker’s firstacquired and most automatic, hence maximallysystematic, linguistic production. Unaffectedby socially motivated correction, the vernacularemerged as a classic natural object of scientificinquiry, untouched by the reflexivity of humanagency. Class, determined according to stan-dard sociological measures, placed individualspassively within a structure that determined

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Figure 1Class stratification of (th)-stopping. From Labov (1966).

their access to standard language and theirexposure to linguistic change. Social agencywas limited to self-correction as individuals,sensitive to the relative status of class varieties,moved away from the vernacular as theyadopted more standard forms in their morecareful speech. As a result, the larger socio-economic pattern was nested within the stylis-tic repertoire of each individual, as shown inFigure 1. This figure represents the percent-age of pronunciation of /th/ as [t] (as in thing)in three styles: casual interview speech, formalinterview speech, and a reading passage. Thefirst wave treated this within-speaker patternof variation not as involving a choice betweensocially meaningful forms, but as the result ofself-monitoring to suppress a natural cognitiveprocess. Style, then, was conceived purely asthe output of varying attention to speech.

A number of the variables in these studiesarguably represented ongoing sound changes.In an early study of the Romance dialect ofCharmey (Switzerland), Louis Gauchat (1905)showed that age differences in contemporaryspeech reflected the progress of historical

change. Similar age differences showed up inthe urban studies, leading to the adoption of theuniformitarian principle (Labov 1972b), givingthe analysis of variation the status of an invivo study of historical change. This principledepended on the assumption that the adult’s lin-guistic system reflects the state of the languageat some critical period in acquisition, makingthe theory of the vernacular even more central.Thus whereas the socioeconomic hierarchystructured the use of apparently historicallystable nonstandard forms such as /th/-stopping,apical realizations of -ing (e.g., walkin’), andmultiple negation, it also emerged as the pathof spread of sound change. And these changes,originating at the lower end of the hierar-chy and by virtue of their local origins, createregional and ethnic distinctions, while the stan-dard, disconnected from place, indexes classposition and its presumed cosmopolitanism.

Labov’s claim that every speaker has apersonal vernacular appeared at odds with themore common definition of vernacular as thespeech of locally based communities, and itis difficult to miss the fact that each speaker’s

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personal vernacular is closer to the communityvernacular than to the standard. The link be-tween the two surfaced more explicitly, as in hischaracterizations (Labov 1972c) of middle-classspeech as more self-conscious and contrivedthan working-class speech, and in Kroch’sproposal (1978) that connects the socioeco-nomic stratification of phonology to a stratifiedresistance to natural phonological processes.

First-wave studies also found gender strati-fication in variation. Wolfram’s (1969) study ofAfrican American speakers in Detroit, focusingon variables specific to African AmericanVernacular English, showed women’s speechto be consistently more standard than men’sacross the socioeconomic hierarchy. Britishstudies showed women’s speech to be morestandard as well (Trudgill 1974, Macaulay1977). These differences were commonly takento signal women’s greater upward mobility andhence their sensitivity to standard pressures(Trudgill 1972). This explanation was based onlittle independent evidence, but by connectingwomen’s patterns to a concern with class,it maintained class position as the centralindexical focus of variation.

The first wave viewed linguistic change asemerging from pressures within the linguisticsystem, first affecting the speech of those leastsubject to the influence of standard languageand spreading outward through populations in-creasingly resistant to change. At the same time,a variety of variables that are not changes inprogress are stratified as a result of such thingsas dialect contact and resistance to standardiza-tion. The perspective of the first wave on mean-ing was based in the socioeconomic hierarchy:Variables were taken to mark socioeconomicstatus, and stylistic and gender dynamics wereseen as resulting from the effects of these cate-gories on speakers’ orientation to their assignedplace in that hierarchy.

But if the survey era revealed regular socialpatterns of variation, it also yielded significantexceptions. The leaders in sound change andgreatest users of vernacular variants appear tobe not those at the lowest rung of the socioeco-nomic hierarchy—those that one might assume

are the least subject to the pressures of thestandard—but members of the upper-workingand lower-middle classes (Labov 2001). Thisgroup is the segment of society with the greatestlocal engagement, suggesting that vernacularvariants are not simply the most natural way ofspeaking but have some kind of positive index-ical value related to locally based life. And inthe United States at least, it is not the youngestspeakers who lead in sound change, butadolescents (Eckert 1997, Labov 2001). Thisadds certainty to the supposition that the use ofthese features is not simply a matter of exposureand attention to speech, but involves somekind of social agency. This notion has beenfurther supported by some evidence (Sankoff2006) that speakers’ patterns of phoneticvariation can continue to change throughouttheir lifetime, becoming more conservative insome cases and more innovative in others.

