11624TRIBAL PEOPLES May 1982

AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

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STOCK # 10010

Copyright E 1982 by the International Bankfor Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A.

All rights reserved

Manufactured in the United States of America

This is a working document published informally by theWorld Bank. To present the results of research with theleast possible delay, the typescript has not been preparedin accordance with the procedures appropriate to formalprinted texts, and the World Bank accepts noresponsibility for errors. The publication is supplied at atoken charge to defray part of the cost of manufacture anddistibution.

The World Bank does not accept responsibility for theviews expressed herein, which are those of the authorsand should not be atibuted to the World Bank or to itsaffiliated organizations. The findings, interpretations, andcondusions are the results of research supported by theBanrk; they do not necessarily represent official policy ofthe Bank.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Goodland, Robert,1939-Tribal peoples and economic development.

"May 1982."Bibliography: p.1. Economic development projects--Social aspects.

2. Technical assistance--Anthropological aspects.3. Acculturation. 4. Detribalization. 5. World Bank.I. Title.RD82.G6174 1982 306'.3 82-11192ISBN 0-8213-0010-5

TRIBAL PEOPLES

AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

Human Ecologic Considerations

May 1982

World Bank1818 H Street, N.W.

Washington, D.C. 20433

Copyright @ 1982 by the International Bankfor Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank1818 H Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20433, U.S.A.

All rights reserved

Manufactured in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Goodland, Robert,1939-Tribal peoples and economic development.

"May 1982."Bibliography: p.1. Economic development projects--Social aspects.

2. Technical assistance--Anthropological aspects.3. Acculturation. 4. Detribalization. 5. World Bank.I. Title.HD82.G6174 1982 306'.3 82-11192ISBN 0-8213-0010-5

FOREWORD

It is estimated that, at present, there are approximately 200million tribal people, roughly 4 percent of the global population. They arefound in all regions of the world and number among the poorest of the poor.

Development projects, assisted by the World Bank, are increasinglydirected to remote, marginal areas of the rural environment and, withoutspecial precautions, will affect these peoples. It is frequently difficultto anticipate the nature and dimension of the impact that a developmentproject may have on tribal people living in these areas, especially whenthis is their first contact with the dominant society. Without precautions,the ensuing acculturation process proves prejudicial to such people.

Until relatively recently, development planning had not adequatelyaddressed the human, economic, and social aspects of the acculturation process.The World Bank has, therefore, taken a conscious, substantive look at theproblems it has encountered, and may have to face in the future, in consider-ing projects in areas where tribal people live.

The first chapter of this paper describes the problems associatedwith the development process as it affects tribal peoples. Subsequentchapters set forth why the Bank should be involved and outline the mainrequisites for meeting the human ecologic needs of tribal peoples. InAnnex 1, the paper presents general principles that are designed to assistthe Bank's staff and project designers in perceiving the issues and in in-corporating timely measures.

By taking into account the policies put forward in this paper,the Bank has reached a consensus on appropriate procedures to ensure thesurvival of tribal peoples and to assist with their development.

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This paper was prepared by Robert Goodland,with contributions by David Maybury-Lewis,Raymond Noronha, Rebecca Latimer, andFrancis Lethem, and with the editorialsupport of Margaret de Tchihatchef.

CONTENTS

Page No.

Foreword . ..................................................... iiiNotes on Terminology .......................................... vii

CHAPTER I. GENERAL POLICY

1.1 Purpose and Perspective ................................. 11.2 Projects Affecting Tribal People ........................ 41.3 Characteristics of Tribal Groups ........................ 61.4 Phases of Integration ................................... 71.5 Geographic Location of Tribal People .................... 81.6 Distinction between Tribal Groups and Peasants .... ...... 91.7 Tribal Groups as Distinct Individual Units .... .......... 9

CHAPTER II. REASONS FOR BANK INVOLVEMENT

2.1 Project Vulnerability ................................... 102.2 Bank Policy on Project Social Design .................... 112.3 Assistance to the Economically Lowest 40 Percent .... .... 112.4 International Legislation ............................... 122.5 National Legislation .................................... 122.6 Effective Use of Tropical Environments .................. 132.7 Value of Tribal Peoples' Knowledge ...................... 142.8 Moral Imperative ........................................ 15

CHAPTER III. PREREQUISITES FOR ETHNIC IDENTITY AND SURVIVAL

3.1 Fundamental Needs ........................................ 163.2 Effects of Contact ........ .......... .................... 163.3 Land .................................................... 17

3.31 Large Land Areas .................................. 183.32 Symbolic Value of Land ............................ 183.33 Legalization of Tribal Land Rights .... ............ 193.34 Creation of Reserves .............................. 19

3.4 Health .................................................. 223.41 Introduction of Disease ........................... 233.42 Alterations in Diet and Living Conditions .... ..... 233.43 Social Change ..................................... 25

3.5 Cultural Autonomy ................... .................... 273.51 Policy of Cultural Autonomy ....................... 273.52 Desired Outcome ................................... 28

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vi

Contents (continued)

Page No.

ANNEXES

1. Operational Steps for the Project Cycle ....................... 33

2. Significant Dates Concerned with Tribal People .... ............. 36

3. List of Basic International Documents ofHuman Rights ................................................... 38

4. Summary of International Documents ............................. 40

5. National Government Agencies CoordinatingTribal Affairs ................................................. 42

6. Non-Governmental Organizations Concerned withTribal Affairs ................................................. 49

7. Bibliography ................................................... 57

Section 1. Bibliography--by Author ............................ 59Section 2. Bibliography--by Subject ........................... 105Section 3. Bibliography--by Country or Region .... ............. 107

NOTES ON TERMINOLOGY

Aboriginal *: Implies having no known race preceding in the occupancy of theregion, hence also includes national peasants albeit those with a traditionalway of life.

Autochthonous *: Implies creation in that site, something created where itnow occurs.

Ethnic minority*: Broadly encompasses all those races or groups not identify-ing with the dominant race (e.g., Chinese in Malaysia).

Indigenous *: Adds to "native" the implication of not having been introducedfrom another region of the country.

Native *: Implies birth or origin in the region and, thus, includes nationalpeasants and all others born in the area.

Original *: Existing from the start; first occupants of a region.

Praescriptio longissimi temporis: The right or title acquired under commonlaw, or the process of making claim, to something by very long use and enjoyment.

Prescription: The establishment of a claim of title to something under commonlaw by use and enjoyment for a period fixed by statute.

Primitive people *: Is now not acceptable in anthropology, because of itsinaccuracy and pejorative connotation.

Transhumance: Seasonal movement of livestock and their herders accompanied bythe whole society of owners.

Tribal people *: A social group comprising families, clans, or generations,having its own customs, occupying a specific geographic territory, and beingindependent of, or having little contact with, the dominant national societyof the country in which they live.

Uncontacted: Tribal people who have had no contact whatsoever with thedominant national population of the country in which they live.

Usucapion: A mode of acquiring title to property by uninterrupted possessionof it for a definite period under a title acquired in good faith.

Usufruct: The legal right of using and enjoying the fruits or profitsof something belonging to another -- in the context of this paper, the specificgeographic territory in which tribal people live or on which they depend.

* Each of these terms encompasses a much larger and different populationthan the one intended. Four terms -- aboriginal, autochthonous, indigenous,and native -- apply to those with a traditional culture and with racialorigins in the region in which they currently reside. Therefore, theseterms also may be broadly applied to the indigenous peasants of a part-icular area. However, peasants are more a part of the national societythan the people addressed in this paper.

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CHAPTER I. GENERAL POLICY

This paper highlights the fact that certain peoples, specificallytribal, 1/ who are still living on the periphery of the dominant nationalsociety, deserve special consideration under World Bank projects, both toensure that they will benefit -- though in the longer run -- from projectspresently financed and that they will not be affected negatively bydevelopment projects.

In the case of uncontacted tribes located within the area influencedby a project (such as a highway or rural development), the Bank-s policy is toensure that the project supports means appropriate for their survival. As anext stage, and in the case of tribes at a more advanced stage of interactionwithin the nation, Bank policy is aimed at facilitating their development in away that enhances their welfare and, to the extent desired by the benefi-ciaries and the nation, preserves their identity, as well as their individualand collective rights.

It is not the Bank's policy to prevent the development of areaspresently occupied by tribal people. However, the Bank will assist projectswithin areas used or occupied by such people only if it is satisfied that bestefforts have been made to obtain the voluntary, full, and conscionable agreement(i.e., under prevailing circumstances and customary laws) of the tribal peopleor that of their advocates, and that the project design and implementationstrategy are appropriate to meet the special needs and wishes of such peoples.Assuming that tribal people will either acculturate or disappear, there aretwo basic design options: The World Bank can assist the government eitherwith acculturation, or with protection in order to avoid harm.

1.1 Purpose and Perspective

The purpose of this paper is to provide an overall perspective --i.e., background, interpretation, and rationale, supported by examples wheredesirable -- of this broad policy statement in order to assist borrowers andtheir consultants in the delicate task of designing projects, regulations, orinstitutions that take into account the special kinds of problems that arisewhen economic development impinges upon a tribal society.

The paper has three chapters. The first chapter identifies thetribal people concerned and the magnitude of the topic. The second chaptershows why special attention is needed. The third chapter outlines theparticular needs of these people to be addressed in implementing policy.Specific operational measures for the project cycle, designed to mitigate anypossible negative impact of development projects as they affect tribal lands,

1/ A definition of "tribal people" or "tribal groups" is given in sections1.2 and 1.3.

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are outlined in Annex 1. The other detailed annexes are designed to leadreaders to sources of specific information on individual tribes.

The focus of this paper is more on the groups needing most atten-tion, namely the relatively isolated tribal groups, and less on the sub-stantially acculturated tribal groups. It largely excludes acculturatedethnic minorities, since the analysis of the social consequences ofdevelopment projects upon the latter groups now is an integral part of theBank's project work (e.g., Perrett and Lethem, 1980; Rogers et al., 1980).

Tribal minorities in all parts of the world have suffered forcenturies from the adverse effects of expansion from outside into territoriesthat were formerly entirely tribal and once supported larger tribal popula-tions. This process has often led to the decimation and even to the extinc-tion of these tribal populations. 2/ This was generally accepted as aninevitable, though by no means always intentional, by-product of development.Similarly, despoliation of their renewable resources had often severed suchpeople from their economic and social bases and relegated formerly self-sufficient societies to the lowest economic level of the national society.

The reasons for this are well-known. A national society is tech-nologically and demographically more powerful than the tribal peoples itaffects. Often, such people are considered culturally inferior, and takingover their territory has been justified as "civilizing the natives" or, morerecently, as bringing development into their part of the world. Consequently,tribal lands -- the basis of tribal economies --- have been acquired or expro-priated. Upon losing their means of subsistence, tribal people are forced toseek out a living in a society that may despise them and may have little usefor their special skills.

Dominant societies have usually sought to impose their value systems,socioeconomic and cultural patterns and organizations, and language on tribalgroups. The option of tribal people to maintain their own culture and todevelop fully has not often been recognized in practice. Furthermore, tribalpeople are only partially served by the national social services available toother citizens, particularly in health, communications, and education. Thisdeprivation only serves to reinforce the low national status of tribal people,and limit their absorptive capacity for change and adaptation to new circum-stances. Where such services are available, they are often used to facilitatethe expropriation of tribal resources. Finally, more often than not, diseaseand poor levels of health and nutrition complete the demoralization anddestruction of tribal societies, especially those that are early in theintegration process.

2/ This assertion is abundantly documented worldwide -- e.g., Dostal, 1972;Bodley, 1975; Ramos, 1976; Davis, 1977; Maybury-Lewis, 1977, 1980.

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These negative consequences of inadequately planned development aresometimes justified as being the painful, but necessary, side effects of aprocess that is for the greatest good of the greatest number. The destruc-tion of weaker societies by, or for the benefit of, stronger ones correspondsto a view of social evolution that is difficult to justify legally 3/ andethically, and is inconsistent with current Bank policies concerning thebeneficial effects that Bank-assisted development projects are intended tohave for affected populations.

Tribal groups can make valuable contributions to the wider society,especially to the national society's knowledge of socioeconomic adaptations tofragile ecosystems (Amaru IV, 1980). At the same time, tribal populations can-not continue to be left out of the mainstream of development. It is incumbenton development agencies to assist in bringing the benefits of development topeople who "lie beyond the reach of traditional market forces and presentpublic services" (McNamara, 1980). Eventually, or as soon as they desire,tribal people should be as fully participatory in development as other partsof society.

Development projects need to take into account the fact that,generally, the absorptive capacity of tribal populations is lower than that ofother national populations. Therefore, the time frame for development must belonger than the usual five-year project duration. And it should be borne inmind that the unforeseen consequences of projects affecting tribal populationscan result in further loss of tribal integrity and can relegate them todestitution and dependence.

The Bank's policy is, therefore, to assist with developmentprojects that do not involve unnecessary or avoidable encroachment onto terri-tories used or occupied by tribal groups. Similarly, the Bank will notsupport projects on tribal lands, or that will affect tribal lands, unless thetribal society is in agreememt with the objectives of the project, as theyaffect the tribe, and unless it is assured that the borrower has the capabilityof implementing effective measures to safeguard tribal populations and theirlands against any harmful side effects resulting from the project.

Mitigation of the destructive effects of development on tribalpopulations requires implementation of measures towards:

1. the observance and protection of tribal areas, resources, andeconomic potential;

3/ For example, the United Nations instruments, listed in Annexes 3 and 4,which apply to signatory nations.

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2. the provision of adequate social services that take into account

specific tribal norms, particularly in health protection againstintroduced disease;

3. ensuring tribal populations' cultural integrity and the main-

tenance of their cultures to the extent they so desire; and

4. providing a forum giving the tribal society an adequate voicein decisions affecting them.

1.2 Projects Affecting Tribal People

Many types of Bank-assisted projects have a direct or indirect

effect on tribal populations. 4/ This paper does not dwell on those projects

in which tribal people were the direct recipients of aid. 5/ It seeks to

avoid potentially adverse effects in projects where the tribal groups are not

yet accorded adequate attention. Direct impact occurs when the project failsto consider the ethnic and socioeconomic distinctiveness of a tribal popula-

tion within the project area resulting in interethnic conflicts and damage to

tribal cultures. This may also lead to project delays and failure to reach

project goals. Examples of such projects are the Afghanistan First Agricul-

tural Credit Project 6/ and the Papua New Guinea New Britain Smallholder

Development Projects. 7/ Projects could have an indirect impact when tribal

populations outside the project area are affected by project works. For

example, highway construction near a tribal area could expose a tribal area

to uncontrolled settlement, armed conflict, and economic domination by outsiders,

if adequate measures are not integrated into project design.

At times, as in the Second SOCOPALM Project in Cameroon, establish-

ing a new oil palm estate, the tribal group residing within the project area

was identified (an estimated 3,000 forest-dwelling Pygmies in Ocean Depart-

ment), but no measures were provided for directing project benefits to the

4/ Such as livestock, highway (and concomitant unplanned settlement),agriculture and rural development, forestry, hydroprojects, andmining.

