Transformation of Gender Relations in the South African National … · 2017. 6. 2. · transformation of gender relations in the security sector. This paper focuses on the South

GENDER AND PEACEBUILDING IN AFRICA

4 IN A SERIES OF OCCASIONAL PAPERS

Transformation of Gender Relations in the South African

National Defence Force: Real or Presumed?

Cheryl Hendricks

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GENDER AND PEACEBUILDING IN AFRICA 4 IN A SERIES OF OCCASIONAL PAPERS

Transformation of Gender Relations in the South African

National Defence Force: Real or Presumed?

Cheryl Hendricks

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4 Transformation of Gender Relations in the South African National Defence Force: Real or Presumed?

Cheryl Hendricks

Introduction

The adoption of the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325

in 2000 placed a global emphasis on the need to mainstream gender in peace

and security structures and processes. The focus of the resolution was on peace-

making and peacekeeping. However, it soon became apparent that the reali-

sation of a gender balance in peace missions depended on women’s inclusion

into the national security institutions responsible for the deployment of peace-

keepers. Moreover, UNSCR 1325 provided the impetus to integrate gender into

the security sector reform (SSR) principles and practices being applied to post-

conflict states. Within this context there was a dire need to search for role models

and best practice for mainstreaming gender into the security sector. Attention

turned to South Africa.

The formation of a non-racial democratic state in South Africa in 1994 created

the imperative to transform all public sector institutions, including the South

African Defence Force. Through a largely internally driven SSR programme, the

Department of Defence (DOD) was able to integrate the various armed forma-

tions that had existed, change the orientation of the defence force from state

security to human security and radically alter the racial and gender composi-

tion of the institution. South Africa’s newly formulated foreign policy prioritised

security, democracy and development in Africa, thus compelling the DOD to

become more engaged in peacekeeping on the continent.

South African contingents soon drew attention because of their relatively large

deployment of women peacekeepers. South African women were also vocal

internationally about the need to include women in peacekeeping. They had

contributed substantively to the Windhoek declaration and had advocating the

adoption of UNSCR 1325. South Africa continues to regard women, peace and

security as a priority area of engagement and is currently serving a second term

as a non-permanent member on the UNSC.

Over the last decade, therefore, South Africa has been seen as a positive example

of the kind of transformation of gender relations that is possible within patriar-

chal institutions such as the defence force. The country’s progress is regularly

documented and commented upon by those dealing with gender and security

sector reform and gender and peacekeeping issues. In 2007, the country was

selected by the United Nations Department of Peacekeeping Operations (UND-

PKO) as a pilot case study for the documentation of best practice on gender

6 GENDER AND PEACEBUILDING IN AFRICA

mainstreaming in peacekeeping. There is little doubt that South Africa has made

great strides in mainstreaming gender into its security sector at large (defence,

police, corrections, justice) and that the number of women deployed in peace

missions is a reflection of this advancement. Nevertheless, 18 years after its tran-

sition more germane questions can be raised about the nature and extent of the

transformation of gender relations in the security sector.

This paper focuses on the South African National Defence Force (SANDF),

which consists of the army, navy, air force and military health services. It seeks

to discern whether the transformation of gender relations within this institution

has been both quantitative (changes in gender balance) and qualitative (gender

sensitivity in legal and policy frameworks, and changes in gendered power rela-

tions and attitudes). Gender refers to the socially constructed roles and relation-

ships that are based on a person’s biological sex. It ‘refers to the economic, social,

and cultural roles, behaviours, attributes and opportunities which are associated

with being female or male.’1 Gender relations have largely been constructed to

favour men and the transformation of gender relations is therefore fundamen-

tally about creating gender equality.

Militaries are viewed as the ‘last bastions of male power’.2 Although militarism as

an ideology extends beyond the military, the military is the institution in which it

is embedded and through which it is most visibly exercised. Militarism promotes

the use of physical violence for resolving conflict (institutionalised violence),

operates on the logic of friend and enemy, entrenches hierarchical power rela-

tions and stereotypical notions of masculinity and femininity and seeks to main-

tain clear divisions between the genders: it projects, reinforces and is shaped

by patriarchy.3 The transformation of gender relations within the defence force

requires a shift away from an ideology of militarism. The South African Defence

Force (SADF) was steeped in this ideology. Has the SANDF been able to make a

shift away from militarism? More importantly, if gendered power relations and

ideologies are transcended, can the military still function as a military or have we

changed the institution’s very essence? This is a key question for it determines

what can and cannot be achieved with regard to the transformation of gender

relations in the SANDF.

This paper reflects on these issues by examining the context in which gender was

included as a variable for transformation in the DOD, the institutional meas-

ures that were introduced and their translation into practice, and an analysis of

the strengths and challenges of the transformation process. The paper looks at

gender training, specifically in relation to peacekeeping (for this is where gender

training is predominantly focused in the SANDF) and reflects on the assump-

tions about transferring gender knowledge to potential peacekeepers.

In this paper, I argue that the SANDF, largely through the work of the Directo-

rate on Transformation and Management, has been able to include women into

the organisational structure and to formulate gender sensitive policies. Given

the inherently sexist nature of this institution this has not been an easy task and

its accomplishment should not be diminished. The inclusion of women and the

74 TRANSFORMING GENDER RELATIONS IN THE SANDF

adoption of gender sensitive legislation do not, however, translate into gender

equality or into a transformed military culture. Women predominantly continue

to occupy the support roles generally associated with their gender. Few are in

decision-making ranks, and for those that do occupy positions that break the

mould, the challenge of marginalisation remains.