Finally, the simple view of women as moreconservative was contradicted by studies inthe United States showing women leadingin sound change. And Labov’s later work(Labov 2001), separating out gender from class,showed a gender crossover for some variables:Upper-middle-class women’s speech was morestandard than upper-middle-class men’s, butworking-class women’s speech was less stan-dard than working-class men’s. These data sug-gest that if gender has a uniform effect on vari-ation, it is in women’s greater use of variationto index social differences (Eckert 1989b).

The survey method’s primary virtues,coverage and replicability, depend on theuse of predetermined social categories andfairly fleeting social contact with the speakerschosen to represent those categories. As aresult, studies in the first wave interpreted thesocial significance of variation on the basisof a general understanding of the categoriesthat served to select and classify speakersrather than through direct knowledge of thespeakers themselves and their communities.The second wave of variation studies turned toethnographic methods to get closer to the localdynamics of variation. These studies soughtout local categories that could shed light on the

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relevance of macrosociological categories forlife in the local setting, drawing a direct relationbetween the social dynamics giving rise to thesecategories and the use of linguistic variables.

THE SECOND WAVE OFVARIATION STUDIES: THEETHNOGRAPHIC APPROACH

A tacit but fairly widely held view from thestart of variation studies proposed that the ver-nacular had positive indexical value. Labov andothers often referred to the vernacular as hav-ing local value, and Trudgill (1972) attributedthe spread of working-class innovations intothe middle class to men’s identification withworking-class physical masculinity. Labov’s(1972a) study of African American VernacularEnglish in New York also interpreted pread-olescent boys’ use of vernacular features asindexing peer-group status. But the centralityof the vernacular and self-monitoring asfundamental explanatory devices in the firstwave kept agency from achieving theoreticalstatus in the mainstream study of variation.

The second wave began with the attributionof social agency to the use of vernacular aswell as standard features and a focus on thevernacular as an expression of local or classidentity. Milroy (1980), inspired by the workof Gumperz (e.g., 1982), ushered in the secondwave with a study of phonological variation insocial networks in Belfast. Explicitly arguingagainst the passive view put forth in the firstwave, Milroy sought out the positive forces inthe vernacular usage of Belfast’s working class.She argued that dense multiplex networks, typ-ical of the working class, would have a stronglocal norm-enforcing power, and she soughtto correlate individuals’ network types withtheir use of vernacular variables. The studyshowed such a correlation between variationand the density and multiplexity of women’sworking-class social networks and was followedby studies showing a relation between the useof local variants and engagement in localethnically defined networks as well (Edwards& Krakow 1985, Edwards 1991, Knack 1991).

Cheshire’s (1982) study in Reading, Eng-land, also sought out the positive value ofthe vernacular in a study of nonstandardmorphosyntactic features in the speech ofworking-class adolescents who frequented twolocal parks. She found correlations of somevariables in boys’ speech with participation inan antiauthority “vernacular culture” (p. 97)on the basis of practices that emerged asimportant to the group: carrying weapons,criminal activities, swearing in her presence,resisting legitimate fashion, peer-approved jobaspirations, and skill in fighting.

Studies in rural communities, meanwhile,brought local issues into the understanding ofthe relation between variation and occupation.In his work on a sugar plantation in Guyana,Rickford (1986) found a major division be-tween those who worked the sugar (the estateclass) and those who worked in the offices (thenon-estate class). These groups showed sharpdifferences in verbal culture, in language ideol-ogy, and in linguistic production as witnessed inthe use of standard English (acrolectal) variantsin single pronoun subcategories. This studyemphasized that although the vernacular maybe stigmatized on a global level, its associationwith local values and practices gives it positivevalue on the local level. Whereas a large studyencompassing nonagricultural communitiesacross Guyana might find gradual stratificationalong the lines found in urban studies, localexperience in this community involves no suchcontinuum but conforms more to a conflictmodel of class and of linguistic variation.

Holmquist, working in a peasant village inthe Spanish Pyrenees (Holmquist 1985), ex-amined the relation between variation and themove into the mainstream economy. Here, thetraditional raising of mountain animals, suchas goats and sheep, was giving way to dairyfarming, and finally, young people were leavingagriculture altogether to work in a nearby fac-tory. Individuals’ integration with the nationaleconomy, as based in their place in these threestages of economic change, correlated with asound change that brought the local dialectcloser to Castilian: the lowering of posttonic [u]


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(the masculine endings of nouns and adjectives)to [o]. As Gal (1979) had found in her studyof language shift in Austria, Holmquist foundagricultural women leading men in change—apattern that is no doubt due to the fact that inboth communities, agricultural life is particu-larly unattractive to women. The other side ofthis finding, of course, is that men, who havea greater stake in the peasant economy, lead inresistance to assimilation to the national norm.