5/ For example, the India Commercial Forestry Project, Somalia CentralRangeland Project, and Kenya Narok Development Project.

6/ The full implications of water and water rights in a subsistence tribal

society of fiercely independent people was not fully appreciated by all

concerned (Afghan and expatriate) right from the outset of preparation,

through appraisal and initial implementation.

7/ Those settlers who were targeted for relocation shared traditionalpartisan tribal attitudes. Though the Project Authority tried to design

the layout of the subdivision so as to maximize the opportunities for

intertribal cooperation, there have been major fights in the labor

quarters on the estate as well as in the settlements.

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group, or for alleviating the potential harm that rapid social change couldcause. Where, however, tribal populations are identified and project com-ponents are designed to maximize project benefits to them -- for example, inthe Kenya Baringo Pilot Semi-Arid Areas Project -- the impact of the projectcan be continuously monitored and evaluated.

Some Bank projects do not identify tribal populations. Nor may someprojects differentiate between separate tribal groups residing within a projectarea: Project area populations may be treated as homogenous. In these cir-cumstances, a project may proceed through several stages of the project cyclebefore the existence of tribal groups becomes acknowledged. At that point, itis usually too late to redesign the project (assuming this were required) orto evaluate its impact on the tribal groups, though it may still be possibleto add components to mitigate unintended harm or to improve the chances ofbenefiting the tribal population. Systematic evaluation of the effects ofproject implementation on the tribal way of life is not yet routine. Thisreveals a significant need for improvement in project design. Project areapopulations must, therefore, be identified as part of the base-line, back-ground, or regional studies of the project cycle (Annex 1). Such practiceimplemented before the start of the project cycle will go far in achievingdevelopmental objectives of the Bank and the borrower. Table 1 below clearlyshows the magnitude of the subject of this paper. There are about 200 milliontribal people, roughly 4 percent of the world's population. Most still live inisolation.

Table 1: Percentage of World Bank Projects in South America withPossibly Some Influence on Amerindians: 1949-1978

Country Loans Credits

Bolivia 15 22Brazil 9 -Colombia 9Ecuador 2 -Guyana 8 17Paraguay 38 50Peru 8 -Venezuela 30

Note: The entries in this table consist of projects in which tribalpeople may have been mentioned in Bank documents (loan orcredit agreements), or other sources, regardless of whethersuch tribal groups were positively, negatively, or neutrallyaffected. Projects coinciding with a tribal area marked onthe few maps available also were included.

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1.3 Characteristics of Tribal Groups

The term "tribal people," often shortened to tribal or tribe, isemployed here to characterize a specific type of population. 8/ Such groupstypically have stable, low-energy, sustained-yield economic systems. Morespecifically, the people may be hunter-gatherers, shifting agriculturalists,herders, simple farmers, or fisherfolk. The populations included in thisterminology exhibit many, if not most, of the following characteristics:

a. geographical isolation or semi-isolation;

b. unacculturated or only partially acculturated into thenational society;

c. nonliterate: not possessing a written language;

d. nonmonetized or only partially monetized, largely orentirely independent of the national economic system;

e. ethnic distinctiveness from the national society;

f. linguistic difference from the national society;

g. possessed of a common territory;

h. economic base more tightly dependent on their specific environment;

i. possessing leadership, but no national representation, and few,if any, political rights.

Other terms such as "ethnic minority," "native," "indigenous,""aboriginal," and "autochthonous," although not used as the standard categori-zation for such populations in this paper, are all common in the literatureand are used on occasion in individual cases here. These terms, however, donot adequately identify the population under consideration for the reasonsoutlined in the "Notes on Terminology."

The term "tribal minority" or "tribe" narrows the indigenouspopulation politically, thus allowing the differentiation between tribalminorities and indigenous peasant populations. In some project areas, aconsiderable part of the population may be tribal. In areas such as parts ofAfrica, where the distinction is even less clear, the nine characteristicslisted above further narrow and help identify those societies to which thispaper applies.

8/ This paper avoids the anthropologists' debate about which precisedefinition of "tribe" (if any) should be used in scientific discussions(see Fried, 1975). The term is used here in a sense closer to itscommon meaning in ordinary English: that referring to small popula-tions relatively isolated from the dominant society.

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1.4 Phases of Integration

Four successive phases of acculturation or integration into thenational society may be distinguished. 9/

1. Isolated tribal groups: Completely uncontacted tribes, orthose that rarely or accidentally enter into contact withnationals. Such groups inhabit, and are dependent for sub-sistence on, lands as yet largely unpenetrated by nationalsociety. Knowledge of their existence comes from adjacentcontacted tribal groups who report their existence andlocation. Intertribal trading of nontribal goods usuallypreceeds actual contact with the national society.Health and self-sufficiency commonly characterize theseautonomous groups in their traditional habitat.

2. Semi-isolated tribal groups in intermittent contact: Contactwith the national society is restricted to specialized nationalssuch as traders or missionaries. Such tribal groups subsistthrough traditional processes and retain a large degree ofcultural autonomy. Societies in this phase have limitedeconomic relations with the national society. These relationsconsist mainly of trade (often inequitable, see 1.4.4) incommodities for those few needs that may be perceived by thetribal people at this phase. Even limited contacts can createserious risk of epidemics.

3. Permanent contact: Tribal groups maintaining some degree ofregular, permanent communication with numerous differentrepresentatives of the national society. Much of the tribe'scultural autonomy can be lost to the extent that dependency uponmanufactured goods grows and increasing participation in thenational economy disrupts tribal economic patterns. Debtbondage prevails at this stage in many areas. 10/ Many of theyounger generation may speak the national language as well astheir own.

9/ All intergrade, and progression may not be linear. These phases aredescriptive and illustrative only.

10/ The United Nations International Labour Office (ILO) and the Nobelprize-winning Amnesty International regularly document cases ofpeonage, debt bondage, indenture, corvee, and other forms of contra-vention of generally accepted international conventions (see Annex 3).

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4. Integrated: These tribal groups often serve as a reserve laborforce at the lowest level of the national economy or as special-ized producers of certain marketable commodities, Their recallof their former tribal culture is limited, and many have for-gotten their original language. They may become virtually indis-tinguishable from rural peasants. They are not fully assimilated,however, since they identify with, and are identified as, tribalpeople rather than as nationals. Some tribes may eventually loseeven a residual sense of tribal identification and become indis-tinguishably incorporated into the dominant society. In some cases,a tribal group can be so integrated as to be technically consideredextinct as a distinct culture and society.

This paper is concerned primarily with small groups in the firstthree phases. People in the fourth phase and tribal groups that are numeri-cally significant -- the Quechua and Aymara in Bolivia and Ecuador, wherealmost one-third of the population is Amerindian -- are accorded appropriateassistance, in principle, under standard Bank procedures. Societies in thefirst or uncontacted phase are rare and vulnerable. Special care, as will beoutlined later, must be exercised, until they enter the second phase someyears after satisfactory contact. In contrast, societies in the second andthird phases are relatively more stable if left alone, so that they canacculturate at their own pace, Such societies are the main focus of thispaper, as they will be affected, to some extent, by an increasing number ofprojects, for which the Bank's assistance is sought, and cannot, the borrowerand the Bank agree, be sited elsewhere. The paper describes why specialattention is necessary in such cases. It outlines measures that will preventor mitigate possible harm to the tribal society affected by such projects, aswell as that will benefit it and facilitate its socioeconomic self-reliancewithin the dominant society.

This paper sets forth, in a general way, the problems and principlesthat affect, to different degrees, all tribal minorities, It attempts tostrike a balance between too general a treatment and a narrowly specific casestudy. It provides a succinct perspective of the main issues.

1.5 Geographic Location of Tribal People

The uncontacted and semi-isolated tribal groups in the first andsecond phases have maintained an environmentally balanced way of life andcultural individuality partly because their remote location has, untilrecently, protected them from external contact and influence. Some groups havefled, or been pushed, into more remote areas where they may have been able toreestablish their economic and cultural independence. All the six regions,into which the Bank has organized its operational work, contain tribal peopleat various stages of integration. Areas that are still partially inhabited bytribal groups in the first three phases include Amazonia, the equatorial high-lands of South America, parts of Central America and Southeast Asia and thePacific, and parts of Africa. Bank loans to these areas, both for sectors andfor projects, are increasing.

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1.6 Distinction between Tribal Groups and Peasants

Semi-isolated or uncontacted tribal groups differ fundamentallyfrom the national population and from the peasants in that population, withwhom they are often erroneously classified in development planning. Tribalsocieties may not recognize or appreciate state sovereignty over them.They function apart from, or on the periphery of, the larger world economicsystem.ll/ The national peasant population, on the other hand, is linkedintimately with that economic system.

The term "peasant is usually applied to small farmers who, thoughproducing at little more than at subsistence level, sell some surplus to themarket. They and the rural poor perceive themselves as part of the nationalsociety and have varying degrees of political and economic power.

1.7 Tribal Groups as Distinct Individual Units

Tribal groups differ not only from peasants, but also from oneanother. Distinct customs, rites, social structures, and methods of foodproduction often exist among tribal groups who share similarities of geo-graphic location or language.

Development planning may benefit such people when they participatein the planning, if the differences between distinct tribal groups and culturesare clearly recognized. The common problems they face, particularly thoserelating to land and health, require solutions tailored to the specificcircumstances of each tribe. Land needs and carrying capacities, for example,are difficult to calculate and require the collaboration of specialists suchas anthropologists, ecologists, and agronomists to be effective. Such calcula-

tions require a knowledge of tribal land and patterns of resource use, of thepotentialities and carrying capacity of the land itself, of the likely pace ofadoption of technological innovations by the tribal people, and of the likelyecological and economic changes coming to the area. The land needs of atribal group that relies heavily on hunting and gathering -- such as theShavante of Central Brazil (Maybury-Lewis, 1967), the Yanomamo of Roraima,Northern Brazil (Taylor, 1979; Albert and Zaquini, 1979), the Pygmy ofCameroon, or the Gonds of Madhya Pradesh, India -- are markedly different fromthose of agricultural peoples. For example, in a year spent with the Shavante(1958-59), Maybury-Lewis noted that they spent an aggregate of only three weeksin the year on agricultural activities. Yet, such groups as the Shavante haveprogressively been able to turn to shifting and then to settled agriculture,with a corresponding change in the extent and kind of land that is available tothem. The problem is thus one of predicting such changes (which are compelledby the unavoidable presence of the dominant population or by a developmentproject) and of assisting in designing measures to benefit equitably allparties concerned.

11/ Tribal people have on occasion been the major source of goods for theworld economic system as was the case in the Brazilian rubber boomof the late nineteenth century.

CHAPTER II. REASONS FOR WORLD BANK INVOLVEMENT

Increased attention by the World Bank to the design of projectcomponents appropriate for the recuperation or restoration of a tribal society-- including welfare, survival, and preservation of tribal groups who havebeen, or are being or may in the future be, affected by Bank-assisted develop-ment projects -- is merited for several reasons. Failure to design componentsof projects to benefit these poorest of the poor in developing member nationswidens the gap between nationals and the tribal people, and may even result inthe destruction of the tribal people. Thus, it is first a matter of equity.The problem is large in numbers of tribal groups and will worsen as thenational population grows, and as ever more marginal land is tackled bydevelopment. Another major justification for the Banks concern is the greatpotential value of tribal knowledge of management of marginal lands: anincreasing investment opportunity contributing significantly to the dominantsociety. Other reasons for such special attention relate to the vulnerabilityof projects affecting tribal people, Bank policy on the social design ofprojects, and national and international legislation.

2.1 Project Vulnerability

Failure to understand customary tribal rights to land will usuallyresult in considerable implementation delays. For instance, formal legalprocedures that provide national governments with the right to acquire landare no guarantee that, in practice, no obstacles will arise to such acquisi-tion. The design of the Kenya Forest Plantations Project assumed that4,000 acres to 5,000 acres of agricultural land could easily be acquired forthe project. In practice, acquisition proved extremely difficult: The landwas subject to communal tenure by several groups who jealously guarded theirrights to use the land. Similarly, the Madagascar Beef Cattle DevelopmentProject design assumed that grazing land in the project area was uninhabitedand, because modern law recognized only one title to land in the area, it wasassumed that the villagers had grazing rights. In practice, the assumptionsproved expensively erroneous. Ethiopia-s Amibara Irrigation Project wasbelatedly discovered to be in a zone contested by two different ethnic groups,the Afars and the Issas.

Tribal groups may also, at some future date, resort to legal actionto claim reinstatement of their original territories or compensation for theloss of these lands, if they were acquired in a manner inconsistent withacceptable customary laws and practice. There is ample precedent for this in

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recent cases -- for example, in the States of Wisconsin, New York, Maine, andWashington in the United States, 1/ and in Australia and Papua New Guinea.

In ultimate analysis, consideration of tribal rights safeguardsproject implementation. Projects that prejudice tribal peoples- tenure oftheir current or traditional territories could be vulnerable to such litiga-tion or judicial process. Consequently, the long-term viability of a projectis open to doubt.

2.2 Bank Policy on Project Social Design

Since the Bank's new policy direction of 1973, its project designhas placed a higher priority on the consideration of the social impact ofprojects upon poverty-level populations. Indigenous groups merit this atten-tion in project planning at least as much as do other target populations.However, in the past, little or no systematic attention was given to tribalpeoples per se in Bank-assisted projects. Tribal groups who may be affectedby projects must now be identified as a matter of routine as part of theprocess of project identification and preparation. They must also be identi-fied as part of country economic or sector work (Annex 1).

2.3 Assistance to the Economically Lowest 40 Percent

The sharing of tribal people in project benefits is critical, sincewithout them any tribal societies in or near a project will inevitably fallinto the lowest socioeconomic level of the national society. Beyond mereavoidance of harm to tribal groups, development assistance can actuallyencourage and strengthen, when appropriate, the productive capabilities oftribal groups already involved to some degree with the national economy.Project plans should also allow for an adequate pace necessary for the assimi-lation of recently contacted groups and their adjustment to the new circum-stances. This essential process is usually difficult and often protracted.

1/ The compensatory proposal in U.S. vs. Maine, filed in 1977 on behalfof the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy tribal people, whose lands were expro-priated by the State in the nineteenth century, include 300,000 acresand $25 million. In 1978, the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy of Maine wereawarded $37 million by the federal government with which to purchase100,000 acres (40,500 ha.) of timberland to compensate for landsobtained from them in violation of the Indian Non-intercourse Act of 1790.Another suit filed December 5, 1979, the Oneida Indian Nation of Wisconsinvs. the State of New York, involves the return of 5 million acres to theOneida nation. No fewer than eight other such cases are now pending(Guppy, 1980.)