Gender training within the SANDF has also not been enough to meaningfully

impact on gender relations. Learning to tolerate women as part of an institution

does not equal a change in attitude about their capability to perform tasks or a

belief in their right to be included in a male preserve. Changing consciousness

and behaviour takes a long time and will only significantly shift when the projec-

tion of brute force no longer determines the strength of the defence force and

when gender relations within society as a whole (private and public spheres)

have been transformed. Certainly, the intent of the white paper on defence and

the defence review were to make shifts in the culture of militarism. However,

the original intent does not seem to have strong traction in the practice of the

defence force: its logic and operation remain that of a ‘universal military cul-

ture’.4 This does not mean that all men in the defence force do not appreciate the

added value of women in the sector, or that all women in the sector believe in

the need to promote gender equality: rather, it speaks to the unspoken yet domi-

nant attitudes that inform the operations of the defence force. Women can be

included into the male preserve without fundamentally changing its premises,

values and orientation. For the SANDF, transforming gender relations is a work

in progress, not an accomplished fact.

From SADF to SANDF: more than just a name change

The SADF was notorious for the level of violence projected, both within the

borders of South Africa and regionally, by a predominantly white male corps

defending white male superiority. This institution, operating under the ideol-

ogy of apartheid, symbolised white oppression: it was a powerful governing and

regulating institution within state structures and society at large, making South

Africa a highly militarised society. Stott notes that ‘by the early 1990s, the SADF

consisted of 75,479 full-time members, 21,695 civilians and a part-time compo-

nent of 526,702 citizen-force personnel, as well as 76,476 commandos (primarily

the white reserve force) organised into 200 units.’5

Although white women were allowed to join the defence force from 1970, they

could only serve in administrative and support roles. They trained separately,

but their training was rigorous, with many aspects unrelated to the actual roles

they would occupy in the military. At their peak, these women constituted about

7 per cent of the SADF. Elaine Unterhalter’s analysis of women in the SADF

highlights that although Afrikaner women had a rich history of being pioneers

and fighters, they were encouraged to ‘maintain their femininity’ within the

SADF and were often publically referred to as ‘Botha’s Babes’ (a reference to the

country’s then president).6


There is a long history of women’s participation in the liberation struggle in South

Africa including their enlistment in the ranks of Umkhonto We Siswe (MK) and

the African People’s Liberation Army (APLA). Their numbers increased after the

Soweto uprisings of 1976 when many students fled into exile. These ‘comrades’

performed combat roles and despite their own fair share of gender discrimina-

tion and sexual harassment, a few were able to rise to command positions. In

1994, therefore, the role of women within a new unified defence force had to be

taken into account.

Restructuring the defence force formed part of the negotiations at the Convention

for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA). The key defence concerns related to

integrating the armed forces (SADF, APLA, MK, and the four homeland defence

forces), downsizing, changing command, entrenching democratic oversight, and

reconceptualising policy and the role of the military: ‘creat[ing] a force structure

that was both efficient and politically acceptable.’7 Stott states that the forma-

tion of the SANDF was the ‘symbolic culmination of the negotiations process in

South Africa.’8 However, this was not an entirely new force, for the SADF was

numerically dominant and ‘it was virtually “pre-ordained” that the former SADF

would provide the framework for integration, given its size, organisational dif-

ferentiation and infrastructure.’9 However, the constitution, defence review and

the white paper on defence, sought to profoundly alter the culture and identity

of the defence force.

During the negotiations, through pressure from the Women’s National Coali-

tion, women established the principle of gender equality: they demanded equita-

ble representation in the negotiations and that their interests be reflected in the

transitional constitution and governing structures. Various working groups were

established, one of them dealing with defence issues. This working group set up a

sub-group, headed by Brigadier Jackie Sedibe (MK chief of communications), to

ensure gender sensitivity in the policy formulation of the SANDF. Given women’s

previous engagement in the different armed forces, the inclusion of women into

the defence force was not debatable. It was the conditions of, or principles guid-

ing, their inclusion that had to be established, such as whether their roles and

ranks would be limited. The matter of women being allowed into combat roles

was the central contentious issue.10 In line with the dominant sentiments of the

time, discrimination on the basis of gender was not acceptable. Instead, affirma-

tive action for the achievement of gender equality in the SANDF was promoted.

One has to view the formation of the SANDF in the context of the larger trans-

formation process of South African society. This state institution was essentially

governed by the values, principles and practices that were encoded into the new

legal frameworks of the country, for example the constitution, the white paper

on affirmative action in the public service, the Employment Equity Act, etc. The

constitution is the overarching framework and clearly stated that: ‘The state may

not unfairly discriminate directly or indirectly against anyone on one or more

grounds, including race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social

origin, color, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, cul-

ture, language and birth.’ South Africa also signed a number of protocols and


adopted declarations and resolutions that committed it to respecting human

rights, promoting democracy and achieving gender equality. The SANDF was

expected to delivery on these commitments.

The white paper on defence (1996) and the defence review (1998) reconceptu-

alised the nature and role of the defence force. During this period, South Africa

had a new sense of openness and transparency, perceived no immediate sense of

external threat, and shifted its emphasis towards democracy and development.11

The white paper encapsulated these sentiments, noting the SANDF’s new human

security approach that ‘recognised the importance of a wide range of internal

security threats, such as poverty, lack of development and high levels of crime.’12

The white paper sought to bring democratic control over the armed forces, cre-

ate a primarily defensive posture and transform the racial and gender composi-

tion of the SANDF, stating that: ‘The SANDF shall develop a non-racial, non-sex-

ist and non-discriminatory institutional culture…’.13 Moreover, the ‘white paper

acknowledged the right of women to serve in all ranks and positions, including

combat roles, and mandated the minister of defence to oversee the design and

implementation of the affirmative action and equal opportunity programme.’14

The defence review, conducted 1996–98, emphasised participation and in so

doing generated a new interest in, and legitimacy for, the SANDF. As part of

the consultation, women in the DOD held a conference in March 1997. This was

a consensus-building exercise on how they saw their role within the DOD and

what should be reflected in the defence review. To this end, the review noted

the need to increase the number of women in the defence force, train women for

command positions and address the military culture within the SANDF.15 These

frameworks provided the platform for gender transformation in the SANDF.