The apparent fact that adolescents lead insound change and in the use of the vernacularraised the question of the role of class in adoles-cent variation. This led Eckert (1989a, 2000) toconduct an ethnographic study of adolescentsin high schools from the predominantly whiteDetroit suburban area. The student social or-der in these schools involved two mutually op-posed social categories, “jocks” and “burnouts,”which constituted middle- and working-classcultures, respectively. The college-bound jocksbased their networks, identities, and social livesin the school’s extracurricular sphere, forminga tight and competitive hierarchy and main-taining cooperative and even collegial relationswith teachers and administrators. Burnouts, onthe other hand, almost all pursuing a voca-tional curriculum, rejected the institution asa locus for social life and identity and basedtheir networks, identities, and social lives inthe neighborhood and the broader conurba-tion. The jocks came predominantly from theupper half of the local socioeconomic hierar-chy, whereas the burnouts came predominantlyfrom the lower half. However, there was suf-ficient crossover to allow the comparison be-tween parents’ class and adolescent class-basedcategory affiliation as constraints in variation.A mismatch between the two would suggestthat patterns of variation are not set in child-hood but continue to develop along with socialidentity.

The jock and burnout categories, in turn,were located in the continuous sociolinguisticgeography of the wider conurbation, and theconstruction of the polar opposition is a primeexample of the semiotic practices of distinctionset out by Gal & Irvine (2000): recursivity,

erasure, and iconization. Socioeconomic statusincreases, and the use of urban linguistic vari-ables decreases, with distance from Detroit.Every suburban public school has jocks andburnouts, embedding the urban-suburbanpattern in each school in a process that Gal &Irvine term “fractal recursivity.” This shows upin language use, as the burnouts in each schoollead overwhelmingly in the use of nonstandardnegation and in the advancement of the threesound changes that are moving outward fromthe urban end of the conurbation. And althoughsome correlation exists between the use of neg-ative concord and mother’s education as wellas social category, the sound changes correlatewith social-category membership rather thaneither parent’s class membership (or both),clearly showing that patterns of variation arenot set in childhood but serve as resources inthe construction of identity later in life. Thisfinding indicates that broader class correlationsare not simply the fallout of education, oc-cupation, and income, but rather reflect localdynamics rooted in practices and ideologiesthat shape, and are in turn shaped by, class.

Variation also emerged as part of a broaderstylistic complex including territory and thefull range of consumption—such as adornment,food and other substance use, musical tastes—that jocks and burnouts exploit in construct-ing their mutual opposition. Detroit versus var-sity jackets, bell bottoms (at the time) versusstraight-leg jeans (Eckert 1980), and dark col-ors versus pastels, among others—all explicitlyindex urban versus school orientation. Burnoutsfrom the more suburban schools admire urbanburnouts for their autonomy, toughness, andstreet smarts; jocks from the urban peripheryenvy suburban jocks for their greater affluence,sophistication, and institutional skills. And therepeated combination of stylistic complexeswith socially located individuals and their activ-ities and social moves establishes what seems anatural connection, leading to iconization. Onestudent referred to a more working-class schoolin the same town as containing wide wide bells,making the iconic link between burnouts andbell bottoms.

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Figure 2Use of vernacular variants by girls’ subcategory. From Eckert (2000).

Finally, erasure of gradual differences acrossthe conurbation results in an urban-suburbanopposition, particularly for the burnouts whocontrast the vanilla suburbs with the excite-ment of Detroit. Yet for the burnouts, Detroitbegins not at the city limits, but at the tougherand poorer white suburbs on the periphery.Locally, meanwhile, the polar jock and burnoutcategories are also carved out of a social con-tinuum. Only about half the kids in any schoolidentify as jocks or burnouts, whereas therest refer to themselves as “in-betweens,”placing themselves on a continuum betweenthe polar categories. When the urban practiceof cruising Detroit is entered into a regressionthat includes jocks, burnouts, and in-betweens,social category remains statistically significantbut falls second to cruising, with cruisersusing more urban variants. Also erased aredifferences within each category. There aretwo friendship clusters of burnout girls: theregular burnouts, and a smaller cluster whopride themselves on being the biggest burnoutsby virtue of their wildness, rebelliousness,and drug consumption. Other burnouts referto them as “burned-out burnouts,” and theyrefer to other burnouts as “jocks.” As Figure 2

shows, the burned-out burnout girls lead allothers (boys as well) in the use of vernacularvariants. These facts alone make it clear thatlinguistic variables do not index categories, butcharacteristics, giving an entirely new theoret-ical underpinning and methodological thrustto the variation enterprise in the third wave.