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2.4 International Legislation

International covenants, agreements, and other legislation (listedin Annexes 3 and 4) require protection of traditional tribal land tenure, theobservance of social and cultural rights, and the option to maintain one'sculture. These rights apply also to tribal minority groups. Ethnic minoritygroups have an internationally recognized right to their cultural traditions,history, and literature. However, in today's rapidly populating world andparticularly in projects involving resettlement or sweeping cultural, economic,or environmental changes, the cultural integrity of tribal people is threatenedunless special measures are implemented. The Bank, as an affiliate of theUnited Nations, should prudently be assured that those borrowers who aresignatory to the UN charter are complying with the spirit of the United Nationscharter, international covenants, treaties, and agreements, when it lends forprojects affecting tribal people. Clearly, the Bank cannot assist borrowerswith projects if tribal groups may be seriously harmed thereby.

2.5 National Legislation

Many nations have enacted legislation recognizing the unique statusof tribal populations and providing for special protection of tribal areas,including restrictions on the power of nontribals to obtain tribal lands.Despite this legislation, however, breaches of tribal rights regularly occurand enforcement of rights has been slow. Numerous borrowers do not havelegislation recognizing the rights of tribal groups, or they accord to tribalsa status akin to minors or wards of the state. In these circumstances, tribalpeoples have neither the right to determine their future nor the ability tocontrol their destiny.

One basic principle which the Bank has adopted is that members oftribal populations within a Bank-assisted project area should have equalitywith their fellow citizens as provided for by the national legislation. But,in view of the initially vulnerable status of tribal peoples, special measuresare necessary.

Where legislation that is consistent with international conventionsor the UN charter exists, project design will assist in implementing suchlegislation to the extent that Bank projects may affect tribal areas. Whereno legislation exists, the Bank will discuss with the borrower how the risksof the investment may be decreased and the design improved by, for example,the enactment of legislation before the project becomes effective. Or theBank may include project covenants that would accord affected tribal groupsan appropriate status with nontribals, as well as any necessary measures toprotect tribal culture and resource bases.

Since many countries usually permit nationals to obtain rights toland by prescription -- that is, through open and unhindered, continuous use of

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land for a determined number of years 2/ -- these rights should also beaccorded to tribal societies. 3/ Tribal claims to the land that tribalpopulations have occupied and used for generations by prescription shouldbe an additional alternative available to them. Claims by prescription canand should be extended to include the traditional usage made of the land,whether farming, grazing, transhumance, nomadism, hunting, gathering orshifting agriculture.

2.6 Effective Use of Tropical Environments

Since there are few short-term and no long-term standards forsuccessful occupation by outsiders (nontribal) of marginal tropical wetforest regions still inhabited by tribal groups, it would be valuable for theworld as a whole to learn how tribal people manage such ecosystems. Thetraditional, tribal way of life sustainably manages the renewable resources inthe harsh and complex tropical environment, while leaving the resource baseintact. Unlike tribal societies, both agroindustrial groups and peasantfarmers have shown themselves almost totally unable to manage sustainably andproduce effectively in such environments. 4/

2/ Including "usucapion," "squatters rights," "praescriptio longissimitemporis," or other provisions. Subsoil (mineral), forestry, and spacerights also may have to be reconciled between national legislation andtraditional usufruct.

3/ Tribal societies are beginning to hire legal expertise to defend theirinterests especially in this regard.

4/ Five admittedly somewhat circumstantial pieces of evidence are adducedfor the assertion that tribal people can manage sustainably the tropicalwet forest ecosystem in a way that nontribal people have not yet beenable to achieve.

The prime evidence that tribal people have this ability is that they havedone so for millennia and, where left unmolested, they continue to besuccessful.

Second, these environments, by and large, are inhabited by tribal peopleeffecting no harm to the ecosystem.

Third, the technique adopted for this ecosystem by outsiders is to liqui-date the resource for short-term profit, forcing the tribal people tomove on to another tract. Not only does this technique ruin the resource

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2.7 Value of Tribal Peoples Knowledge

Tribal peoples are not only familiar with the thousands of biologicalspecies in their ecosystems, but they also understand ecological interrelationsof the various components of their resource base better than do most modernforesters, biologists, agronomists, and ecologists. Indigenous knowledge isessential for the use, identification, and cataloging of the biota. Muchknowledge accumulated by tribal people regarding ethnopharmacology, the iden-tity, location, and mode of use of myriad foodstuffs and drug plants, animals,cures for specific ailments and prevention of many more, contraceptives,abortifacients, arrow poisons, and fish-stunning substances remains unknown toscientists.

The use made to date of tribal environmental knowledge has focusedalmost exclusively on single items such as quinine, reserpine, and othermedicinal or chemical products known to the tribal society and useful to

base, but it promotes population growth to exceed carrying capacity. Theliterature is replete with accounts of unsuccessful developments in thistype of environment (e.g., Kirby, 1978; Mahar, 1979; Goodland, 1980).

Fourth, successful examples of colonization by nationals are eitherexceedingly rare (Sanchez, 1976), or they depend on outside capital forenergy-intensive and never-ending inputs (e.g., petroleum, biocides, andfertilizers), or they are too premature to be judged.

Fifth, where nontribal people are cut off from external sources of foodand other supplies by accident, they starve unless they are assisted bythe local tribal people. For example, since around 1976, in the Peruvianand Swiss-financed Jenaro Herrera Project, colonists at Angamos on theYavari River in Peru often run short of food between deliveries,because enough food is still not grown in the project area. Projectofficials and colonists nominally barter, but more usually purloin foodfrom the Matses (Mayoruna) tribal people. The Matses live in preciselythe same environment but, even with primitive tools and no outside inputs(Romanoff, 1980), they thrive enough to tolerate the demands of the muchbetter equipped colonists. Improved subsistence with modest surplusproduction is one model for tribes after initial contact before theybecome resilient enough to withstand the dominant society withoutlosing their cultural identity. Another case, though still contro-versial, relates to the use by nomadic people of the grazing potential ofdesertic areas. Findings of anthropologists of the International LivestockCenter for Africa (ILCA) and of a number of Bank staff suggest thattraditional herd management techniques may be more ecologically balanced(Horowitz, 1979).

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Western science, regardless of ecological context. However, tribal knowledgeencompasses the ecosystem in its entirety, including the interdependence offloral and faunal species, the specificities of microzones and their inter-faces, seasonal and longer-term variations in plant and animal life, repro-duction, growth, movement, and productivity: These aspects of tribalknowledge are almost always ignored. This is in large part because of a lackof perception by nontribal people, combined with difficulties of communica-tion and the disdain with which tribal knowledge is often regarded bynationals.

Tribal people are the repository of accumulated experience passed onby word of mouth and, thus, permanently record their experiences and knowledgein a form inaccessible to outsiders. Therefore, as tribal groups disappear,their vast knowledge vanishes with them. Only as tribal people 5/ are theyequipped with the necessary values, knowledge, and organization to managesuccessfully the resources of marginal ecosystems. The preservation of thesegroups, therefore, is a significant economic opportunity for the nation, not aluxury. They are at the forefront of knowledge of the management of marginalenvironments and can contribute to the national society. Sustainable exploi-tation of ecosystems often considered marginal is becoming increasinglynecessary for national societies and the world as a whole. Capitalization onthese unique strengths is highly desirable for economic development.

2.8 Moral Imperative

Clearly, the Bank accepts that entire tribes of human beings mustnot be sacrificed to the goal of economic development, particularly whencertain human groups have shown that well-being is not necessarily equatedwith material wealth; nor should the technically more powerful abuse therights or way of life of the technically less powerful. Since society as awhole lacks effective means of controlling people's abuse of each other and ofnature, a most urgent need is to establish means for continued coexistence,respecting human ecological values, welfare, and integrity of peoples as wellas the environments they manage. Any such means includes the preservation ofbiotic and human diversity. Annihilation of any existing human groups bywhatever means, especially when their cultural expression has demonstratedharmony with the supporting environment, will impoverish humanity as a whole.

5/ Not as assimilated or extribal people. Some acculturated tribal peoplestill see themselves as tribal (e.g., Navajo, Inuit, Xavante).

CHAPTER III. PREREQUISITES FOR ETHNIC IDENTITY AND SURVIVAL

Certain basic needs must be acknowledged and accommodated if tribalgroups are to benefit from -- rather than being harmed by -- development

projects. These fundamental needs are equally important, and each must be metfor continued physical, socioeconomic, and cultural survival in the face ofdevelopment.

3.1 Fundamental needs

The four fundamental needs of tribal societies relate to autonomyand participation, to conditions that will maintain their culture and theirethnic identity to the extent they desire: (a) recognition of territorialrights, (b) protection from introduced disease, (c) time to adapt to thenational society, and (d) self-determination. Clearly, freedom of choiceis worthless without understanding the implications of the given alterna-tives and the ability to choose between them. That is why tribal peoplemust be allowed time to make their own adjustments at their own pace, andmust be given the opportunity to learn about the wider society and to gaina place for themselves within it.

The needs of tribal groups, outlined in this chapter, differ cri-tically from those of other rural and urban populations for whom Bank-assistedprojects are usually designed, and from the experience of most development andproject planners. Further, social needs differ also among tribal groupsthemselves as mentioned in Chapter I. For this reason, each project affectingsuch peoples must be designed to meet the specific needs of the tribal groupswithin or near the project area.

3.2 Effects of Contact

Particular problems occur and needs are evident in cases of uncon-tacted tribal groups. While there are only a few such groups remaining in theworld today, special action is necessary if they are in the area of influenceof any project considered by the Bank. These special measures do not apply tothe more acculturated peoples who are more frequently affected by developmentprojects. The contacting process, also known euphemistically as "pacification"or "attraction," poses serious risks for the survival of such tribal groups.In some cases, their physical flight from a contact team can so disrupt thenormal economic and social life of the group as to leave them underfed,weakened both physically and psychologically, and highly vulnerable to diseaseparticularly when newly introduced to different circumstances. Whether ornot actual flight occurs, the risk from introduced disease is common andserious. This is in part because of the special difficulties of implementingpreventive or curative health services for a group unaccustomed to suchoutside attention.

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This situation becomes especially critical when the newly contactedgroup is brought into more or less immediate contact with nationals in additionto the original contact team. Records from various parts of the world documentsevere and rapid depopulation as an immediate, though not always direct, con-sequence of contact, Examples of this are the Kreenakrore, Surui, andParakanan Amerindian groups in Brazil (Dostal, 1972; Seeger, 1980), all con-tacted in the last twenty years; the Semang and Sakai in Malaysia; theAndaman Islanders and the Todas and Kathodis in India; the Pygmies in Zaire; andthe Igorottes in the Philippines. In fact, contact has inevitably resulted ina considerable loss of life among the tribal group involved. A number ofprecautions must, therefore, be taken if this risk is at least to be held toa minimum and appropriate procedures must be tailored to each specific case.

3.3 Land

The first and fundamental need for tribal survival and culturalviability is continued habitation in and use of the traditional land areas.The tribe's economic resource management, sociopolitical organization, andbelief systems are tightly woven into the particular land areas inhabitedand used to obtain and produce all necessities. The members of a tribe areintimately familiar with locations of different game animals and their habits,as well as the vegetation within the traditional range, Maintaining thetraditional land-based patterns of environmental adaptation is essential tothe perpetuation of most aspects of the tribal way of life.

3.31 Large Land Areas

Tribal lands include not only areas which are obviously inhabited ata given time, but others that may be used or occupied only intermittently insupra-annual cycles. Hunter-gatherers -- the Kalahari in Southern Africa andAustralian Bushmen, for example -- range over wide areas and exploit themsystematically (Maybury-Lewis, 1967). Pastoralists, such as the Masai in Kenyaand Tanzania, the Fulani in Nigeria, the Bedouins of Cyrenaica in north-easternLibya, the Shah Saran of Iran, and the Gujjars of Northwest India, require largeareas of land which may seem to the casual visitor to be unoccupied. Shiftingagriculturalists, like the Kalinga of the Philippines, also leave large fallowareas to recuperate before replanting.

To the extent that tribal groups inhabit marginal areas, muchlarger land areas may be required to support the population than would be thecase in more fertile regions. When common shifting-agriculture methodsare used, new areas are needed for clearance every two to five years whenweeds encroach and yields decline. This method of tropical forest land usedoes not damage the environment when practiced by an appropriate number ofpeople, since exhausted soils have time to recuperate while other tracts areplanted. The isolation and small size of the cleared areas avoids excessiveerosion and accelerates regrowth of forest. Tribal societies practicing suchsystems have traditionally developed population control which enables thesociety to stay within the techno-environmental carrying capacity of the land.

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Tribal people have the knowledge to select more fertile areas and avoid lessproductive soils. Nontribal settlers without sophisticated agriculturalextension lack such selective ability.

Intertribal exchanges are often carried out over long distances.Tribal people may travel weeks or even months on hunting or trading expedi-tions. Limitations on such routes used for such necessary travel and fortranshumance will damage tribal viability.

Modern legal concepts of "private" property are inapplicable totribal land-use patterns, since land is owned in common and parcels of landare used intermittently. The solution of corporate ownership is outlinedlater in this chapter. Governments have often acquired lands used by tribalpeople on the assumption that they were uninhabited wasteland. In theprocess, they have often disrupted the larger human-land equilibrium systemsevolved by the tribal cultures (Bodley, 1975). When land-use patterns areradically altered, traditional tribal economic and social organizations,authority, and belief systems are inevitably impaired.

3.32 Symbolic Value of Land

Along with economic significance, the traditional land base holdsimportant symbolic and emotional meaning for tribal people. It is the repositoryfor ancestral remains, group origin sites, and other sacred features closelylinked to tribal economic systems.

The Kalinga and Bontoc tribes in the Philippines completely identifywith their physical environment. They are part of a complex andwell-balanced ecosystem. Their economic and social life is based onthe old hand-built rice paddy terraces formed out of the steepmountain slopes along the Chico River. The economic forces tyingpeople to their land also tie them to their traditions because theattachment to the land is more than economic and organizational.The particular land areas were constructed by their ancestors andare, they believe, where the sacred spirits dwell.

The relocation changes that now confront these Philippine tribalpeople are more devastating than changes in the sixteenth centurywhen nomadic slash-and-burn farmers transformed themselves intosettled rice cultivators. Then, they were still able to inhabitlands that were the center of their life, continuing their self-sufficiency. Now, they are under pressure to relinquish the terri-torial foundations that have been the basis of their cultural andeconomic survival (S.E. Asia Resource Center, 1979; Rocamora, 1975).

Similarly in Brazil, attempts by the National Indian Foundation(FUNAI) to transfer the Nambiquara out of the Guapore valley into aninappropriate reserve generally resulted in failure. The Nambiquara's

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refusal to move involved not only the natural resource scarcityin the new area, which was savanna rather than forest, but alsothe fact that they would lose touch with the land where theirdead had been buried (Price, 1977a, b.)