Molekane, writing in 1996, comments that these policies in the SANDF were,

amongst others, aimed at ‘the gradual breakdown of male dominated structures

and trends in the SANDF’, that they would lead to ‘the advancement of women

at all levels through the provision of equal opportunities, training, development

and utilisation’ and that they required that ‘gender education be introduced, and

recruitment and promotion procedures be reviewed with the aim of making them

gender sensitive.’16 In 2011, Major General Memela-Motumi, in her presentation

to the Parliamentary Joint Standing Committee on Defence (JSCD), reiterated

that the SANDF remained committed to ‘increasing the representivity of women

at all ranks … the acceptance of women to serve in combat roles [and] the provi-

sion of empowerment programmes to DOD personnel, without exception.’17

Clearly, the architects of the white paper on defence and the defence review had

a transformative agenda that was both quantitative (change in composition) and

qualitative (change in culture). They went beyond a discourse of increasing the

representation of women, to that of creating gender equality and a defence force

that served the needs and interests of the society as a whole rather than a par-

ticular regime. The articulation of how this was to evolve, its operationalisation,

however, remained elusive. The DOD states that its definition of transformation

‘refers to continuous evaluation of the organisation’s policies, procedures and

processes in order to respond appropriately to the situation on the ground. This


would result in the building of a disciplined, just, caring, cohesive, representa-

tive, efficient and better performing organisation.’18 The language and logic of

representation and efficiency have always formed part of the discourse of SSR. It

is assumed that there is no tension between the two, but in the struggle for gen-

der equality in the defence force, this constitutes the tension. It is the primary

reason why the proponents of gender equality have veered towards a rationale

of ‘operational effectiveness’ to justify the need for women’s inclusion, leading

to the essentialist portrayal of women for which they have been critiqued (see

below). The next section deals with the institutional and policy mechanisms the

DOD put in place to achieve their stated goal of transformation.

Mechanisms to transform gender relations

In 1997 the SANDF established an Equal Opportunities Chief Directorate with

Jackie Sedibe as its director and with a dedicated gender focal point person.

Jackie Sedibe also became the first woman to be promoted to the rank of major

general in the SANDF. The directorate was later renamed the Chief Directorate

for Transformation Management with Major General Memela-Motumi taking

over from Major General Sedibe upon her retirement. This chief directorate’s

mandate ‘is to direct, orchestrate, monitor, evaluate and report on human rights

and equity principles within the DOD and thereby contribute decisively towards

the mission’s readiness.’19

A Gender Mainstreaming Council (GMC), representing the different services,

was also established. The GMC meets once a month and the representatives of

the services report on their respective transformation progress at these meet-

ings. The council members, many of whom are brigadier generals, also serve as

the gender advisors for their services. Issues raised at the GMC are tabled at the

Defence Staff Council (which is the highest decision-making body of the DOD).20

The DOD has also been engaged in revising its policies to make them gender

sensitive and it adopted a gender mainstreaming strategy in 2008. This strategy

increased the recruitment target for women from 30 to 40 per cent at entry level,

and set a target of 30 per cent representation of women at all decision-mak-

ing levels by 2009 and 30 per cent representation of women in peace support

operations by 2014. It dealt with mainstreaming gender into policies and plans,

resource allocation, facilities, communication and recruitment and retention.

Gender violence, sexual harassment, abuse of power and victimisation are now

regarded as offences and are punishable under the new military disciplinary code.

The DOD also annually hosts gender conferences in which progress and challenges

are highlighted and which seek to build consensus on the way forward.21 In 2011

the DOD held their first women’s parade. In addition, the DOD has to report pro-

gress on transformation to the JSCD. Much has therefore transpired institution-

ally, which was not easy to achieve in the sexist environment of the DOD.

It is important to highlight that the chief director of transformation and manage-

ment worked with gender experts from civil society organisations and reviewed


best practices for gender transformation globally. Technical support by gender

activists such as Monica Juma was invaluable. It was this collaborative exercise

that enabled the SANDF to become cutting edge in gender and security sector

reform.

The SANDF has prioritised the recruitment of women. It runs extensive media

campaigns and displays billboards on national highways in which women fea-

ture prominently. It uses the images of women in both caretaking or nurturing

roles (taking care of children in warzones, nurses in hospitals) and in combat

roles (fighter pilots). The message conveyed is that there is an important role

for women in the defence force and that they can do the same jobs as men. The

SANDF also regularly visit school open days to tell students of the opportunities

for further study through the SANDF.

Training is a major component for transformation and the SANDF has worked

on developing gender training programmes. In Major General Memela-

Motumi’s presentation to the JSCD she noted that:

In order to chip away the patriarchal attitudes harboured by both women and men in defence, the following empowerment programmes are undertaken:

– Gender Issues have been incorporated in the Military Basic Training conducted by all Services

– Currently presentations on gender issues are made at the War College and at the Executive National Security Programme in order to raise their awareness.