THE THIRD WAVE OFVARIATION STUDIES: THESTYLISTIC PERSPECTIVE

The ethnographic studies of the second waveprovided a local perspective on the findings ofthe survey studies of the first wave, making theconnection between macrosociological cate-gories and the more concrete local categoriesand configurations that give them meaning onthe ground. But like studies in the first wave,second-wave studies focused on apparentlystatic categories of speakers and equatedidentity with category affiliation. But ethno-graphy brought stylistic practice into view,even if these studies did not deal explicitly withthe nature of the indexical relations betweenvariables and social categories. The principalmove in the third wave then was from a view


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of variation as a reflection of social identitiesand categories to the linguistic practice inwhich speakers place themselves in the sociallandscape through stylistic practice (Bucholtz& Hall 2005, Bucholtz 2010, Irvine 2001).

Whereas the first two waves viewed themeaning of variation as incidental fallout fromsocial space, the third wave views it as an essen-tial feature of language. Variation constitutesa social semiotic system capable of expressingthe full range of a community’s social concerns.And as these concerns continually change,variables cannot be consensual markers offixed meanings; on the contrary, their centralproperty must be indexical mutability. Thismutability is achieved in stylistic practice,as speakers make social-semiotic moves,reinterpreting variables and combining andrecombining them in a continual process ofbricolage (Hebdige 1984).

Indexical order (Silverstein 2003) is centralto the mutability of indexical signs. At someinitial stage, a population may become salient,and a distinguishing feature of that population’sspeech may attract attention. Once recognized,that feature can be extracted from its linguisticsurroundings and come, on its own, to indexmembership in that population. It can then becalled up in ideological moves with respect tothe population, invoking ways of belonging to,or characteristics or stances associated with,that population. Such an index can be used byoutsiders to call up stereotypes associated withthe population. It can be used to pejorate, as inthe case of Anglo Americans’ use of mock Span-ish (Hill 1993), and Hong Kong journalists’biased uses of the gay community’s preferredself-referential term tongzhi (Wong 2005). Itcan be used to lay claim to admired qualities,as in white American boys’ use of AfricanAmerican Vernacular English (AAVE) featuresto index a kind of masculinity (Bucholtz 1999,Cutler 1999). And it can be used by membersof the population to make distinctions within,as in the case of the English fisherfolk ofMartha’s Vineyard. Repeated indexical acts ofthis sort conventionalize the new sign, at whichpoint it becomes available for further indexical

moves. This is not an accidental event, but acontinuous process in which linguistic featuresof all sorts are continually imbued with a varietyof meanings. As a result, indexical order is notlinear but can progress simultaneously andover time in multiple directions, laying downa set of related meanings. These meanings atany particular time constitute an indexical field(Eckert 2008)—a constellation of ideologicallylinked meanings, any region of which can beinvoked in context.

Zhang (Zhang 2005, 2008) traces theindexical appropriation of individual Mandarinvariables in the emergence of a wealthy elite inBeijing. China’s move into the global economyhas created a new class of yuppies, young man-agers in the foreign-owned financial sector.The yuppies’ value in the global financial mar-ket depends on the projection of a cosmopolitanself, and they have developed a speech styleto match their more general materialistic andcosmopolitan lifestyle—a style that contrastsstarkly with that of their peers in state-ownedfinancial institutions. The most commented-onresource in this linguistic construction is the useof full tone, a feature of nonmainland Mandarinassociated most particularly with the globalmarkets in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Com-pletely foreign to Beijing and never appearingin the speech of the managers in state-ownedbusinesses, this tone brings yuppie speech intothe transnational sphere. The yuppies alsomake scant use of certain local Beijing variables,which index local types that do not mix well witha cosmopolitan image. One such variable, therhotacization of finals (in which “flower” [hwa]is pronounced [hwa r]), is probably the best-known diagnostic variable of Beijing speech andis popularly seen as giving Beijing speech a dis-tinctive “slippery” quality or “oily tone” (Zhang2008, p. 201). Rhotacization can be marked or-thographically, and Zhang (2008) traces its usein twentieth-century literature to portray thespeech of a prototypical male Beijing urban per-sona, the “smooth operator” or wheeler-dealer.Whereas the state managers show considerablerhotacization, the yuppies, particularly thewomen, show a subdued use of this variable.

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Figure 3Use of Beijing and Non-Mainland variables by managers in the foreign- and state-owned financial sector(factor weights for rhotacization and interdental, proportion for full tone).