3.33 Legalization of Tribal Land Rights

Land rights, access to traditional lands, and maintenance of trans-humant routes are vital to the economic, social, and psychological well-beingof individual tribal members, as well as for the maintenance of the group'scultural stability. Those national governments that are signatory to the UNcharter and require Bank assistance can be guided by the UN Declaration ofHuman Rights, 1948 (Annexes 3 and 4) on tribal issues and land title. This isoften difficult to accomplish because most tribal peoples hold land in common,demarcated only in the perception of their members. Land is regarded as acommon good, to which individuals have rights of use, but which cannot bealienated. The tenure is in the nature of a trust in which all members --dead, living, and unborn -- are cosharers. Communal title, or group tenure,may need legislative innovation on the part of a nation; such innovations areneither unknown nor especially difficult. The Bank can discuss tribalpolicies with governments, which would act to implement agreed policies.

In India, the concept of Hindu joint family property, where eachmale member of a joint family had a fluctuating share in the property (andthis included conceived, though yet unborn, males), closely approximatesthe concept of communal tenure. This system has been recognized in law forseveral centuries and now has been incorporated into "modern" law. In 1946,it was proposed that group tenure in the U.S. Trust Territory of the PacificIslands be recognized and controlled, as a trust, by a Land Control Board.Similarly, in Fiji "native land" has been successfully controlled by theNative Land Trust Board. All native lands -- that is, lands formerly used oroccupied by the various tribes of Fiji at the time of British conquest in thelast century -- were converted into trust territory and controlled by theBoard. The exercise has provided a remarkable example of the careful useof tribal lands to promote development. As in the case of communal tenureamong other tribal populations, native land in Fiji cannot be alienated; onlylimited leases can be created with the approval of the Board.

Further, many transhumant migrations are regular, their routes arewell-defined and can be demarcated. It should not, therefore, be difficultto grant these tribal people rights of way or easements recognized by law.In most countries, rights of way resulting from continuous use are part of thegeneral law available to all persons. These rights cover both private andpublic use of lands.

3.34 Creation of Reserves

In some cases, the creation of a tribal reserve may be the mostfeasible means of protecting a tribal group whose culture is endangered by

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national intrusion, or by a development project, mainly in order to providetime necessary for adaptation. Reserve creation may be vital for tribes inthe early first and second phases of integration, and in special cases forsocieties in the third phase. Such a reserve should function as a securebase, providing the tribe time and space to make its own adaptations; not asa prison in which the tribe is confined. In many cases, land held in reservestatus could quite simply be transformed into title held communally by thetribe or, in the early stages of contact, in trust by the national government.Most countries lack such legislative mechanisms, although they are not diffi-cult to draw up. This is the spirit of the Peruvian law of Native Peoples of1974. Recently contacted tribal groups, when their lands are protected asreserves, can receive some medical attention for introduced disease and someprotection against encroachment by outsiders. In Brazil, the living condi-tions of tribal people on reserves are generally better than among those whohave lost their lands. Health benefits, however meager, derived from theestablishment of reserves are critical to the physical well-being of tribalgroups (Ramos, 1976a). Although the reserve becomes less necessary as thetribal society becomes able to tolerate or withstand the pressures of thenational society, title to their lands remains fundamental.

A major drawback to the establishment of reserves is tribal exposureto the national authorities who, usually out of ignorance, may encourage orenforce possibly well-intentioned, though often detrimental, modifications oftraditional practices. Disruption occurs when a government removes a tribe toa new area in order to resettle it on a reserve and then administers thatreserve. The ecological setting usually is quite different on the reservation,movement is usually restricted, and nomadic groups suddenly are forced tobecome sedentary. Religious and cultural practices are usually modified.Even the type of crops planted may be determined beforehand by governmentrepresentatives. The procedures for involuntary resettlement formulated bythe Bank will alleviate these problems. 1/

1/ The Bank tries to avoid involuntary resettlement whenever feasible.Where relocation is unavoidable (for instance, in the case of largeconstruction projects, such as dams, irrigation schemes, ports andairports, new towns and highways), a well prepared resettlement planshould be drawn up in accordance with principles that leave room forconsiderable flexibility in the solutions and implementation that aremost suitable in any particular case. Where only a few people are tobe relocated, appropriate compensation for assets, coupled witharrangements for removal and a relocation grant may suffice. In thecase of large numbers of people, or whole communities, the resettle-ment plan would include compensation as one principal element, aswell as relocation and establishment in a new area, or integrationwith existing communities in an already settled area. The majorobjective is to ensure that settlers are afforded opportunities tobecome established and economically self-sustaining in the shortestpossible period at living standards that match those before resettle-ment; that the settlers social and cultural institutions aresupported and their own initiative is encouraged; and that the new

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Enforced "primitivism" is also a disruptive policy occasionallypracticed on a reservation. This policy is often followed either to promotetourism, since "primitive" costumes, houses, and crafts are tourist attrac-tions, or it is defended as a means of preserving the tribe's culturalidentity. However, whereas enforced "primitivism" is always damaging,elective "primitivism" can be beneficial as in the case of the Cunas ofPanama. Minority culture never has been a static entity which must be pre-served exactly as it is found or as it is believed to have been. Rather it isa dynamic reality that should be provided with conditions adequate for develop-ment in a natural and progressive manner. Cultural continuity should beencouraged in all spheres, but the choice of whether to continue to modify oldways should be left to the tribal people themselves and not imposed upon them.Two examples of enforced "primitivism" are:

On the Matigsalug reservation in the Simod area of Bukidnonon Mindanao (Philippines), the Monobos are required to weartribal costumes and build tulugan tribal houses without theuse of nails.

The Higaunons in the Salug reservation in Agusan, Mindanao,had to consent to the bulldozing of their substantial houses,some made of concrete blocks, to qualify for assistance fromthe Office of the Presidential Assistant on NationalMinorities (PANAMIN) (Rocamora, 1979).

The reservation system easily accommodates these practices andsystems of exploited labor, as the reservation is usually located in a remotearea and its inhabitants have little legal recourse or representation athigher political levels. The administration of the reservation representsthe government and enforces government policy; it may not be inclined, or evenable, to respond to the interests of the inhabitants. If the tribal group hasno channel through which to articulate its rights and needs, abuses are likelyto occur. The major problem with the creation of reserves is that, as cur-rently practised, control of the tribe and its lands is transferred to out-siders -- be they government administrators or a specially appointed group.The role these administrators generally play is one of pacification, theresolution of disputes within the tribe, and the partial prevention of contactwith the national society. Few administrators have readily moved from atraditional "law and order" concept of their role to one that is more develop-ment oriented. In these circumstances, the socioeconomic gap widens between

area should be one in which the skills and aptitudes of theinvoluntary settlers can be readily employed. Important considera-tions include access to land, markets, employment, the provision ofneeded services and infrastructure in the new area. Carefulpreparatory work with the involuntary settlers, the host community,and their respective leaders prior to the move is of primaryimportance.

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the tribe and the nationals. Bank emphasis on strengthening the tribal agencyand tribal administrators in member governments is more appropriate than forthe Bank to assume a leading role in tribal affairs.

The most successful means by which a reservation could form thebasis of tribal development is, first, and as early as possible, to leave thegovernance of the tribe and its resources to the tribe itself as it was beforethe reserve was created. Second, administrators should act as facilitators,bringing to the tribe the protection, benefits, or specially designed educationand health programs it may request. Third, the administrators and, eventually,the tribal leaders should have the power to defend tribal lands against in-cursions by outsiders. It is only when tribal people are accorded equalityunder the law 2/ and have the capability to choose their own destiny thatthey can contribute fully to the national society. All this will be difficult,time consuming, and not amenable to acceleration. Tribal representativescapable of dealing with administrators, nationals, and the government, as wellas with communal title are pivotal to survival. Though examples are few, itcan be done: The Gavioes in Amazonia (Brazil) requested the tribal agent tooperate only outside the reservation gates in one year, bought and managedtheir own truck the next, and started hiring nontribal day laborers thefollowing year.

3.4 Health

After recognition of title to land, the maintenance and protectionof health standards is the second 3/ fundamental prerequisite to the tribe'ssurvival. The process of development can so disrupt life that new and oldhealth and disease problems develop. In normal circumstances, an individualcan interact with disease-carrying agents without suffering ill effects.Health is a continuing property that can be measured by the individual'sability to rally from a wide range and amplitude of changes or disruption,that is to say, "... any chemical, physical, infectious, psychological, orsocial demand to respond or adapt ... " (Audy 1971, 1973; Appell, 1981).Illness occurs when resistance is lowered in any way.

Indigenous medicine in tribal areas has usually controlled endemicdiseases and met the needs of the tribal society in its traditional habitat.Therefore, the object of health measures within the context of development isto foster existing therapies, to introduce appropriate new repertoires, andto avoid the introduction of unfamiliar diseases and conditions that mightdisrupt existing standards of health. Three major factors impair indigenoushealth: first, transmission of disease; second, modification of diet andliving conditions; and third, social change and stress. These factors disruptthe normal levels of community health of the tribal people compared withneighboring peasants, as well as lower resistance and increase vulnerabilityto disease.

2/ Either as individuals, families, or larger groupings. Legal recognitionof "pastoralist groups" was deemed an essential precondition to imple-mentation of Bank-assisted livestock projects in Chad and Niger.

3/ Except in the rare cases of "first contact," in which healthmeasures are initially most urgent.

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3.41 Introduction of Disease

First, health is jeopardized by the introduction, usually accidental,of diseases to which the tribal people have had little or no exposure, eitherindividually or throughout the tribe's genetic history. In such exceptionallyhomozygous populations, severe and often fatal reactions to pathogens whichare innocuous to the national society must be anticipated. The literature ontribal groups is filled with accounts of contracted illnesses and frequentdeaths due to contact with outsiders. In fact, the staggering populationlosses among Amerindians in Brazil after the intrusion of European settlers --from 230 tribes in 1900 to about half that in 1980 -- were caused more bydisease and starvation, than by conflict.

In 1500, there were an estimated 6 million to 9 millionAmerindians in Brazil. Today barely 200,000 survive -- anattrition rate of two million people per century.

In the 1930s, there were between 2,000 and 3,000 Nambiquaraof the Guapore valley in Mato Grosso, Brazil. In the late1960s, a road (Cuiaba-Porto Velho) cut through theirterritory and large-scale cattle ranching operations wereestablished. By 1972, more than 20 agribusiness projectswere promoted in the region by fiscal incentives from SUDAM(Superintendency for the Development of Amazonia). Diseasesalmost completely exterminated the Nambiquara to the pointthat, in two of the Guapore valley groups, the entire popula-tion younger than 15 years was killed by influenza andmeasles (Ramos, 1979; Ribeiro, 1956).

Since disease can be transferred to the tribal group by any inter-change with outsiders -- such as project laborers and the use of their water,food, supplies, or clothing, or by other tribes who have been exposed topathogens--protection or isolation is essential until a massive vaccinationcampaign can be implemented. Medical screening of all project workers is,therefore, imperative.

3.42 Alterations in Diet and Living Conditions

Clearly, health is significantly affected by diet and, particularly,by sudden changes in it. Frequently, tribal peoples are compelled to adjustto sharp dietary changes. This adaptation is often due to loss of land,with consequent changes in the traditional manner of its exploitation; torelocation to a different environment and, therefore, alterations in foodavailability; to an increase in wage or debt-bondage labor resulting ininadequate time to work their own lands; or to higher purchases of manufacturedor processed foods. The changes are accompanied by malnutrition, dentaldecay, and lowered resistance to disease (particularly measles, for which noimmunity has been developed, and the heightened action of malarial and otherparasites). Caries and other dental abnormalities are conspicuously absentor rare among tribal people who have retained traditional diets (Bodley,1975). Dietary changes also result from the disruption of traditional tradesystems and routes.

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In the late 1950s and early 1960s, an increase in endemiccretinism, a birth defect, was noted among the people ofthe Jimi valley in Papua New Guinea. The first cases ofendemic cretinism began to appear shortly after contactwith government patrols, and the incidence of the diseaseincreased rapidly with more contact.

Investigations revealed that early government patrolsrewarded with salt (deficient in elemental iodine) allservices rendered by the indigenous inhabitants. Theprecontact era salt traded into the Jimi valley byneighboring indigenous groups was a distillate extremelyrich in iodine. Contact had disrupted the efficienttrading arrangements. The deprivation of a significantiodine supplement manifested itself by the appearance ofcases of endemic cretinism.

Contact with dominant groups also results in dietary damage amongtribal people who desire to imitate the food habits of the dominant groupand, thereby, seek to enhance their own status within the wider society.

Before the dominance of the more Hinduized groups in Nepal,tribal groups like the Tamang, Magar, and Sherpa consumed meat.Today, increasing numbers of these tribes are giving up meatwith the result that their present diets do not provide thenutritional balance they formerly enjoyed. Further, as aresult of the growing reluctance to slaughter animals, thenumber of livestock has far exceeded the carrying capacity ofthe land, which is fast deteriorating.

Whether the result of relocation or willing adoption of new modes oflife, sudden change usually is detrimental to health. For example, influenzaswept the Pacific Islands after the islanders were compelled to adopt clotheson the grounds of modesty. Clothes were worn, but no advice was tendered thatthey had to be changed and washed regularly. Colds and influenza were theconsequence. Again, in relocation, tribal houses have been constructed toprovide accommodation only for nuclear families (as in the unsuccessfulattempt to settle the Shah Sevan of Iran), or they have been constructed ofbrick and mortar with galvanized metal roofs, as in Africa. Many tribalpeople do not live in nuclear families, but rather in extended families; andbricks and mortar do not provide acceptable living conditions. Breaking upfamilies and providing unacceptable living conditions impair adjustment andlower resistance to disease.

The diet and health aspects of relocation have been recognizedby the Bank, although until recently this was limited to involuntary reloca-tion. These principles are now applied whenever tribal peoples are affected,whether or not there is relocation involved. Education in nutrition for bothtribal people and nationals who are in regular contact with them is desirable.