– Commanders and Instructors at Infantry School have been trained on Gender Dynamics and Perspectives so that they can incorporate it into their military training.

– Gender Perspective Modules have been incorporated in all the courses conducted at the Peace Mission Training Centre.

– A specific Gender Course is conducted annually for members interested in deploying as Gender Advisors in Peace Support Operations.

– Women Leadership Training from all levels has been instituted in order to enhance their assertiveness and decision-making skills.22

The duration of these courses, their content and regularity have not been elab-

orated upon. The fact that gender is being integrated at all levels of SANDF

training is encouraging for it is doubtful that many defence institutions have

progressed this far. The gender training at the Peace Missions Training Centre

(PMTC) is elaborated upon later in this paper. It clearly reveals that the level of

instruction on gender remains rather cursory at the SANDF.

The policy frameworks, institutional structures, training components and

recruitment and retention strategies outlined above constitute the architecture

through which transformation of gender relations is to occur. The next section

analyses the progress to date.


Viewing gender transformation through the numbers lens

The representation of women is considered a key indicator of the transforma-

tion of gender relations. Feminists have long argued the need for a critical mass

of women in order to effect gender equality. However, gender equality cannot

be reduced to the number of women in an organisation: women’s participation

in decision-making structures, gender sensitive policies and practices, access to

skills development and equal opportunity, changed institutional cultures and

transformed power relations are all key aspects that need to accompany the

numbers.

The SANDF has had marked success in increasing the number of women in its

ranks. In 1994 women constituted 12 per cent of the defence force. In April 2011

the gender composition was 56,663 males (73.4 per cent) and 20,505 females

(26.6 per cent). Though this is a relatively high percentage of women the SANDF

has not yet met its own target of 30 per cent women by 2009. In 1999 Nozizwe

Madlala-Routledge became the deputy defence minister and in 2009 Lindiwe

Sisulu was appointed as minister of defence and veterans affairs, a position she

currently retains. The secretary of defence from 2009 to 2011, Mpumi Mpofo,

was also a woman., Women therefore have been, and are, in high-ranking,

politically appointed positions in the defence force. However, their prominence

declines when we review the ranks of commissioned officers in the SANDF.

Currently, the highest ranked woman is a major general. Two of the 38 major

generals are women (5 per cent); 31 of 171 brigadier generals are women (18

per cent); 136 of 861 colonels (16 per cent); 428 of 1,962 lieutenant colonels

(22 per cent); and 639 of 2132 majors (30 per cent).23 The majority of women,

therefore, remain on the lower rungs of the institutional hierarchy. When the

JSDC questioned the representation of women in the DOD, the chief director of

transformation explained that ‘Although it [increasing gender representation]

was included in the performance agreements of the Service Chiefs, there was a

lack of incentive and punitive measures. She lacked the necessary authority to

enforce the policy.’24

Of the 26 per cent women in the defence force, 19 per cent are in the army. The

racial and gender dynamics in the army become apparent when one looks at its

management structures. Brigadier General Veldtman, also addressing the JSCD,

noted that African males made up 50 per cent of the management structures,

whilst 4.2 per cent of African women were in top positions. Of the total of 39 per

cent Whites in army management, 35 per cent were men and 4.2 per cent were

women. Representation of Coloureds in management was 6.1 per cent, of whom

5.6 per cent were males and 1 per cent females. Representation of Asians in the

army management structures was 0.1 per cent, with no males and only one Asian

woman in management.25 This reveals the gender and racial incongruence in the

army: white men and white woman are over represented in management, but

women overall are far from the envisaged 30 per cent representation in decision-

making structures.


Although women are encouraged to join operations, the vast majority are still

located within the administrative services and health mustering. Brigadier Gen-

eral Veldtman, reporting to the JSCD in 2011, indicated that only 257 women

were currently involved in operations, noting that ‘a number of women had

opted out of operations and the matter was currently under investigation’.26 The

SANDF regularly conveys the image that many women are to be found in these

combat roles. Yet, in reality, the gender division of labour is largely intact in the

defence force.

Efforts have been made to create gender friendly uniforms and equipment, but

this is an expensive exercise in an institution whose budgets are continuously

being eroded. Progress in this regard has therefore been limited.

Although the South African white paper on peace missions does not have a gen-

der perspective, South Africa is doing exceptionally well in terms of the number

of women peacekeepers it deploys.27 The SANDF states that 20 per cent of its

deployed peacekeepers are women.28 Deployment figures seem to vary so it is

not clear if this is the average across all missions for 2011, or the number in a

particular mission and whether it includes police and experts. Nevertheless, SA’s

deployment is impressive and it is increasing: from 10 per cent in 2009 to 15 per

cent in 2010 and maintained at 15 per cent in 2011. The SANDF indicates that

women are deployed as commanding officers, air traffic controllers, cargo han-

dlers, guards, medical task team commanders, DDR advisors, gender advisors,

etc. The PMTC offers a gender advisors course and has deployed gender advisors

to the DRC.

The pride of South Africa in this regard is evident in the minister of defence’s

speech at the women’s parade:

South Africa occupies an esteemed position in its peace-keeping efforts. Our role on the continent has been applauded internationally. We are renowned to be one of the best and we pride ourselves in this. Out of those soldiers we deploy, 21 per cent are women. But what is a remarkably little known fact, is that, of all the Troop Contributing Countries of the world, we provide the largest number of women in our contingents. And further, that our women are sent out even at the level of Commanding Officers. The SANDF must be applauded for this.29

Yet, all is not well in the SANDF. The next section explores some of the gender

related challenges in the institution.