Another Beijing feature, the interdental pro-nunciation of /z/, is commonly associatedwith a feckless character, the “alley saunterer,”who hangs around the disappearing hutongsof Beijing. The yuppies stay away from thisvariable altogether because casual fecklessnessis not a desirable trait for a transnational busi-ness person. (One of the yuppies in Zhang’sstudy commented on this explicitly.) The alleysaunterer is a male stereotype, and female statemanagers use this variable considerably lessthan their male colleagues do. As Figure 3shows, by combining these resources (and nodoubt others), the yuppies have created a stylethat contrasts with that of the state managers.Zhang notes that yuppie women’s greater useof full tone and avoidance of rhotacizationyields a stacatto sound that matches the crispimage required of women in the genderedcosmopolitan marketplace, contrasting withthe already iconized Beijing smooth tone.Through this stylistic practice, the yuppieshave constructed not only themselves ascosmopolitan, but the state managers as local.And in so doing, they have changed Beijing’ssocial and linguistic landscape.

The jocks and burnouts, and the yuppies andstate managers, were not born with distinctivestyles, but instead developed them in the course

of social differentiation in high school and inthe workplace. This change, then, can takeplace in the relative short term. In an ethno-graphic study of high-school girls in Bolton, inthe United Kingdom, Moore (2004) witnessedsuch differentiation in the speech of girls whoformed a rebellious group, the “populars.” Inthe course of a year, several of the popularsmoved off to engage in a more intensely wildlifestyle, as “townies.” In the process, they in-creased their use of nonstandard speech, as ev-idenced by their use of first- and third-personwere (e.g., “I were drunk”). Whereas the pop-ulars’ use remained essentially the same, thetownies’ use of the nonstandard form jumpedfrom 25% to 48%. This social split broughtabout—and, one might say, was brought aboutby—the townies’ increasing use of nonstandardspeech.

All these studies foreground the relationbetween language use and the kinds of so-cial moves that lead to the inscription of newcategories and social meanings. The questionof how this meaning-making unfolds in in-teraction leads quite naturally to the stance-taking moves in which terms of differentia-tion are actually laid out on the ground. Inan ethnographic study of a fraternity, Kiesling(1998) showed fraternity brothers using apical


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variants of -ing to invoke power by indexingworking-class cultural models and confronta-tional stances. He argues more generally (2001,2005, 2009) that individual, group, or categorystyles emerge from repeatedly taken stancesin what Dubois (2002) and Rauniomaa (2003)have referred to as stance accretion. This mech-anism has been taken up by Bucholtz & Hall(2005) in their study of identity practices andMoore & Podesva (2009) in their study of thestrategic use of tag questions by the popularsand townies (and other groups) discussed above.

One could say that every case of variationdiscussed above involves enregisterment. In thecase of Beijing yuppies, the use of full tone canbe seen as a tropic use (Agha 2005) of an ele-ment of an enregistered variety, Hong Kong orTaiwan Mandarin, and reinscribed as part of anew Beijing yuppie register. Registers are bothan important source of stylistic resources and apotential end product of bricolage.

Johnstone’s work on Pittsburghese has con-textualized variation within a broader view ofenregisterment (Agha 2003, 2007)—a perspec-tive that had been missing in variation studies inspite of the fact that the field was built on NewYorkese, a most perfect example of enregister-ment. What is particularly interesting about thePittsburgh case is that it is happening before oureyes, whereas the New York case has been en-registered on a national, even an international,level for some time. Johnstone and colleagues(e.g., Johnstone et al. 2006, Johnstone &Kiesling 2008, Johnstone 2011) emphasizedthat enregisterment depended on the emer-gence of Pittsburgh as a place worth point-ing to—a destination and a place to be from.Variables that locals recognize as indexing thePolish working class have come to index Pitts-burgh as a whole to people who have left,or come to, Pittsburgh. Distance was neces-sary for Pittsburghese to be extracted from itslocal context and associated with a vision ofPittsburgh. Johnstone (2011) thus emphasizesthat differences in interpretive repertoires playan important role in the mutability of the index-ical value of variables. This enregisterment ispart of a larger project of enregisterment among

the cities of the rust belt, all known for theirEastern Europe work force. Examining thecommodification of Pittsburghese on T-shirts,Johnstone (2009) emphasizes the connectionsbetween language and local institutions, suchas the football team whose name, the Steelers,invokes Pittsburgh’s distinctive heavy industrialpast and its local pronunciation (Stillers) locatesit linguistically. A similar connection is por-trayed in the well-known Saturday Night Liveskits in which a bunch of guys with Polish namesand exaggerated Chicago accents drink beer, eatPolish sausage, and talk about Chicago’s foot-ball team, “da Bearss.” In this way, Pittsburgh-ese is located not only with respect to its ownhistory, but within a wider regional culture.