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3.43 Social Change

While all change involves some degree of social disruption, rapidchange increases social tension and, ultimately, vulnerability to disease andemotional disorders, antisocial behavior, and alcoholism. While societiesare dynamic, the capacity to adapt to change is not infinite, especially inthe case of tribal populations. The social resources that help tribal membersmanage and cope with change are limited. Unfamiliar concepts, values, androles impose additional demands on the coping process of the tribal society.Unless introduced carefully, recognizing the absorptive capacity of thepopulation, sudden demands decrease the capacity to adapt successfully. Majorand rapid social changes are associated with:

a. loss of self-esteem;

b. increase in actual and perceived role conflict and ambiguity;

c. increase in the perceived gap between aspiration and achievement.

a. Loss of Self-Esteem

A tribal population confronted with development or modernizationoften experiences loss of self-esteem; its members feel a deprivationof their sense of personal worth and a devaluation of their social identity.Loss of self-esteem may result from explicit critical or negative evaluationsof the tribal culture by the agents of change or members of the dominantsociety. Belittling the tribal population as ignorant, dirty, or back-ward is common, and may even be used to encourage the tribal society tochange. Development itself may be phrased in terms that implicitly, if notexplicitly, devalues the tribal culture and its members. Tribal traditionsand knowledge are stigmatized and simply replaced by the dominant culture.Seldom are traditional tribal values acknowledged or are attempts made toperpetuate them.

b. Increased Role Conflict and Ambiguity

Rapid social change introduces new individual or group roles andmodifies old ones. These modifications increase role conflict and ambiguity,which further erode the self-esteem and social identity of an individual orgroup. For example, people in a hunting and gathering society are trainedto be independent and opportunistic, and to use initiative. These qualitiesbecome disadvantages when such people are forced to offer themselves asdependent and obedient wage or debt-bondage laborers. Tribal leaders suddenlyfind that their value has been downgraded and their power is usurped by thearrival of an appointed official or by the appointment of a new nontraditionaltribal leader by nationals. From the position of managers, leaders arereduced to servants. This is traumatic for them personally but even more sofor the people who benefited from or depended on their leadership. Even suchfundamental matters as the relation between the sexes may be radically altered.

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The Nivakle in the Paraguayan Chaco adapted to settlerintrusion into their traditional lands by raising theirown herds of cattle, sheep, and goats. Mennonite settlersin the Central Chaco discouraged the Nivakle from maintain-ing these flocks, which were difficult to keep off theMennonite farms. The Nivakle were, therefore, forced torely on the Mennonites for wage labor, of which there wasnot enough for all. Meanwhile, the patriarchal Mennonitesdealt only with male Nivakle and paid only the men, damag-ing what had traditionally been a very egalitarian relation-ship between men and women in Nivakle society.

The Nivakle had traditionally spaced their children throughthe practice of abortion. They also believed that anursing mother who had sexual intercourse would harm thesoul and, therefore, cripple the body of her baby. Mothersnursed as long as they had milk and refrained from sexualintercourse. Their husbands were expected to share sex withother women who were not bound by the same restriction. TheMennonites vigorously opposed these customs, moving to stampout abortion and to promote sexual fidelity between husbandand wife. This resulted in a population increase amongNivakle and considerable anxiety as to the fate of theirchildren, reared under conditions that threathened boththeir souls and their bodies.

In 1962, there was a severe drought in the Chaco. The Mennonitesettlers felt obliged to retrench and to lay off many of theirNivakle laborers. But many were now totally dependent on work-ing for the Mennonites. In the case of the Nivakle, they hadlost their livestock and had acquired a larger number of mouthsto feed (Loewen, 1964).

c. Increase in the Aspiration-Achievement Gap

Rapid social change widens the gap between the aspirations of anindividual or group and the ability to achieve new goals, particularly sincetraditional ways to achieve goals are often disrupted. During disruptiondue to development, the normal resources for the support and maintenance ofinstitutions within the tribal group cannot operate effectively, because theentire population must meet added demands for adjustment. At the same time,the social and maintenance mechanisms of the dominant society are largelyinappropriate for the tribe's needs. Encouragement of achievements or goalsthat are unrealistic or unattainable within the traditional value system willfurther widen this aspiration-achievement gap.

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3.5 Cultural Autonomy

The prerequisite to successful survival of a tribal group as anethnic minority is the retention of autonomy: cultural, social, economic.This freedom of choice involves continued control by the tribal people overtheir own institutions: tribal customs, beliefs, language, and means ofsubsistence or production.

Economic development has often been promoted at the expense oftribal institutions. Development strategies often tacitly assumed that therewere no viable institutions or practices existing in the tribal culture thatcould be used to foster development. This "vacuum ideology" has led to thelarge-scale transfer of national structures or practices to tribal culturesthat were little understood (Colletta, 1975, 1977). The primary example ofthis is the spread of Western technology and schooling throughout the non-Western world by colonial warders. While contact with nationals will inevit-ably bring some change in tribal practices and attitudes, prevailing basiccustoms and traditions need not be drastically altered or eliminated.Furthermore, the tribe alone should choose which traditions should be altered.Retention of tribal customs enhances maintenance of ethnic identity, stabilityas a productive unit, and, more importantly, successful adaptation to newcircumstances. One reason, for instance, why the Balinese have been rela-tively impervious to outside influence is that they have maintained theircultural integrity, will not admit non-Balinese as members of their com-munities, and have adopted changes that reinforce their culture.

3.51 Policy of Cultural Autonomy

The policies usually adopted concerning the degree of social changethat is to occur within tribal groups range widely. The two extremes are:total enforced isolation of the tribal groups allowing no change, on the onehand, all the way through rapid and complete assimilation resulting in theloss of the tribe's identity, on the other. Isolation should be rejected asimpossible: a zoo-like arrangement of an enforced primitive state. Completeassimilation into the national society denies, then extinguishes, ethnicdiversity. Furthermore, as noted earlier, rapid change can separate tribalpeople from their cultural identity: a form of extinction.

An intermediate policy adopted by the Bank under the projects itfinances is more humane, prudent, and productive. This allows the retentionof a large measure of tribal autonomy and cultural choice. Such a policy ofself-determination emphasizes the choice of tribal groups to their own way oflife and seeks, therefore, to minimize the imposition of different social oreconomic systems until such time as the tribal society is sufficiently robustand resilient to tolerate the effects of change. This policy provides safe-guards for tribal people so that they themselves can manage the pace and styleof their own involvement with the national society. The following conditionsare essential if this intermediate policy is to succeed:

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a. National governments and international organizationsmust support rights to land used or occupied by tribalpeople, to their ethnic identity, and to cultural autonomy.

b. The tribe must be provided with interim safeguards thatenable it to deal with unwelcome outside influences onits own land until the tribe adapts sufficiently.

c. Neither the nation nor the nontribal neighbors shouldcompete with the tribal society on its own lands for itsresources.

The Bank adopts this intermediate policy, where appropriate, inorder to assist these beleaguered societies. When these conditions areobserved, not only does tribal culture survive, but the tribe becomes aproductive contributor to the nation, rather than a ward of the state.

Cultural autonomy differs from the integrationist approach inseveral respects. First, cultural autonomy stresses the value of the tribalculture and the desirability of maintaining the culture rather than replacingit as quickly as possible with the customs and values of the dominant society.Second, cultural autonomy recognizes the potentially harmful effects ofunrestrained contact between dominant culture and tribal culture, andseeks to moderate them. Third, cultural autonomy creates conditions underwhich the tribal members themselves control the pace and manner of theiradjustment to national society and culture. Finally, cultural autonomydoes not preclude the training of selected tribal representatives in thedominant culture and their role as mediators with the latter -- providedcontrols by the tribe are designed to prevent abuse of authority by thedominant society.

3.52 Desired Outcome

Action to guarantee the physical survival of tribal populations andencourage freedom of cultural choice is directed towards the following outcome:

a. a tribal population that forms a recognized and acceptedethnic minority -- one component of an ethnically pluralisticnational society;

b. as such, this ethnic minority maintains its traditional wayof life, more or less modified in accordance with the prefer-ences of the tribal population itself;

c. the tribal economic system progressively evolves fromprecontact" subsistence to a sustained-yield agro-ecosystem

with the production of a surplus on occasion.

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Immediate integration of tribal populations can only swell thenumbers of the rural and urban poor. Since developing countries alreadyface enormous problems in their attempts to eliminate poverty, adding to thenumbers of the poor by dispossessing tribal societies only worsens theirsituation. This is ameliorated by maintaining ethnic minorities as viable andproductive societies, and by retaining their cultural autonomy. This policywill be facilitated by recognizing the need for a pluralistic view of nationalidentity and an understanding that cultural or ethnic diversity is desirable.Then, tribal peoples will belong to societies as fully participatory andproductive components.

Given the fundamental importance of economic patterns in all cul-tures, and considering the extreme contrasts between tribal and nationaleconomies, the economic interaction of tribal cultures with the nationalmarket economies is a critical one. A tribal culture may surrender part ofits political autonomy, but can still continue to be ethnically distinct ifit is allowed to retain its economy and if it remains unexploited by out-siders (Bodley, 1975).

ANNEXES

ANNEX 1

OPERATIONAL STEPS FOR THE PROJECT CYCLE

1. Country Economic Analysis and Sector Work

The World Bank prepares an introductory and basic economic report(BER) to provide an adequate and comprehensive background knowledge of acountry's economic and social structure. Knowledge of the existence andgeneral location of special social groups (e.g., tribal people), noted in theBER, that may constrain development strategies or projects, or that needspecial attention, assists project designers. Appropriate country sectorreports and, especially, regional (i.e., within a country) economic reviewsdealing with a region new to the Bank highlight special and sensitive factors,such as tribal groups, that are to be taken into account in project work. 1/

2. Project Identification

As soon as the type and general location of the project has beenselected, but before its precise location has been decided, the presenceor absence of special social groups (e.g., tribal people) is to be routinelydetermined during identification or during prefeasibility studies. Theclassified and country-specific guide of the bibliography (Annex 7) can beconsulted, though the government-s tribal agency (Annex 5) should best be ableto provide information on specific locations of tribal groups in earlierphases of integration. Where there is no official tribal agency, the anthro-pology departments of the appropriate universities are a possible source ofpreliminary information. The nongovernmental tribal organizations, listed inAnnex 6, maintain the most comprehensive and detailed information. If thepresence of tribal people in the general region is identified and a decisionis made not to relocate the project to avoid the tribal area, then reconnais-sance by an indigenist 2/ or appropriate anthropologist would be necessarybefore project preparation. Bank staff involved in the early stage of such aproject should ensure that the necessary information be gathered as part ofthe prefeasibility studies.

3. Project Preparation

Staff or agencies (including consulting firms) responsible to thegovernment for project preparation need specialist indigenist input in orderto evaluate the information provided by the tribal agency if one exists. If

1/ Such as the innovative and highly effective analysis of the indigenouspeoples (Shuar, Jibaro, Yumbo) in Ecuador (World Bank, 1979).

2/ Indigenist is used here to connote "protribal," since anthropologymay not necessarily hold a protribal position. The indigenistshould function as an advocate of tribal peoples and as an inter-mediary between the tribal people and the dominant society.

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the project area contains hitherto uncontacted tribal people, contact pro-cedures should be completed, preferably by the tribal agency, before theteams responsible for project preparation arrive.

The stage of contact will be ascertained by the specialist duringpreparation so that an appropriate tribal component of the project can bedesigned. Delimitation and demarcation of tribal lands are best carried outbefore preparation. Without them, an acceptable tribal component cannot bedesigned. 3/ The preparation team should be furnished with a profile of thespecific tribal society in which it will be working and will be informed, in ageneral way, of the possible impact of the project on the tribal people andvice versa. All sociocultural variables that are operationally relevant tothe achievement of the project goals will be outlined, together with possi-bilities to design and implement an acceptable tribal component to mitigateany adverse effects. The preparation team must ensure that the tribal agencyor appropriate group has the willingness, capacity, and means to design an ade-quate tribal component. If not, then the tribal agency should be strengthenedduring preparation so that the necessary tribal component can be undertakensuccessfully and be ready by appraisal time. The Bank is willing to assistgovernments to locate appropriate anthropological expertise. The Bankis prepared to help locate international or bilateral sources of financing,or, in exceptional circumstances, to assist through other mechanisms such asthe Project Preparation Facility, 4/ where applicable.

4. Appraisal

The appraisal mission determines the adequacy of the tribalcomponent prepared by the tribal agency. This involves (a) reviewing themeasures proposed to mitigate the impact of the project on the tribalpeople; (b) assessing whether there are risks that the tribal people mightinterfere with project implementation; (c) assessing the ability of the

3/ Assuming that such a study had not been included as part of the back-ground or regional studies.

4/ The Project Preparation Facility is available to poor countries thatcould not reasonably be expected to finance certain costs in connectionwith the preparation of, or to provide additional support for, a projectwhen no other sources of financing are available. It is a form ofinterim financing before a loan or credit is made, covering mainlyforeign exchange costs, is not limited to a specific sector, and issupervised by the Bank in the normal course of its work. The "advance,"limited to an amount up to $1 million per project, is repaid throughrefinancing under the loan or credit for the project in question assoon as it becomes effective. If no loan or credit materializes, theadvance is repaid by the borrower over a five-year period.

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tribal agency to implement the proposed tribal component. If necessary,measures to facilitate cooperation between the tribal people, the tribalagency, and the borrower or implementing agency (e.g., National HighwaysDepartment or the National Power Authority) will be proposed. Legalspecialists may be necessary during preparation and appraisal.

5. Negotiations

Agreement on the details of the tribal component is essential.Land tenure may need special attention. Legislation, or the means forits implementation, providing for tribal peoples as assessed duringappraisal may need strengthening by covenants during negotiations. Sincethe duration of the implementation of the tribal component will probablyextend beyond completion of the main project, special provisions may benecessary in the loan agreement to ensure achievement of objectives duringoperation and beyond disbursement.

SIGNIFICANT DATES CONCERNED WITH TRIBAL PEOPLE

Date Event

1215 Magna Carta: One of the first codifications of human rights.

1542 Tribal people were officially recognized as being human ratherthan subhuman or bestial. Dominican Frays Bartolome de lasCasas (1474-1566) and Antonio de Montesinos (late 1400-1545)first proposed the novel concept and then interceded with KingCharles I of Spain and the conquistadores against slavery andslaughter being carried out on the indigenous population inCentral America.

1833 Britain emancipates slaves.

1848 France abolishes slavery.

1861 Russian serfdom ended.

1865 U.S. Emancipation Proclamation declared that humans should notenslave other humans, including the ethnic minorities (13thConstitutional amendment).

1883 Brazil abolishes slavery.

1924 U.S. Congress granted U.S. citizenship to U.S. Indian populations.

1948 United Nations Convention on the prevention and the punishment ofthe crime of genocide (entered into force in 1951).

1948 United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights was adoptedwhich started that "All human beings are born free and equal indignity and rights."

1957 The United Nations International Labour Conference adoptedConvention 107 concerning the protection and integration ofindigenous and other tribal and semitribal populations inindependent countries.

1963 United Nations Declaration on the elimination of all forms ofracial discrimination was proclaimed by the General Assembly.

1971 Stone-age Tasaday tribal people reported in Mindanao, Philippines.

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ANNEX 2

Date Event

1972 For the first time in Colombian history, a group of white farmersat Villavicencio were put on trial for the murder of a number ofAmerindians, but were later acquitted by the Supreme Court ongrounds that they did not know they were doing wrong becausethey thought that Amerindians were not human, and the laws pro-tecting the Amerindians are (relatively) recent.

1974 First Indian Congress, held at San Cristobal de las Casas,included the participation of several hundred mostly MayanIndians under the auspices of the Mexican Government and theBrother Bartolome de las Casas Committee.