Challenges experienced by women in the SANDF

On 29 January 2012, The Sunday Times carried a two-page article titled ‘The

sky’s the limit: how do women cope in the macho world of the defence force?’30

Although serving mainly as publicity for the SANDF, the article focused on the

life stories of three women who had made it to positions normally closed to

women: a paratrooper (the only one), a jet fighter pilot (the only one) and a com-

mander of the Rooikat (armoured vehicle) crew. The women, depicted in their


military gear, explained that they had joined the SANDF because it gave them an

opportunity for further study. In describing how they came to occupy their cur-

rent roles, they noted that they had to go through the same strenuous physical

tests as men to be selected. For example, the paratrooper stated that she had had

to run 3.2km with 10kg on her back and a rifle in 18 minutes and had done 67

sit-ups in two minutes.

The gendered tensions within the SANDF, however, echoed in this article. Cap-

tain Johannes (the paratrooper), the article notes, plays two roles in her life, that

of commander and that of mom:

Here I’m the commander and I command. I don’t beg or talk nicely. I give an order. But, of course when you’re a woman, men will always want to challenge your authority. The moment I get home and take off this uniform. I’m the mom. And when I am home I only wear dresses, because I am always wearing pants at work … But it’s not easy for men to accept me. Some feel threatened because they ask themselves how can this woman do what they do? Some of them have tried three or four times to qualify as paratroopers, and still fail. I attempted it once and made it.31

Interestingly, in a journal article on race and gender in the SANDF, the male

perspective on this issue is provided. The authors assert that the ‘acceptance

of women in the military does not mean that prejudice against them in certain

combat roles does not exist’.32 They proceed to note the resistance to women in

the hardcore elite fighting units of the SANDF. These women are ‘perceived to be

lowering the standards’:

We don’t have females in our regiment because they don’t make [our] selection process. But now the colonel said there would be female parachutists by the end of the year. He put two females on a course. They didn’t make it on the course but they carried on, now that brings immediate resentment in us, because you have to shit physically and mentally to be able to do that course whilst the girls just walk in ‘I’m a lady’.33

This view, that women get their stripes by virtue of their gender rather than on

merit, is common in many militaries. The fact that women are training with men

and having to do the same tests somehow does little to dispel the myth. These

attitudes make women in these institutions feel insecure irrespective of their rank.

Women in senior positions in the SANDF also allude to this marginalisation, stat-

ing that men are socialised into their roles and expectations through old boy net-

works, while there is virtually no support system for them: they are handed a man-

ual and are expected to read it and perform accordingly. Many felt that they had

the ‘rank but not the authority’.34 This phenomenon is not peculiar to the defence

force. Many women in decision-making arenas experience the same feelings of

marginalisation: they are not taken seriously, and it is only when men voice an

idea that it is understood and accepted. Leadership or assertiveness training, or

being threatened with insubordination, does not seem to overcome this problem.

The fact that women make up less than 30 per cent of the defence force and that

there are even fewer at decision-making level influences their ability to assert


themselves and change the sexist culture of the army. Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge,

former deputy minister of defence, highlights some of the profound challenges for

women in the defence force in attempting to transform the military culture:

… merely becoming involved in a military force does not automatically liberate women from exploitative relationships. Rather, women who choose to join military forces have to combat both the external enemy and the patriarchal attitudes and actions within the military force itself. Whereas it was believed that the incorporation of women into the military would transform gender relations and roles and free women from patriarchy, the reality is that militarism serves to reinforce and reproduce gender relations.35

The SANDF may have introduced structures for accountability and for monitor-

ing and evaluating gender mainstreaming, but these have limited human and

financial resources. The Chief Directorate for Transformation and Management

also has to deal with race and disability and is very short staffed; the amount

of attention given to gender is entirely dependent on who is chief director. The

gains made so far could easily be eroded without continued vigilance. Moreo-

ver, as already indicated by the former chief director, Major General Memela-

Motumi, the enforcement mechanisms are weak.

Sexual harassment remains a concern within the DOD, but the extent of its

occurrence is not publicised. The chairperson of the JSCD, however, raised the

concern that ‘some women may be being held back deliberately because they

had failed to oblige the requests made by males’, and this was a challenge to

women’s empowerment within the army.36 Heinecken also alluded to the preva-

lence of sexual harassment but said that this is ‘kept under wraps’. It stands to

reason that in a society in which sexual harassment and gender-based violence

is rife, the scourge would also be prevalent in male-dominated institutions like

the defence force. Moreover, the extent of gender-based violence meted out by

soldiers to their spouses, or by husbands to wives who are in the military, is not

known and should be investigated.

There are many assumptions made about the role of women in the defence force

and these assumptions are especially articulated in relation to peacekeeping. The

minister of defence, Lindiwe Sisulu, reflecting on women peacekeepers, said:

These women are not only preventing violence against the local civilian population, but also serve as an inspiration. In this process, a strong message of striving for non-discrimination and equality in post conflict during the reconstruction and development is conveyed. The female peacekeepers experience their deployment as an opportunity to put their military training into practice and make it their business to reach out to women and children, the most vulnerable in any civil war.37

When justifying the need for women’s inclusion into peace support operations

there is often a return to stereotypical feminine qualities (women are nurturers,

peacemakers, etc) and their need to serve as role models for other women. Much

more research needs to be undertaken on the actual roles that women undertake

during peace missions and if there is indeed a correlation between the number


of women deployed and a reduction in the number of cases of sexual and gender-

based violence. Do women in conflict zones feel safer when they see a number

of women deployed? Would the same gender stereotypes of who is able to per-

form the role of protector not play itself out in these conflict zones? Do women

peacekeepers see their own role as that of protectors of other women? Have we

not inadvertently relegated the responsibility to protect women only to women?