The focus on style has led beyond the re-gional and obviously nonstandard variables thathave been the bread and butter of the firsttwo waves. Third-wave studies often begin withstyles, seeking out what makes them distinc-tive, in an attempt to fill out the kinds of re-sources and meanings that give language itssocial life. This process has led to a recog-nition that sound symbolism and iconizationare at work in variation. The aspiration of in-tervocalic /t/ is a versatile stylistic resourcethat has been found to play a role in enreg-istered styles ranging from “geek” girls (Bu-choltz 1996) to Orthodox Jews (Benor 2001) togay men (Podesva et al. 2002; Podesva 2004,2007). All three cases appear to exploit theindexical value associated with hyperarticula-tion, no doubt mediated by enregistered sourcesas divergent as British English, Yiddish, andschoolteacher talk. Podesva (2004) examinesthe use of this variable in the speech of a gaymedical student, Heath, as he moves from theclinic, where he adopts a competent and edu-cated persona, to a barbeque with friends, wherehe adopts a playful “diva” persona (Podesva2007, p. 4). Heath uses significantly more in-stances of /t/ release in the clinic than at thebarbecue, but the /t/s that he does release atthe barbecue have significantly longer bursts ofaspiration. Podesva argues that the exaggeratedburst parodies a schoolteacher style, invoking akind of fussy hyperarticulateness or prissiness in

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keeping with the diva persona. This use is cer-tainly a tropic use of a well-enregistered featureof schoolteacher style. At the same time, it owesits force to its participation in a broader phono-logical system, whose shape takes on indexicalpotential through iconization. And recent find-ings of the role of sound symbolism in variationopen up a new range of possibilities for our viewof social meaning.

As a hyperarticulation, /t/ release can indexcarefulness, precision, and general standard-ness, hence politeness, attention to detail, oreducation. As a fortition, it can index emphasisor force, hence focus, power, or even anger. Anda hypoarticulated, lenis realization can indexthe reverse. In this way, the meanings of /t/ re-lease constitute an indexical field that is based iniconic potential (Eckert 2008). And extendingthrough the continuum of lenition to /t/ dele-tion, one might find an indexical field based in amirror image. Thus indexical value accrues notjust to individual variables, but also to phono-logical processes. The variation between velarand apical realizations of (ING) (“walking” ver-sus “walkin’”), while based on the juxtapositionof historically distinct forms, is perceived byspeakers as similarly iconic, as evidenced in thepopular characterization of the apical variantas “dropping your g’s,” linking it up to a moregeneral indexical field somewhat similar to thatof /t/. Campbell-Kibler (2007) has shown thatlisteners associate the velar variant of -ing(“walking”) with education, intelligence, for-mality, and articulateness and the apical variant(“walkin’”) with a lack of these qualities. Theyalso associate northerners and southerners withgreater and lesser use of the velar, respectively,and with the qualities that these variables index(Preston 1989). Listeners in Campbell-Kibler’sexperimental study based their interpretationof occurrences of these variants on their beliefsabout the regional origins of speakers, judgingsoutherners’ use of the velar form as preten-tious, and northerners’ use of the apical form asan attempt to be folksy. The indexical potentialof this variable appears to involve a conspiracyof relations to both phonological process andregister. Certainly, one could say that lenition

and fortition more generally are components ofregisters, but at that point, I would argue thatthe notion of enregisterment loses its analyticforce. It is in continual stylistic practice thatnuances of sound take on sufficient meaning toparticipate in processes of enregisterment.

The nuance that Podesva (2004) found in/t/ release has a distinctly iconic quality, atthe levels both of the indexical potentials en-abled by hyperarticulation and fortition andof the intensifying potential of phonetic exag-geration (e.g., lengthened bursts). This generalsemiotic device emerged in Mendoza-Denton’s(1996) study of Chicana gang girl makeup, asthe length of a girl’s eyeliner indexes her will-ingness to fight. Iconization appears in othercases of variation, notably in affective displays.In a study of preadolescents, Eckert (2011)found the frequency code (Ohala 1994) at work,as fronting and backing of low vowels corre-lated with the expression of positive and nega-tive emotional states, respectively. Iconizationis particularly useful in resources for affectivedisplays because the effect of both depends ona perception of naturalness. But affect, also, isat the root of the social and emerges commonlyin stylistic practice. Affect is central to jock andburnout identity and style: Jocks take pride intheir happy demeanor, whereas burnouts con-sider jocks’ perennial smiles to be fake, viewingproblems as an integral part of who they are in-dividually and collectively. And the synaestheticassociations of light (front) and dark (back)vowels converge in sartorial style: The jockswear pastels in both clothing and makeup, andburnouts wear dark-colored clothing and darkeyeliner. Linguistic variation, in other words, isa very broad-spectrum component of a broadersemiotic system.