LIST OF BASIC INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS OF HUMAN RIGHTS(Selective listing only)

Date of Date of Name of Insturment/ SponsorAdoption Effectiveness Title of Documents Organization

1. Dec. 9, 1948 Jan. 12, 1951 Convention on the Preven- United Nationstion and Punishment of theCrime of Genocide

2. Dec. 10, 1948 Universal Declaration of United NationsHuman Rights

3. Jun. 25, 1958 Jun. 15, 1960 Discrimination (Employment Internationaland Occupation) Convention Labour Office

4. Nov. 20, 1963 UN Declaration on the Elimi- United Nationsnation of all Forms ofRacial Discrimination

5. Dec. 21, 1965 Jan. 4, 1969 International Convention on United Nationsthe Elimination of allForms of RacialDiscrimination

6. Nov. 4, 1966 Declaration of the Princi- United Nationsples of InternationalCultural Cooperation

7. Dec. 16, 1966 (not in force International Covenant on United Nationsas of Dec. 31, Economic, Social and1972) Cultural Rights

8. Dec. 16, 1966 (not in force International Covenant on United Nationsas of Dec. 31, Civil and Political Rights1972)

9. Nov. 26, 1968 Nov. 11, 1970 Convention on the Non- United NationsApplicability of StatutoryLimitations to War Crimesand Crimes Against Family

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ANNEX 3

Date of Date of Name of Insturment/ SponsorAdoption Effectiveness Title of Documents Organization

10. Sep. 26, 1948 Jul. 7, 1955 Slavery Convention United Nations(as amended)

11. Apr. 30, 1956 Apr. 30, 1957 Supplementary Convention (Conference ofon the Abolition of Plenipotentiaries)Slavery, the Slave Trade, Economic andand Institutions and Social CouncilPractices Similar toSlavery

12. Aug. 30, 1961 (not in force Convention on the Conference ofas of Dec. 31, Reduction of Statelessness Plenipotentiz.ries1972)

13. Sep. 28, 1954 Jun. 6, 1960 Convention relating to the Conference ofStatus of Stateless Persons PlenipotentiLries

SUMMARY OF INTERNATIONAL DOCUMENTS

1. Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide

This convention recognizes the great losses on humanity inflicted bygenocide and provides for the prevention and punishment of any formof genocidal act.

2. Universal Declaration of Human Rights

This declaration provides a common standard for all peoples of allnations, to which end every individual and every organ of societyshall strive. It proclaims all important traditional, political,and civil rights, and basic economic, social, and cultural rights.

3. Discrimination (Employment and Occupational) Convention

This convention adopts proposals to eliminate discrimination in thefield of employment and occupation, affirms the Declaration ofPhiladelphia, and states that all human beings have the right topursue both their material well-being and their spiritual bent inconditions of freedom and dignity, of economic security and equalopportunity.

4. UN Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination

This declaration proclaims the necessity to eliminate racial discrimi-nation throughout the world, in all its forms and manifestations, andadopts national and international measures to that end.

5. International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of RacialDiscrimination

This convention resolves to adopt all necessary measures speedilyto eliminate racial discrimination in all its forms and manifestations,and to prevent and combat racist doctrines and practices in order topromote understanding between races and to build an internationalcommunity free from all forms of racial segregation and discrimination.

6. Declaration of the Principles of International Cultural Cooperation

This convention seeks to inculcate cross-cultural knowledge andawareness, and thus contribute to the establishment of peaceful,long-term relationships among the different nations. It also aimstowards the enrichment of cultural life for the mutual benefit of allnations.

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ANNEX 4

7. International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

In recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalien-able rights of every member of the human family as the foundation offreedom, justice, and peace in the world, this covenant detailseconomic, social, and cultural rights based on the Universal Declara-tion of 1948.

8. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

This covenant spells out civil and political rights based on theUniversal Declaration. It establishes the Human Rights Committeeto receive reports on implementation and also investigates com-plaints of violations.

9. Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations toWar Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity

This convention realizes the necessity to affirm in internationallaw, and to secure its universal application, the principle thatthere is no statute of limitation for war crimes and crimesagainst humanity. It proclaims the need for effective punishmentof war crimes and crimes against humanity whether committed intimes of war or peace.

10. Slavery Convention

This convention declares that necessary steps be taken to preventand suppress the slave trade, and to bring about the completeabolition of all forms of slavery.

11. Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the SlaveTrade and the Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery

This convention serves to further the goals of the SlaveryConvention, by securing the abolition of slavery, practicessimilar to slavery, the slave trade and institutions.

12. Convention on the Reduction of Statelessness

This convention promotes the reduction of statelessness by inter-national agreement.

13. Convention Relating to the Status of Stateless Persons

This convention regulates and improves the status of stateless personsby international agreement.

NATIONAL GOVERNMENT AGENCIES COORDINATING TRIBAL AFFAIRS*

LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN

Argentina Servicio Nacional del Indigena, Ministerio de Bienestar Social,[National Service for Indigenous Affairs, Ministry for SocialWelfare], Defensa 120, Buenos Aires.

Bolivia Ministry of Peasant (Rural and Agricultural.) Affairs (mainlyconcerned only with the Quechua and Aymara highland peoples;no official policy towards the forest tribes).

Brazil Fundacao Nacional do Indio [National Indian Foundation] (FUNAI),Ministerio do Interior, SAS Quadra 1, Bloco A, Brasilia 70070,Brazil.

Chile Instituto Nacional de Desarollo Agropecuario (INDAP),Department of Agriculture.

Colombia Diviston de Asuntos Indfgenos [Division of Indigenous Affairs],Ministerio del Gobierno. Cosejo Nacional de PolfticaIndigenista (National Council on Indigenous Policy),established 1971. Administrative Department for the Develop-ment of the Community and Indigenous Affairs.

Costa Rica Consejo Nacional de Asuntos Indigenos (CONAI).

Ecuador No official tribal agency. However, IERAC Agrarian Reformestablished the Alama Reservation in 1971; in 1976, theMinistry of Agriculture was exploring the possibility ofestablishing a body to centralize Indian affairs during ruraldevelopment.

El Salvador No official tribal agency.

Guatemala Instituto Indigenista Nacional, Ministerio de Educaci6n.

Guyana Minister of Regional Development. Amerindians are Guyanesecitizens. The leader or captain of each Amerindian councilis appointed by the government, and annual meetings of thecouncil are held. Race Relations Department, Ministry ofEducation, Brickdam, Georgetown.

Honduras Closest entity: Ministerio de Cultura y Turismo.

* Arranged according to the Regional Offices of the World Bank.

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ANNEX 5

Mexico Instituto Nacional Indigenista, Avenida Revoluci6n 1279,Mexico, DF.

Instituto Indigenista Interamericano (OAS), AvenidaInsurgentes Sur 1690, Mexico, DF 20.

Nicaragua Ministerio de la Costa Atlantica (for the Miskito Amerindians).

Panama Local Government and Indigenous Policy Section, Ministry ofGovernment and Justice.

Paraguay Department of Indigenous Affairs (established 1958), Ministryof Defence. Instituto Nacional del Indio (INDI) [NationalIndian Institute], Decree No. 22274 of April 1976. IndigenistAssociation of Paraguay (semiofficial).

Peru Divisio'n de Comunidades Nativas de la Selva [Native ForestCommunities Division], Ministry of Agriculture. NationalSystem of Support for Social Mobilization (SINAMOS) has theresponsibility for the forest-dwelling Indians (about 200,000)under 1974 legislation.

Suriname Ministry of International Affairs. District Administrator.

Venezuela Federacion Indigena del Territorio Federal,IVIC, Apartado 1827, Caracas 101.National Commission for the Indigenous (honorary consultativeand advisory body to the government); the Central Office forIndigenous Affairs is the executive arm.Commission for Development of the South (CODESUR) holdsexecutive power over tribal peoples from its duties con-cerning the economic development of the area south of theOrinoco River.

SOUTH ASIA

Bangladesh Ministry of Cultural Affairs. Secretary of the Ministry ofHome Affairs. Hilltribes Development Board, Chittagong.

Burma Frontier Areas Administration -- sponsors the Hill PeoplesRegulation Act of 1889 which put tribal peoples underspecial jurisdiction.

India Tribal Welfare Institute, The Tribal Development Division,Ministry of Home Affairs.

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EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC

China, Central Institute for National Minorities.People'sRepublic of

Fiji Ministry of Fijian Affairs and Rural Development.Native Land Trust Board -- supports careful use oftribal lands to promote development.

Indonesia Department of Social Welfare (DEPSOS), Ministry ofSocial Affairs (resettlement of tribal people isdone by other agencies), Jalan Juanda 36, Jakarta.

Korea, No official tribal agency.Republic of

Lao People's Le Comite' des Nationalites.DemocraticRepublic

Malaysia Department of Orang Asli Affairs.

Papua Office of Home Affairs. Also, the Department of Decentra-New Guinea lization which deals with the provinces, containing the

Division of Provincial Affairs. All inhabitants of PapuaNew Guinea are considered citizens, no special legislationfor tribal populations.

Philippines Presidential Assistant on National Minorities (PANAMIN),36 Rosario Drive, Quezon City, Manila.

Thailand Department of Public Welfare.

Hill People Development and Welfare Division,Ministry of Interior, also carried out a socioeconomicsurvey in 1961-62 on selected tribes: Meo, Yoa, Lahu, Lisu,Akha, and Karen. Deliberate government involvement withnorthern hill tribes began in 1955 with the program of theBorder Patrol Police and was intensified in 1959 when theDepartment Public Welfare was assigned research and develop-ment activities in remote mountain regions.

Tribal Research Centre, Public Welfare Department in theUniversity of Chiengmai.

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Viet Nam No official tribal agency.

Western Samoa No official tribal agency.

EUROPE, MIDDLE EAST, AND NORTH AFRICA

Afghanistan Ministry of Frontiers and Tribal Affairs.

Algeria No official tribal agency.

Bahrain No official tribal agency.

Egypt, Arab No official tribal agency.Republic of

Iran

Iraq No official tribal agency, but inquiries are to be directedto the Ministry of Culture and Information.

Jordan No official tribal agency.

Kuwait Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor, AssistantUndersecretary for Social Affairs.

Lebanon No official tribal agency.

Libya No official tribal agency.

Morocco Ministry of the Interior.

Oman The primary responsibility is the administrator (the Wali)of each regional government, otherwise, the Ministry of theInterior. Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor. Ministryof Aquaf and Islamic Affairs. Ministry of Diwan Affairs(deals with questions concerning the Sultan).

Quatar Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs: Ali Al-Ansari,Minister.

Saudi Arabia Ministry of Interior. Ministry of Planning. Ministry of Tourism.

Syria No official tribal agency.

Tunisia Minist'ere des Affaires Sociales.

Turkey No official tribal agency.

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Europe, Middle East, and North Africa (continued)

United Arab Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs, Box 809, Abu Dabi,Emirates U.A.E. (for nomadic peoples).

Yemen Arab No official tribal agency.Republic

WESTERN AFRICA

Benin, Ministere de l'Inte"rieur.People'sRepublic of

Cameroon Ministry of Information and Culture.

Cape Verde No official tribal agency.

Chad No official tribal agency.

Congo, No official tribal agency.People'sRepublicof the

Gabon Ministere des Affaires Sociales et de la Promotion Feminine.

Gambia, The Ministry of Economic Planning: Community Development andIndigenous Planning Board.

Guinea Minist'ere de l'Education et de la Culture:Commissariat du Sport, de l'Art, et de la Culture.

Guinea-Bissau No official tribal agency.

Ivory Coast No official tribal agency.

Liberia Ministry of Information, Cultural Affairs and Tourism.Ministry of Local Government (modern and traditionallegal aspects).

Mali No official tribal agency.

Mauritania No official tribal agency, since there is no differentiationbetween tribal groups.

Niger Minist'ere de l'Inte'rieur; Centre national pour la recherchehumaine (CNRH).

Nigeria Ministry of Internal Affairs.

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Senegal No official tribal agency.

Sao Tome No official tribal agency.e Principe

Sierra Leone Ministry of Tourism and Cultural Affairs.

Togo No official tribal agency.

Upper Volta No official tribal agency.

EASTERN AFRICA

Angola

Botswana Ministry of Local Government and Land: Remote AreasDevelopment Program.

Burundi No official tribal agency.

Ethiopia The Department of Nationalities has been incorporatedwithin the new infrastructure of the Ethiopian SocialistParty Commission. Relief and Settlement Commission.

Kenya No official tribal agency.

Lesotho No official tribal agency, since the country is composedbasically of one large tribal group (with many "claims").Ministry of Information.

Madagascar No official tribal agency.

Malawi No official tribal agency.

Mozambique No official tribal agency.

Rwanda Ministry of Economy and Commerce.

Seychelles No official tribal agency.

Somalia No official tribal agency.

Swaziland No official tribal agency.

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Eastern Africa (continued)

Sudan Tribal groups are dealt with at the level of local govern-ments. Temporary agencies have been set up for theresettlement of Halfa groups, and nomadic tribe refugees.

Tanzania Ministry of Information and Culture.

Uganda No official tribal agency.

Zaire Departement de l'Administration du Territoire.

Zambia No official tribal agency.

ANNEX 6

NON-GOVERNMENTAL ORGANIZATIONS CONCERNED WITHTRIBAL AFFAIRS

(Selective listing only)

UNITED STATES-BASED GROUPS

American Indian Movement1209 4th St., S.E.Minneapolis, MN 55414

Amnesty InternationalWashington, D.C.(202) 544-0200

Amnesty International304 West 58thNew York, NY(212) 582-4440

Anthropological Resource Center59 Temple PlaceSuite 444Boston, MA 02111orP.O. Box 90Cambridge, MA 02138(617) 426-9286

Borneo Research CouncilPhillips, Maine 04966(207) 639-3636

Cultural Survival11 Divinity Ave.Cambridge, MA 02138(617) 495-2562

Friends of the Filipino People1232 Irving St.Washington, D.C. 20013(202) 797-9705 (202) 797-9704and646 Foothill Blvd.Oakland, CA 94606

Human Rights Internet1502 Ogden St.Washington, D.C. 20015(292) 462-4320

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United States - Based Groups (continued)

IndigenaP.O. Box 4073Berkeley, CA 94 94704

Institute for Policy Studies1901 Q St., N.W.Washington, D.C.(202) 234-9382

Institute for the Development of Indian Law927 15th St., N.W.Suite 612Washington, D.C. 20005(202) 638-2287

International Association of Filipino PatriotsP.O. Box 24737Oakland, CA 94623

International Treaty Council777 UN PlazaRoom lOFNew York, NY 10017

Micronesian Legal Services Corp.1424 16th St., N.W.Suite 304Washington, D.C. 20036

Native American Research1026 Westdale DriveLawrence, KA 66044(913) 841-6916

Native American StudiesTecumseh CenterUniversity of CaliforniaDavis, CA 95616

Pacific Research867 West Dane St., 204Mountainview, CA 94041

Research on Minority RightsMinority StudiesUniversity of Wisconsin - La Crosse1725 State St.La Crosse, WI 54601

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Southeast Asia Resource CenterP.O Box 4000DBerkeley, CA 94704(415) 548-2546

Summer Institute of Linguistics7500 West Camp Wisdo RoadDallas, TX 75236(214) 298-3331

Survival International (U.S.A.)245 Fifth Ave.Suite 2305New York, NY 10016(212) 683-3987

Survival International (U.S.A.)2121 Decatur St., N.W.Washington, D.C. 20008(202) 265-1077(See also Survival International, London)

UN Commission on Human RightsSub-Commission on Prevention of Discriminationand Protection of MinoritiesUnited Nations PlazaNew York, NY 10017

World Council of Indigenous PeoplesStandford 1117, N.E.Albuquerque, NM 87131

See also:UN Listing of Non-Governmental Organizations in consultative statusYearbook of International Organizations:Union of International AssociationsBrussels, Belgium, 1979

CANADIAN-BASED GROUPS

Canadian Association in Support of the Native Peoples251 Laurier Ave. WestSuite 904Ottawa, Ont. KIP 5J6

Native Council of Canada72 Metcalf St.Suite 200Ottawa, Ont. KIP 5J6

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Canadian-Based Groups (continued)

Native People½s Resource Center533 Clarence St.London, Ont. N6A 3N1

Northern Native Rights CampaignProject North154 Glenrose Ave.Toronto, Ont.