Much of this discourse has come to the fore as we tried to ‘use the language’ that

was deemed most appropriate within the security sector, in other words shifted

from a human rights-centred discourse on gender equality to one that empha-

sised the ‘operational effectiveness’ of bringing in women. Women were seen as

naturally more peaceful and so by extension women officers were invested with

assumed traits that would make them better communicators, better peace build-

ers, better informants, better peacemakers, able to earn trust and co-operation

more readily than men, and better able to perform some duties than male offic-

ers, such as frisk other women and respond to gender-based violence.38 Olivera

Simic has highlighted that ‘women are being encouraged to join peacekeep-

ing operations as sexual violence problem-solving forces while simultaneously

undertaking a complex role as “protectors” of local women from local men and

male peacekeepers’.39 It is assumed, argues Simic, that women can have a ‘paci-

fying effect’ on their male colleagues. My concern is not whether the ascribed

traits are accurate, rather it is that we cannot limit ourselves to this ‘instrumen-

talised’ interpretation of women’s roles in the security sector.

Putting in place policies and frameworks (gender mainstreaming strategies, sex-

ual harassment policies, gender policies, etc) are important. However, ensuring

that they are adhered to – rather than ticked off on the to do list and then shelved

– requires resources (human and financial) and political will. Having a gender

champion or a gender office or focal point, though beneficial, is not the solution.

It will take much more than this to dislodge patriarchy. Limited training on gen-

der is also insufficient to change long-embedded cultural beliefs and practices.

Despite the progress in women’s representation in the security sector, South

Africa remains one of the least safe places for women, with high rates of gender-

based violence. There is, therefore, no automatic correlation between the num-

ber of women in the security sector and the actual security of women. It is likely

that the same lack of a definite relationship between the number of women in

peace missions and the violation of women in conflict zones (for example in the

DRC and the Sudan) will be apparent when investigated. Something else needs

to transpire. Our challenge is then to translate gender representation into gender

responsiveness in society at large.40 Does the gender training in the SANDF pick

up on these issues?


Gender training in the SANDF

As previously mentioned, the SANDF has attempted to integrate gender into its

curricula. There is a half-day seminar on gender offered at the Executive National

Security Programme (ENSP) which covers topics dealing with international gen-

der perspectives, the impact of war on women, and action and activism in rela-

tion to gender mainstreaming. There is an emergent leadership seminar, and

there has been a one-week course on gender for infantry instructors. However,

the sustained focus on gender has been in courses offered at the PMTC.

This section reviews the integration of gender into the PMTC courses. The PMTC

(a sub-unit of the National War College) was launched in November 2008. It

sought to address the shortfall in skills, training and education in peacekeeping

experienced by the SANDF. Among other aims, the PMTC seeks to:

1 Enhance the effectiveness (knowledge and understanding) and operational

readiness (skills) of participants to plan and execute peace missions

2 Facilitate research into, and analysis of, the principles and practice of

international and regional conflict prevention, intervention, management

and resolution in PSO

3 Enable cross-departmental training and education on all matters regarding

PSO.41

The PMTC consists of an officer in charge, chief instructor and three lieutenant

colonels as the co-ordinating senior directing staff. The British Peace Support

Team assists the PMTC. One of the lieutenant colonels, Theresa Moletsane, is

a woman. Her task at the PMTC is twofold: to incorporate gender into the vari-

ous courses and to develop and deliver the military gender advisors course. She

previously worked in the Transformation and Management Directorate, and it

is through this institutional mechanism that the lobbying for integrating gender

into the courses was done.

The PMTC offers courses on or for: military observers; disarmament, demobili-

sation and reintegration; negotiation; civil military coordination; peace mission

staff officers; peace mission logistic staff officers; mission resource management;

introduction to peacekeeping; security sector reform; and military gender advi-

sors. There are between 40 and 80 students per course. Services are requested

to nominate participants but people can also nominate themselves. It is not clear

what the nomination criteria are. However, participants must submit a medi-

cal certificate declaring them medically fit, a national identity document and a

civilian driving licence.42 Courses usually have between 20 and 40 per cent wom-

en’s participation. They take the form of formal lectures, symposia, seminars,

directed reading and visits (practical training). They are normally presented by

outside experts.

It is not clear to what extent gender has been integrated into all these courses.

My experience with the SSR course (which was a one-week course) was that


only one hour was allocated to gender and SSR. This is too little time to transfer

any meaningful knowledge of gender and SSR. The participants, however, com-

mented that the fact that there were three women teaching on the course (which

had six lecturers) was positive.

The military gender advisors course concentrates on the gender dimension of

peacekeeping. The first course was offered in 2009. It is a one-week course and

UNDPKO, DCAF – a centre for security, development and the rule of law – and

other international and local experts are invited to teach on the course. The

course aims to ‘enhance the capacity for effectiveness and service excellence for

officers deployed as gender advisors through harnessing their ability to integrate

gender awareness and perspectives into all activities, decisions, advocacy, plan-

ning and implementation and monitoring of all programmes and projects in the

mission area.’44 Lieutenant Colonel Moletsane further notes that ‘this course

seeks to multiply a gender perspective by empowering every South African con-

tingent commander through the deployment of a gender advisor as part of their

command structure’.

Lieutenant Colonel Moletsane notes that the ‘primary message conveyed through

all the courses is respect women and that they are rightfully in the defence force’.45

She indicates that the courses have to challenge culture, ‘we have to start from

their own beliefs first. This is about changing attitudes. Changing attitudes is not

an easy thing.’46 She noted that it was not easy to persuade learners that gender

needed to be included in the course: ‘They would try to derail you.’47 Lieutenant

Colonel Moletsane believes that progress had been made and this is evidenced

by the fact that many infantrymen now take the gender advisors course.