CONCLUSION

In the move from the first to the third waveof variation studies, the entire view of the re-lation between language and society has beenreversed. The emphasis on stylistic practice inthe third wave places speakers not as passiveand stable carriers of dialect, but as stylistic


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agents, tailoring linguistic styles in ongoing andlifelong projects of self-construction and dif-ferentiation. It has become clear that patternsof variation do not simply unfold from thespeaker’s structural position in a system of pro-duction, but are part of the active—stylistic—production of social differentiation.

For years, the study of variation was domi-nated by a definition of style as “different waysof saying the same thing” (Labov 1972b, p. 323).

This definition was compatible with linguists’focus on denotational meaning, with a view ofvariation as marking social address and with apopular view of style as artifice. But style is atits foundation ideological, and the stylistic formof propositions is very much a part of theirmeaning. The third wave locates ideology inlanguage itself, in the construction of mean-ing, with potentially important consequencesfor linguistic theory more generally.

DISCLOSURE STATEMENT

The author is not aware of any affiliations, memberships, funding, or financial holdings that mightbe perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.

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AN41-FrontMatter ARI 23 August 2012 12:10

Annual Review ofAnthropology

Volume 41, 2012Contents

Prefatory Chapter

Ancient Mesopotamian Urbanism and Blurred Disciplinary BoundariesRobert McC. Adams � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 1

Archaeology

The Archaeology of Emotion and AffectSarah Tarlow � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 169

The Archaeology of MoneyColin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 235

Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape ArchaeologyMatthew H. Johnson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 269

Paleolithic Archaeology in ChinaOfer Bar-Yosef and Youping Wang � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 319

Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research:The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimaticand Paleoenvironmental ArchiveDaniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 371

Colonialism and Migration in the Ancient MediterraneanPeter van Dommelen � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 393

Archaeometallurgy: The Study of Preindustrial Mining and MetallurgyDavid Killick and Thomas Fenn � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 559

Rescue Archaeology: A European ViewJean-Paul Demoule � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 611

Biological Anthropology

Energetics, Locomotion, and Female Reproduction:Implications for Human EvolutionCara M. Wall-Scheffler � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �71

vii

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Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of theHuman-Primate InterfaceAgustin Fuentes � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 101

Human Evolution and the Chimpanzee Referential DoctrineKen Sayers, Mary Ann Raghanti, and C. Owen Lovejoy � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 119

Chimpanzees and the Behavior of Ardipithecus ramidusCraig B. Stanford � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 139

Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human PrehistoryRichard Potts � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 151

Primate Feeding and Foraging: Integrating Studiesof Behavior and MorphologyW. Scott McGraw and David J. Daegling � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 203

Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened,and Will Happen NextRobert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 495

Maternal Prenatal Nutrition and Health in Grandchildrenand Subsequent GenerationsE. Susser, J.B. Kirkbride, B.T. Heijmans, J.K. Kresovich, L.H. Lumey,

and A.D. Stein � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 577

Linguistics and Communicative Practices

Media and Religious DiversityPatrick Eisenlohr � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �37

Three Waves of Variation Study: The Emergence of Meaningin the Study of Sociolinguistic VariationPenelope Eckert � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �87

Documents and BureaucracyMatthew S. Hull � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 251

The Semiotics of Collective MemoriesBrigittine M. French � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 337

Language and Materiality in Global CapitalismShalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 355

Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futuresand Contingent Pasts. Archives as Anthropological SurrogatesDavid Zeitlyn � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 461

Music, Language, and Texts: Sound and Semiotic EthnographyPaja Faudree � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 519

viii Contents

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International Anthropology and Regional Studies

Contemporary Anthropologies of Indigenous AustraliaTess Lea � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 187

The Politics of PerspectivismAlcida Rita Ramos � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 481

Anthropologies of Arab-Majority SocietiesLara Deeb and Jessica Winegar � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 537

Sociocultural Anthropology

Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal RelationsRebecca Cassidy � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �21

The Politics of the AnthropogenicNathan F. Sayre � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �57

Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the ImageElizabeth Edwards � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 221

Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate ChangeHeather Lazrus � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 285

Enculturating Cells: The Anthropology, Substance, and Scienceof Stem CellsAditya Bharadwaj � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 303

Diabetes and CultureSteve Ferzacca � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 411

Toward an Ecology of MaterialsTim Ingold � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 427

Sport, Modernity, and the BodyNiko Besnier and Susan Brownell � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 443

Theme I: Materiality

Objects of Affect: Photography Beyond the ImageElizabeth Edwards � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 221

The Archaeology of MoneyColin Haselgrove and Stefan Krmnicek � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 235

Documents and BureaucracyMatthew S. Hull � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 251

Phenomenological Approaches in Landscape ArchaeologyMatthew H. Johnson � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 269