Quaker Committee for Native Concerns60 Lowther Ave.Toronto, Ont. M5R 1C7

Regional Council of Indigenous Peoplesc/o Armando Rojas, PresidentBankal building102 Bank St.Ottawa, Ont. KlP 5N4

EUROPEAN-BASED GROUPS

Aborigines Protection Society180 Brixton RoadLondon SE9 6ATUnited Kingdom

AMAZINDDocumentation and Information for Indigenous Affairs in the Amazon Region17, rue de Sources1205 GenevaSwitzerlandorP.O. Box 5091211 Geneva 3Switzerland

Amnesty International10 Southampton RoadLondon WC2E 78FUnited Kingdom

Anti-Slavery Society (for the Protection of Human Rights)Committee for Indigenous Peoples180 Brixton RoadLondon SW9 6ATUnited Kingdom

Arbeitskreis fur Lateinamerikanische IndianerIm Fiedlersee 3761 Darmstadt-ArheiligenFederal Republic of Germany

- 53 -

Belgische Werkgroup Indianen Zuid-Amerikac/o Jean BotMaastrichterstraat 43700 TongerenBelgium

Brazil Op Weg (Brazil on the Way)Domstraat 29Postbus 3803500 AJ UtrechtNetherlands

Commission de Sauvegarde des IndiensUniversit6 Paris VII2, Place Jussieu75005 ParisFrance

Committee for Indigenous Minority Research and Action5 Caledonia RoadLondon NlUnited Kingdom

Division of Human RightsUnited NationsPalais des NationsCh 1211 Geneva 10Switzerland

Gesellschaft fdr Bedrohte V6lker (Society for Endangered Peoples)Postfach 1593400 G6ttingenFederal Republic of Germany

International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA)Fiolstraede 10, DK-1171Copenhagen KDenmark

Minority Rights GroupBenjamin Franklin House36 Craven St.London WC2N 5NGUnited Kingdom01-930-6659

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European-Based Groups (continued)

Survival International36 Craven St.London WC2United Kingdom

Survival International Ireland17 Parkview Avenue, Harolds Cross,Dublin 6, Ireland

Svensk-Indianska ForbundetBox 911310272 Stockholm 9Postgiro 25 44 14-6Sweden

Werkgroup Indianen Zuid-AmerikaMinahassastraat 1Postbus 40981009 AmsterdamNetherlands

LATIN AND CENTRAL AMERICAN-BASED GROUPS

ARGENTINAAsociacio'n Indigenista de la Republica ArgentinaBalbastro 1790Buenos Aires

BOLIVIAMovimento Indio Tupak Katari: MITKACasilla 6106La Paz

BRAZILCoQiissao pela Cria9go do Parque Yanomami (CCPY)Rua Sao Carlos do Pinhal 34501333 Sao Paulo

Comissao Pro-Indio SP (CPI)Rue Caiubi, 126Sao Paulo--Capital

COLOMBIAAsociacion Pro-Indigenas de ColombiaApartado Aereo 29225Bogota

Consejo Regional Indigena del Cauca: CRICApartado Aereo 516Popayan, Cauca

- 55 -

Comision por la Defensa del Indigena en ColombiaApartado Aereo 14650 Bogota

Fundacion de Solidaridad con Indigenas y CampesinosApartado Aereo 28195Bogota 1

ECUADORInstituto Indigenista Ecuatoriano

GUYANAAmerindian Association of GuyanaGeorgetown

MEXICOCentro Antropologico de Documentaci6n de America LatinaApartado Postal M-2405Mexico 1, DF

Centro Nacional de Pastoral IndfgenaGomez Palacio 142Mexico, DF

Instituto Indigenista Interamericano (Inter-American Indian Institute, OAS)Ni?os Heroes 139Mexico, DF

PARAGUAYAsociaci6n de Parcialidades Indigenas (API)Defensa Nacional 849Casilla Postal 1796Asunci6n

Asociacion Indigenista del Paraguay (AIP)Asuncion

PERUCentro de Investigaci6n AmazonicaRicardo Palma 666-DLima 18

Comunidad Nativa TsachgoenCorreo Central via TarmaApartado 12Exapampa

Movimento Indio PeruanoConsejo NacionalAl Guise 2179-6093Lince, Lima

- 56 -

EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC-BASED GROUPS

PHILIPPINESPhilippine Association for Intercultural DevelopmentRoom 209, UCCP Building877 C. de los Santos Ave.Quezon City99-62-41

Anthropology Association of the PhilippinesAnthropology DepartmentUniversity of the PhilippinesDiliman Quezon City

Episcopal Commission on Tribal FilipinosRm 15 Capital Bldg.372 Cabildo St.Intramuros, Manila

ANNEX 7

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Page No.

Section 1: Bibliography--by Author .... ............ 59

Section 2: Bibliography--by Subject .... ........... 105

Section 3: Bibliography--by Country or Region ..... 107

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Section 1: Bibliography--by Author

Aiyappan, A. 1948.Report on the Socio-Economic conditions of the Aboriginal.Tribes of the Province of Madras.Madras, India: Government Press.

Allan, W. 1965.The African Husbandman.London: Hurst. 505 p.

Amaru IV Cooperative. 1980.The Once and Future Resource Managers: A Report on the Native Peoplesof Latin America and Their Roles in Modern Resource Management: Back-ground and Strategy for Training.Washington, D.C.: Amaru IV Cooperative. 120 p.

Anderson, E. 1972.The Life and Culture of Ecotopis (264-283), in Hymes, D.H. (ed.),Reinventing Anthropology.New York: Pantheon Books. 470 p.

Anderson, J.W. 1978.There Are No Khans Anymore -- Economic Development and Social Change inTribal Afghanistan.Washington, D.C.: Middle East Journal 32(2):167-183.

Anonymous. 1978.Land and the Forest-Dwelling South American Indian: The Role of National Law.Buffalo, New York: Buffalo Law Review 27(4):759-800.

Anonymous. 1977Anthropology in the Development Process.New Delhi, India: Vikas Publishing House. 560 p.

Anonymous. 1980.Indigenous Knowledge Systems and Development.Washington, D.C.: University Press of America. 466 p.

Appell, G.N. 1975.Indigenous Man.London: Survival International 9&10:7-12.

Appell, G.N. 1975.The Pernicious Effects of Development.New York: UN Association, Fields Within Fields 14:31-41.

- 59 -

- 60 -

Appell, G.N. 1976a.The Rungus: Social Structure in a Cognatic Society and itsRitual Symbolization, in Appell, G.N. (ed.), The Societies of Borneo.Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association. 160 p.

Appell, G.N. (ed.). 1976b.The Societies of Borneo: Exploration in the Theory of Cognatic SocialStructure.Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association. 160 p.

Appell, G.N. (ed.). 1976c.Studies in Borneo Societies: Social Process and Anthropological Explanation.DeKalb: Northern Illinois University, Center for Southeast Asian StudiesSpecial Report. 158 p.

Appell, G.N. 1977.The Status of Social Science Research in Sarawak and Its Relevance for Development.Williamsburg, Virginia: College of William and Mary, Studies in ThirdWorld Societies 2:1-90.

Appell, G.N. 1977.The Plight of Indigenous Peoples: Issues and Dilemmas.London: Survival International Review 2(3):11-16.

Appell, G.N. 1978.The Status of Social Science Research in Borneo.Ithaca, New York: South East Asia Program, Cornell University. 117 p.

Appell, G.N. 1979.Basic Elements for Demonstration Projects to Help Threatened Indigenous Groups.President-s Report for Survival International, U.S.A.New York: Survival International, U.S.A. p. 38-46.

Appell, G.N. 1980.The Social Separation Syndrome.London: Survival International Review 5 (1/29):13-15.

Appell, G.N. 1981.The Health Consequences of Social change, in Stark, L., andMacdonald, T. (eds.), Amazonia: Extinction or Survival: The Impact ofNational Development on the Native People of Tropical South America.Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.

Arcand, B. 1972.The Urgent Situation of the Cuiva Indians of Colombia.Copenhagen: IWGIA* Document No. 7.

* IWGIA: The International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs,Copenhagen, Denmark.

- 61 -

Arcand, B. 1972.The Cuiva (105-107), in Dostal, W. (ed.), The Situation of the Indian inSouth America.Geneva: World Council of Churches. 453 p.

Arens, R. 1976.Genocide in Paraguay.Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Temple University Press. 171 p.

Arens, R. 1978.The Forest Indians in Stroessner's Paraguay: Survival or Extinction?London: Survival International Document No.4. 13 p.

Arnaud, E. 1973.Aspectos da legisla,o sobre os Indios do Brasil.Belem, Brazil: Museu Paranese Emilio Goeldi, PublicaSoes avulsas No. 23.

Asad, T.; Cunnison, I.; and Hill, H. 1966.Settlement of Nomads in the Sudan: A Critique, in AgriculturalDevelopment in the Sudan, Vol. 1.Khartoum: Philosophical Society of the Sudan.

Aspelin, P. 1975.External Articulation and Domestic Production: The Artifact Trade of theMamainde of Northwestern Mato Grosso, Brazil.Ithaca, New York: Latin American Studies Program Dissertation Series No. 58. 384 p.

Aspelin, P. 1979.Indian Areas Threatened by Hydroelectric Projects in Brazil.Florianopolis, Brazil: Federal University of Santa Catarina. 53 p.

Barabas, A., and Bartolome, M. 1973.Hydraulic Development and Ethnocide: The Mazatec and Chinantec People of Oaxaca,Mexico.Copenhagen: IWGIA Document No. 15. 20 p.

Barbira-Scazzocchio, F. (ed.). 1980.Land, People and Planning in Contemporary Amazonia.Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University, Centre of Latin AmericanStudies, Occasional Publication No. 3. 313 p.

Bardhan, A.B. 1976.The Tribal Problem in India.New Delhi: Communist Party of India Publication 12. 96 p.

Barker, D. 1978.A Note on Research Methods in the Study of Indigenous Environmental Knowledge.Background paper for the IGU Workshop on Perception of Environmental Quality.Ibadan, Nigeria: University of Ibadan.

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Barker, D. 1979.Appropriate Methodology: An Example Using a Traditional AfricanBoard Game to Measure Farmer-s Attitudes and Environmental Images.Brighton, United Kingdom: Institute of Development Studies Bulletin10(2):37-40.

Barnes, J.A. 1968.Australian Aboriginals? Or Aboriginal Australians?New Guinea 3(l):43-47.

Bartolome, M.A. 1969.La Situaci•n de los Guaranies (Mbya) de Misiones (Argentina).Asunci6n, Paraguay: Suplemento Antropol6gico de la Revista del AteneoParaguayo 4(2).

Bartolome, M.A. 1972.The Situation of the Indians in the Argentine. The Chaco Area andMisiones Province (218-251), in Dostal, W. (ed.), The Situation of the Indianin South America.Geneva: World Council of Churches. 453 p.

Barton, R.F. 1949.The Kalingas: Their Institutions and Custom Law.Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press. 275 p.

Basso, E.B. (ed.). 1977.Carib-speaking Indians: Culture, Society and Language.Tucson: University of Arizona, Anthropological Paper 29. 122 p.

Bateson, G. 1972.Ecology and Flexibility in Urban Civilization (494-505), in Bateson, G. (ed.),Steps to an Ecology of Mind.San Francisco, California: Chandler. 545 p.

Bayliss-Smith, T., and Feachem, R. (eds.). 1977.Subsistence and Survival: Rural Ecology in the Pacific.London: Academic. 428 p.

Beale, R. 1955.Indian-Mestizo-White Relations in Spanish America (Chapter 18), in Sind,A.W. (ed.), Race Relations in World Perspective.Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Bell, M. 1979.The Exploitation of Indigenous Knowledge or the Indigenous Exploitation ofKnowledge: Whose Use of What for What?Brighton, United Kingdom: Institute of Development StudiesBulletin 10(2):44-50.

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Belshaw, D. 1979.Taking Indigenous Technology Seriously: The Case of Inter-Cropping Techniquesin East Africa.Brighton, United Kingdom: Institute of Development Studies Bulletin 10(2):24-27.

Benenson, A.S. (ed.). 1975.Control of Communicable Disease in Man.New York and Washington, D.C.: American Public Health Association. 413 p.

Bennett, C.F., Jr. 1962.The Bayano Cuna Indians, Panama: An Ecological Study of Livelihood and Diet.Washington, D.C.: Annals of the Association of American Geographers 52:32-50.

Bennett, G. 1978a.Aboriginal Rights in International Law.London: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland,Occasional Paper 38:1-30.

Bennett, G. 1978b.Aboriginal Title in the Common Law: A Stony Path Through Feudal Doctrine.Buffalo, New York: Buffalo Law Review 27(4):617-667.

Bennett, G. 1979.Why an International Tribunal: the Legal Background.London: Survival International Review 4(3):15-17.

Berdichewsky, B. 1977.Agrarian Reform in Chile and Its Impact on Araucanian Indian Communities,in Sevilla-Casas, E. (ed.), Western Expansion and Indigenous Peoples.The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton. 307 p.

Berdichewsky, B. 1975.The Araucanian Indian in Chile.Copenhagen: IWGIA Document No. 20. 37 p.

Berlin, B.; Breedlove, D.E.; and Raven, P.H. 1974.Principles of Tzeltal Plant Classification: An Introduction to the BotanicalEthnography of a Mayan-speaking People of Highland Chiapas.New York: Academic Press. 660 p.

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Berry, J.W., and Annis, R.C. 1974.Acculturative Stress: The Role of Ecology, Culture and Differentiation.Beverly Hills, California: Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 5:382-406.