On the whole, I think that the reach of the courses is much too limited to have a

meaningful impact on gender relations in the SANDF. If courses are offered once

a year to around 40 people out of a population of close to 60 000, we are not

reaching very many within the SANDF. Secondly, the timing alone (one hour at

minimum, at most a week, if it is a course dedicated to gender) indicates that it is

highly unlikely that a comprehensive understanding of gender will result and that

attitudes and beliefs will have radically altered. It is easier to work with people

who already believe in gender equality than to first try to break down stereotypes

Box 1 Structure of course for military gender advisors

Part I Contextualising gender in peace support operations: theoretical and conceptual

underpinning of gender; normative frameworks: international, continental and regional

conventions and commitments; and why gender matters in PSO

Part II Application of gender in PSO environments: various deployment scenarios; DDR

processes

Part III Strategies to improve effectiveness of military gender advisors: understanding

UNSC Resolution 1325; improving civil military coordination and negotiation and conflict

mediation.43


within a one-hour lecture. Moreover, for knowledge to have an impact it must be

directly relevant to what the recipients are engaged with on a daily basis and it

must be transferred in a way in which they normally consume knowledge. Here

I think the greatest mismatch is with the gender training. When experts from

outside are brought in they do not have a comprehensive understanding of, for

example, the work of infantry instructors. If they are to be of direct benefit to

the instructors this knowledge is crucial. Lectures might be appropriate at the

executive management level, but are not very appealing to soldiers who learn

via doing. Lecturers try to accommodate this through small-group work and by

creating scenarios. However, it would be important to accompany instructors or

gender advisors, or other peacekeepers for it would then be clearer what should

be taught and how to teach it – to take matters beyond ‘what is gender’ and ‘why

women need to be included in the security sector’. Pre-deployment training of

peacekeepers in general has been inadequate (one can never be trained in all the

different aspects in such a short space of time). Nor can any simulation exercises

equate with the real conflict zone: reading about a conflict zone and being in it

are radically different.

Moreover, the emphasis on gender and peacekeeping is quite quickly reduced to

sexual violence against women and the need to protect women in conflict areas.

This is a very narrow interpretation of the situation of women in conflict zones,

where they are both actors and victims. Moreover, the assumption remains that

men are best suited for peacekeeping, leaving women always having to argue for

why they need to be included. Nobody asks men to justify why they need to be

sent as peacekeepers (when they have not necessarily been trained to keep peace

– they have been trained to conduct war). Thus, the gendered power relations and

gendered assumptions continue, even when conducting gender training. We may

therefore not be ‘chipping away at the patriarchal attitudes’ but, instead, reinforc-

ing them. On a positive note, training is constantly being revised and improved in

the SANDF and a reflection on these issues would enhance the training.

Conclusion

This paper has reflected on the process of transforming gender relations in the

SANDF. It has argued that the results of this exercise are mixed. Women are

more represented in the SANDF, affirmative action programmes have seen

women rise in the command structure, policies are gender sensitive and gender

training is being conducted. But, gender equality requires that women feel that

they have an equal right to belong in an institution, that they are respected and

valued and that their interests are being taken into account and addressed. In

this regard women, 18 years after the birth of a democratic South Africa, still feel

the need to justify their inclusion and still feel relatively marginalised, especially

in the higher ranks.

Current gender training exercises, though well intentioned, may be reinforc-

ing dominant notions of women as victims, women in need of protection and of

women peacekeepers being deployed because of their feminine characteristics.


Militaries are formed so that nations can project strength (to attack or to defend).

Their very logic requires hierarchy (not equality). Power relations may not nec-

essarily be based on gender, but gender differentiation remains a convenient

way of displaying violent forms of masculinity. It is unlikely that gender equality

will be reached in defence institutions in the foreseeable future. The nature of

the institution itself has to be transformed for this to be realised. This does not

mean that we should not include women into this structure, but it does imply

that we should be realistic about what is and is not possible in the near future.

The struggle for the inclusion of women in the security sector has just begun

and if we go by what has transpired in other sectors, we know that this is a slow

process. South Africa shows us that change is possible, but slow, and that we

always need to focus attention on transforming gender relations: ‘patriarchy has

an amazing capacity to reinvent itself’.48

Notes

1 Commission for Gender Equality (2000) ‘A framework for transforming gender relations’, www.info.gov.za/view/DownloadFileAction?id=70346, accessed 3 February 2012.

2 Jacklyn Cock (1992) ‘Feminism and militarism: some questions raised by the Gulf War’, South African Defence Review, 6.

3 Colleen Burke, ‘Women and militarism’, Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom, http://www.wilpfinternational.org/publications/womenmilitarism.htm, accessed 26 January 2012.

4 Nozizwe Madlala-Routledge (2008) ‘We need an international campaign to resist androcentric militarised neo-colonial masculinities’, Feminist Africa, 10: 85–98.

5 Noel Stott (2002) ‘From the SADF to the SANDF: safegaurding South Africa for a better life for all?’, Violence and Transition Series, 7, http://www.csvr.org.za/wits/papers/papvtp7.htm, accessed 27 January 2011.

6 Elaine Unterhalter (1987) ‘Women soldiers and white unity in apartheid South Africa’, in Sharon McDonald, Pat Holden and Shirley Ardener (eds) Images of Women in Peace and War: Cross Cultural and Historical Perspectives, Madison, WI, University of Wisconsin Press.