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Language and Materiality in Global CapitalismShalini Shankar and Jillian R. Cavanaugh � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 355

Toward an Ecology of MaterialsTim Ingold � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 427

Anthropology in and of the Archives: Possible Futures and ContingentPasts. Archives as Anthropological SurrogatesDavid Zeitlyn � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 461

Theme II: Climate Change

Lives With Others: Climate Change and Human-Animal RelationsRebecca Cassidy � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �21

The Politics of the AnthropogenicNathan F. Sayre � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �57

Ethnoprimatology and the Anthropology of theHuman-Primate InterfaceAgustin Fuentes � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 101

Evolution and Environmental Change in Early Human PrehistoryRichard Potts � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 151

Sea Change: Island Communities and Climate ChangeHeather Lazrus � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 285

Archaeological Contributions to Climate Change Research:The Archaeological Record as a Paleoclimatic andPaleoenvironmental ArchiveDaniel H. Sandweiss and Alice R. Kelley � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 371

Madagascar: A History of Arrivals, What Happened,and Will Happen NextRobert E. Dewar and Alison F. Richard � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 495

Indexes

Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 32–41 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 627

Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 32–41 � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � 631

Errata

An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology articles may be found athttp://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml

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AnnuAl Reviewsit’s about time. Your time. it’s time well spent.

AnnuAl Reviews | Connect with Our expertsTel: 800.523.8635 (us/can) | Tel: 650.493.4400 | Fax: 650.424.0910 | Email: [email protected]

New From Annual Reviews:

Annual Review of Statistics and Its ApplicationVolume 1 • Online January 2014 • http://statistics.annualreviews.org

Editor: Stephen E. Fienberg, Carnegie Mellon UniversityAssociate Editors: Nancy Reid, University of Toronto

Stephen M. Stigler, University of ChicagoThe Annual Review of Statistics and Its Application aims to inform statisticians and quantitative methodologists, as well as all scientists and users of statistics about major methodological advances and the computational tools that allow for their implementation. It will include developments in the field of statistics, including theoretical statistical underpinnings of new methodology, as well as developments in specific application domains such as biostatistics and bioinformatics, economics, machine learning, psychology, sociology, and aspects of the physical sciences.

Complimentary online access to the first volume will be available until January 2015. table of contents:•What Is Statistics? Stephen E. Fienberg•A Systematic Statistical Approach to Evaluating Evidence

from Observational Studies, David Madigan, Paul E. Stang, Jesse A. Berlin, Martijn Schuemie, J. Marc Overhage, Marc A. Suchard, Bill Dumouchel, Abraham G. Hartzema, Patrick B. Ryan

•The Role of Statistics in the Discovery of a Higgs Boson, David A. van Dyk

•Brain Imaging Analysis, F. DuBois Bowman•Statistics and Climate, Peter Guttorp•Climate Simulators and Climate Projections,

Jonathan Rougier, Michael Goldstein•Probabilistic Forecasting, Tilmann Gneiting,

Matthias Katzfuss•Bayesian Computational Tools, Christian P. Robert•Bayesian Computation Via Markov Chain Monte Carlo,

Radu V. Craiu, Jeffrey S. Rosenthal•Build, Compute, Critique, Repeat: Data Analysis with Latent

Variable Models, David M. Blei•Structured Regularizers for High-Dimensional Problems:

Statistical and Computational Issues, Martin J. Wainwright

•High-Dimensional Statistics with a View Toward Applications in Biology, Peter Bühlmann, Markus Kalisch, Lukas Meier

•Next-Generation Statistical Genetics: Modeling, Penalization, and Optimization in High-Dimensional Data, Kenneth Lange, Jeanette C. Papp, Janet S. Sinsheimer, Eric M. Sobel

•Breaking Bad: Two Decades of Life-Course Data Analysis in Criminology, Developmental Psychology, and Beyond, Elena A. Erosheva, Ross L. Matsueda, Donatello Telesca

•Event History Analysis, Niels Keiding•StatisticalEvaluationofForensicDNAProfileEvidence,

Christopher D. Steele, David J. Balding•Using League Table Rankings in Public Policy Formation:

Statistical Issues, Harvey Goldstein•Statistical Ecology, Ruth King•Estimating the Number of Species in Microbial Diversity

Studies, John Bunge, Amy Willis, Fiona Walsh•Dynamic Treatment Regimes, Bibhas Chakraborty,

Susan A. Murphy•Statistics and Related Topics in Single-Molecule Biophysics,

Hong Qian, S.C. Kou•Statistics and Quantitative Risk Management for Banking

and Insurance, Paul Embrechts, Marius Hofert

Access this and all other Annual Reviews journals via your institution at www.annualreviews.org.

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