7 Stott (2002).

8 Stott (2002).

9 Philip Frankel (2000) Soldiers in a Storm: The Armed Forces in South Africa’s Democratic Transition, Boulder, CO, Westview Press, cited in Stott (2002).

10 Ellen Molekane (1996) ‘The role of women in the South African National Defence Force’, African Security Review, 5(5).

11 Madlala-Routledge (2008).

12 Cheryl Hendricks and Kristin Valasek (2010) ‘Gender and security sector transformation – from theory to South African practice’, in Alan Bryden and ‘Funmi Olonisakin (eds) Security Sector Transformation in Africa, Berlin, Lit Verlag.

13 South African Government (1996) ‘White paper on national defence for the Republic of South Africa’.

14 Hendricks and Valasek (2010): 79.

15 Hendricks and Valasek (2010).


16 Molekane (1996).

17 Nontsikelelo Memela-Motumi (2011) ‘Presentation to the JSCD on: transformation, gender equity and empowerment within the DOD’, 23 June, http://www.pmg.org.za/report/20110623-transformation-gender-equity-and-empowerment-south-african-defence-fo, accessed 30 January 2012.

18 Memela-Motumi (2011).


20 Theresa Moletsane (2011) ‘Presentation on DOD’s implementation of UNSCR 1325’,the National Office for the Coordination of Peace Missions and the Chief Directorate of Gender in the Department of International Relations and Cooperation meeting on ‘United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, moving the debate beyond advocacy’, 1 November.

21 Moletsane (2011).


23 Moletsane (2011).


25 Parliamentary Monitoring Group (2011) ‘Minutes of the meeting of the JSCD – presentation by the army’, http://www.pmg.org.za/report/20110623-transformation-gender-equity-and-empowerment-south-african-defence-fo, accessed 19 July 2012.

26 Parliamentary Monitoring Group (2011) ‘Transformation, gender equity and empowerment in the South African Defence Force: briefing by Department of Defence’, http://www.pmg.org.za/report/20110623-transformation-gender-equity-and-empowerment-south-african-defence-fo, accessed 19 July 2012.

27 South Africa has been revising its white paper on peace missions, but this has yet to be approved. It has also yet to adopt a national action plan for UNSCR 1325.

28 This figure was announced at the NCOPM and DIRCO workshop on ‘United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325, moving the debate beyond advocacy’, 1 November.

29 Lindiwe Sisulu (2011) minister of defence and veterans affairs, address at parade commemorating women’s month, http://www.dod.mil.za/speeches/August per cent202011/imbizo_media_centre.htm, accessed 3 February 2012.

30 Ziphezinhle Msimango (2012) ‘The sky’s the limit: how do women cope in the macho world of the defence force?’, Sunday Times, 29 January: 16–18.

31 Cited in Msimango (2012).

32 Lindy Heinecken and Noëlle van der Waag-Cowling (2009) ‘The politics of race and gender in the South African armed forces: issues, challenges, lessons’, Commonwealth and Comparative Politics, 47(4): 517–38.

33 Cited in Heinecken and van der Waag-Cowling (2009).

34 These sentiments were reflected in a workshop held with senior ranking women in the DOD, titled ‘Leadership seminar for SANDFs women generals and Public Service Act Personnel (PSAP) directors to participate in the commemoration of the 100th anniversary of international women’s day’, 25 March 2011.

35 Madlala-Routledge (2008)

36 Cited in the Parliamentary Monitoring Group’s summary of the minutes of the meeting of the JSCD, http://www.pmg.org.za/report/20110623-transformation-gender-equity-and-empowerment-south-african-defence-fo, accessed 19 July 2012.


37 Sisulu (2011).

38 Yaliwe Clarke (2008) ‘Security sector reform in Africa: a lost opportunity to deconstruct militarised masculinities’, Feminist Africa, 10. See also Megan Bastick and Kristin Valasek (2008) Toolkit on Gender and Security Sector Reform, DCAF and INSTRAW.

39 Olivera Simic (2010) ‘Does the presence of women really matter? Towards combating male sexual violence in peacekeeping operations’, International Peacekeeping, 17(2).

40 Cheryl Hendricks’ remarks at the NATO and Club of Madrid workshop on ‘Implementation of the comprehensive report on UNSCR 1325 on women peace and security: exchanging experiences and lessons learnt with international organisations and the NGO community’, Brussels, 1 December 2011.

41 Theresa Moletsane ‘Gender training in the SANDF’, PowerPoint presentation.

42 Unpublished prospectus of the Peace Mission Training Centre.



45 Theresa Moletsane (2012) interview, 20 January.

46 Theresa Moletsane (2012)

47 Theresa Moletsane (2012)

48 A remark often made by the chief director for gender at DIRCO, Ruby Marks.


About the author

Cheryl Hendricks is a senior research fellow at the Institute for Security Stud-

ies (ISS) where she works on gender, peace and security, conflict management

and peacebuilding, SADC and South African foreign policy. She obtained her PhD

in government and international relations from the University of South Carolina

and has an MA in Southern Africa from the University of York. She represents

the ISS, as the lead for SADC Gender Protocol Alliance’s cluster on gender, peace

and security. Her publications include a co-edited book From National Libera-

tion to Democratic Renaissance, a monograph on Human Security in Southern

Africa and a co-edited monograph on Security Sector Governance in Southern

Africa. She has also recently published a discussion paper on ‘Gender and secu-

rity in Africa’.

Documents

Transformation of Gender Relations in the South African National … · 2017. 6. 2. · transformation of gender relations in the security sector. This paper focuses on the South