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Berry, J. 1975.Ecology, Cultural Adaptation, and Psychological Differentiation:Traditional Patterning and Acculturative Stress, in Brislin, R.W.;Bochner, S.; and Lonner, W.J. (eds.), Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Learning.New York: Halsted Press. 336 p.

Bicchieri, M.G. (ed.). 1972.Hunters and Gatherers Today: A Socio-economic Study of Eleven Such Culturesin the Twentieth Century.New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 492 p.

Black, F.L. 1975.Infectious Diseases in Primitive Societies.Washington, D.C.: Science 187(4176):515-518.

Black, I.D. 1977.Inter-Ethnic Relations and Culture Change under Colonial Rule: A Study of Sabah,in Appell, G.N. (ed.), Studies in Borneo Societies.De Kalb, Illinois: Northern Illinois University, South East AsianStudies Department.

Bodley, J.H. 1972.Tribal Survival in the Amazon: The Campa Case.Copenhagen: IWGIA Document No. 5.

Bodley, J.H. 1975.Victims of Progress.Menlo Park, California: Cummings. 200 p.

Bodley, J. H. 1976.Anthropology and Contemporary Human Problems.Menlo Park, California: Cummings. 246 p.

Bodley, J.H. 1977.Alternatives to Ethnocide: Human Goods, Living Museums and Real People, inSevilla-Casas, E. (ed.), Western Expansion and Indigenous Peoples.The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton. 307 p.

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Bourne, R. 1978.Assault on the Amazon.London: Victor Gollancz. 320 p.

Bromley, R. 1980.The Role of Colonization in the Economic Development of Ecuador (174-184), inBabira-Scazzocchio, F. (ed.), Land People and Planning in Contemporary Amazonia.Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University, Centre of LatinAmerican Studies, Occasional Publication No.3. 313 p.

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Brookfield, H. 1975.Interdependent Development.London: Methuen. 234 p.

Brookfield, H.C.; Bayliss-Smith, T.P.; Bedford, R.D.; Brookfield, M.;Campbell, J.C.; Hardaker, J.B.; and Latham, M. 1977.The Eastern Islands of Fiji: Ecology, Population and Development.Paris: Unesco. 407 p.

Brooks, E., et al. 1973.Tribes of the Amazon Basin in Brazil, 1972.London: Charles Knight. 201 p.

Broom, L., and Kitusi, J.I. 1955.The Validation of Acculturation: A Condition of Ethnic Assimilation.Washington, D.C.: American Anthropologist. p. 44-48.

Brownlee, A.T. 1978.Community, Culture and Care: A Cross-Cultural Guide for Health Workers.St. Louis, Missouri: C.V. Mosby. 297 p.

Buchbinder, G. 1976.Man and Woman in the New Guinea Highlands, in Brown, P.; Buchbinder, G.; andMaybury-Lewis, D (eds.)Washington, D.C.: American Anthropological Association. 108 p.

Buckley, W.F. 1980.Human Rights and Foreign Policy: A Proposal.New York: Foreign Affairs 58(4):775-796.

Bulmer, R. 1971.Conserving the Culture: An Institute of New Guinea Studies.New Guinea 6(2):17-26.

Burbano, H.M., et al. 1964.El Problema de las poblaciones ind(genas del Ecuador: artesanias,defensa de la salud, seguro social y poblaciones selvaticas.Quito, Ecuador: Actas del V Congreso Indigenista Inter-Americano 3:149-187.

Burling, R. 1967.Tribesmen and Lowlanders of Assam (India) (215-232), in Kunstadter, P. (ed.),Southeast Asian Tribes, Minorities and Nations.Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press. 903 p.

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Carey, I.Y. 1961.Ranchangan Lima Tahun (A General Explanation of the Five Year Plan).Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: Pem. Penasihat Orang Asli, Commissioner for Aborigines.

Carey, I.Y. 1963.The Malayan Orang Asli and Their Future.Kuala Lumpur: Commissioner for Orang Asli Affairs.

Carey, I.Y. 1973.The Administration of the Aboriginal Tribes of Western Malaysia.Chicago, Illinois: International Congress of Anthropological and EthnologicalSciences (IXth) 0528. 46 p.

Carlston, K.S. 1968.Social Theory and African Tribal Organization.Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 462 p.

Carneiro, R.L. 1964.Social Concomitants of Ecological Differences among Two Amazonian Tribes.Detroit, Michigan: American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting.

Carneiro, R.L. 1970.The Transition from Hunting to Horticulture in the Amazon Basin.Durham, United Kingdom: Proceedings of the International Congress ofAnthropological and Ethnological Sciences 8:244-248.

Carneiro, R.L. 1978.The Knowledge and Use of Rain Forest Trees by the Kuikuru Indians of CentralBrazil (201-216), in The Nature and Status of Ethnobotany.Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Anthropological Paper, No. 7.

Caswell, D., and Molina, G. 1954.Promoci6n de desarrollo en grupos indIgenas del Oriente Ecuatoriano servidospor misioneros evangelicos; artesanias, defensa de la salud, seguro socialy poblaciones selvaticas.Quito, Ecuador: Actas del V Congreso Indigenista Interamericano 3:226-240.

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Center for Disease Control. 1978.A Monitoring System for Reactions to Vaccination: Guidelines for ImmunizationPrograms.Atlanta, Georgia: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public HealthService, Center for Disease Control.

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Center for Disease Control. 1980.Health Information for International Travel.Atlanta, Georgia: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Public HealthService, Center for Disease Control.

Chagnon, N.A. 1968a.Yanomamo, the Fierce People.New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 142 p.

Chagnon, N.A. 1968b.Yanomamo Social Organization and Warfare (109-159), in Fried, M.; Harris, M;and Murphy, R. (eds.), War: The Anthropology of Conflict and Armed Aggression.Garden City, New York: The Natural History Press.

Chagnon, N.A. 1973.The Culture Ecology of Shifting (Pioneering) Cultivation among YanomamoIndians (126-142), in Gross, D.R. (ed.), Peoples and Cultures of NativeSouth America.Garden City, New York: Doubleday. 566 p.

Chagnon, N.A. 1979.Evolutionary Biology and Human Social Behavior.Boston, Massachusetts: Duxbury Press. 623 p.

Chagnon, N.A., and Hames, R.B. 1979.Protein Deficiency and Tribal Warfare in Amazonia: New Data.Washington, D.C.: Science 203:910-913.

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Chayanov, A.V. 1966.The Theory of Peasant Economy, in Thorner, D. (ed.)Homewood, Illinois: American Economic Association, Irwin. 317 p.

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Clarke, W. 1966.From Extensive to Intensive Shifting Cultivation: A Succession from New Guinea.Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: University of Pittsburgh, Ethnology 5:347-359.

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Clastres, P. 1966.La Civilisation Guayaki: Archaisme ou Re4gres?Asunci6n, Paraguay: Supplemente Antropologico de la Revista Ateneo Paraguayo 2(1).

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Clifford, M.L. 1968.The Land and People of Malaya.Philadelphia, Pennsylvania: Lippincott. 160 p.

Clinebell, J.N., and Thomson, J. 1978.Sovereignty and Self-Determination: The Rights of Native Americans underInternational Law.Buffalo, New York: Buffalo Law Review 27(4):689-714.

Cochrane, G. 1971.Development Anthropology.New York: Oxford UTniversity Press. 125 p.

Cochrane, G. 1974.What Can Anthropology Do for Development?Washington, D.C.: Finance and Development 11(2):20-22.

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Colletta, N.J. 1975.The Use of Indigenous Culture as a Medium for Development: the Indonesian Case.Prisma, Indonesia: Indonesian Journal Social and Economic Affairs 1(2):60-73.

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Colletta, N. 1980.American Schools for the Natives of Ponape: A Study of Education and CultureChange in Micronesia.Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, East-West Center. 181 p.

Colletta, N.J.; Ewing, R.T.; and Todd, T.A. 1982.Cultural Revitalization, Non-Formal Education and Village Developmentin Sri Lanka: The Sarvodaya Shramadana Movement.Chicago, Illinois: Comparative Education Review (June), 27 p.

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Coppens, W. 1972.The Anatomy of a Land Invasion Scheme in Yekuana Territory, Venezuela.Copenhagen: IWGIA Document No. 9. 24 p.

Corry, S. 1976.Towards Indian Self-Determination in Colombia.London: Survival International Document 2. 80 p.

Corry, S. 1978.Self-determination: Rhetoric or Reality?London: Survival International (ms). 25 p.

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Cowell, A. 1971.The Tribe that Hides from Man.New York: Stein and Day. 251 p.

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Davis, S.H., and Mathews, R.O. 1976.The Geological Imperative: Anthropology and Development in the Amazon Basinof South America.Boston, Massachussetts: Anthropology Resource Center. 106 p.

Davis, S.H. 1977.Victims of the Miracle.New York: Cambridge University Press. 205 p.

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de Kadt, E. (ed.). 1979.Tourism - Passport to Development? Perspectives on the Social and CulturalEffects of Tourism in Developing Countries.New York: Oxford University Press. 360 p.

Denevan, W.M. 1966.A Cultural-Ecological View of the Former Aboriginal Settlements in the AmazonBasin.Washington, D.C.: Professional Geographer 18:346-351.

Denevan, W.M. 1970.The Aboriginal Population of Western Amazonia in Relation to Habitat and Subsistence.Revista Geografica (Brazil) 72:61-86.

Deng, F.M. 1978.Africans of Two Worlds: The Dinka of the Afro-Arab Sudan.New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. 244 p.

Dentan, R.K. 1979.The Semai: A Non-violent People of Malaysia.New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. 141 p.

Department of State. 1978.Human Rights and U.S. Foreign Policy.Washington, D.C.: Office of Public Communication, Bureau ofPublic Affairs 8959. 74 p.

Despres, L.A. (ed.). 1975.Ethnicity and Resource Competition in Plural Societies.The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton, and Chicago: Aldine. 221 p.

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De Vos, G.A. (ed.). 1976.Responses to Change: Society, Culture, and Personality.New York: Van Nostrand. 375 p.

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Wright, R., and Akwesasenotes. 1982.Native Peoples in Struggle.Boston, Massachusetts: Anthropology Resource Center. 250 p.

Wyatt, J.D. 1979.Native Involvement in Curriculum Development - Native Teacher as Cultural Broker.Toronto, Canada: Interchange 9:17-28.

Section 2: Bibliography--by Subject

CULTURAL CHANGE: Tribal Groups and Change

Bernard and Pelto, 1972. Berry and Annis, 1974. Berry, 1975. Broomand Kitusi, 1955. Colletta, 1977. Crosby, 1972. de Kadt, 1979.De Vos, 1976. Foster, 1962. French, Rodgers, and Cobb, 1974. Hansen andOliver-Smith, 1982. Harding, 1960. Hinkle, 1974. Mair, 1965. Maybury-Lewis,1979. Nash, 1977. Noronha, 1979. Peel, 1976. Redfield, 1935. Service,1971. Sevilla-Casas, 1977. Smith, 1977. Steward, 1972.

DEVELOPMENT and Tribal Groups

Appell, 1975. Appell, 1977. Barbira-Scazzocchio, 1980. Bodley, 1975.Goulet, 1971. Hunter, 1974. Maybury-Lewis, 1980.

DISCRIMINATION and Tribal Groups

Simpson and Yinger, 1958. United Nations, 1973. United Nations, 1978.United Nations, 1979. Wright and Akwesasenotes, 1982.

ECONOMICS and Tribal Groups

Bicchieri,i972. Chayanov, 1966. Dalton, 1967. Dalton, 1971.Dobyns, 1973. Dommen, 1974. Konczacki, 1978. Lathrap, 1968.Nash, 1966. Schapera, 1967.

GOVERNMENT and Tribal Groups

Appell, 1978. Bennett, 1978a. Bennett, 1978b. Bennett, 1979. Buckley, 1980.Clinebell and Thomson, 1978. Corry, 1978. Department of State,1978.Edwards, 1972. Organization of American States, 1979. Piven andCloward, 1965. Sanders, 1973. Suter, 1978.

HEALTH and Tribal Groups

Appell, 1975. Benenson, 1975. Black, 1975. Brownlee, 1978. Center forDisease Control, 1978. Feachem, 1975. Leighton, 1967. May, 1961.Miller, 1970. Moody, 1965. Newman, 1975. Nutels, 1968. PAHO, 1968.Solomon, Amkraut, and Kasper, 1974. Vogel, 1970.

INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE and Tribal Groups

Amaru IV Cooperative, 1980. Barker, 1978. Barker, 1979. Bell, 1979.Belshaw, 1979. Berlin, Breedlove, and Raven, 1973. Bodley, 1977.Dasmann, 1975. Dommen, 1975. Elkin, 1946. Hanbury-Tenison, 1980.Hazelton, 1980.

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Indigenous Knowledge and Tribal Groups (continued)

Howes, 1979. Howes and Chambers, 1979. Janzen, 1973. Lee, 1968.O'Keefe and Howes, 1979. Neel, 1970. Richards, 1975. Richards, 1979.Swift, 1979. Thompson, 1970. Wyatt, 1979.

TRAINING and Tribal Groups

Cochrane, 1979. Cole, Gay, Glick, and Sharp, 1971.

Section 3: Bibliography--by Country or Region

AFGHANISTAN

Anderson, 1978.

AFRICA General

Allan, 1965. Carlston, 1968. Dornboos and Lofchie, 1971. Douglas, 1965.Duignan, 1971. Gibbs, 1965. Heinz and Maguire (undated). Horton, 1967.Hughes and Hunter, 1972. Johannesburg Public Library, 1956. Lambo, 1965.Lee, 1969. Liniger, 1968. Manning, 1973. Marshall, 1960. Monod, 1975.Murdock, 1959. Richards, 1975, Turnbull, 1965. Turnbull, 1966. Turnbull,1971. Western and Dunne, 1979.

ARGENTINA

Bartolome, 1969. Bartolome, 1972. Fock, 1966-67. Harner, 1968.Pupareli, 1969. Rodriguez, 1976.

ASIA, SOUTH-EAST

Embree and Dotson, 1950. Hunter, 1966. Kunstadter, 1967. LeBar, Hickey, andMusgrove, 1964. Murdock, 1960. Provencher, 1975. Thompson and Adleff, 1955.Wallace, 1972.

AUSTRALIA

Barnes, 1968. Elkin, 1954. Gale, 1972. Gould, 1969a. Gould, 1969b.Howard, 1978b. Howard, 1979. Schapper, 1970. Sharp and Tas, 1966.

BOLIVIA

Holmberg, 1969. Kelm, 1972. Lewis, 1978. Medina, 1977a. Riester, 1972.Riester, 1975. Tumiri-Apaza, 1978.

BRAZIL

Arnaud, 1973. Aspelin, 1975. Aspelin, 1979. Bourne, 1978. Brooks, 1973.Carneiro, 1964. Carneiro, 1970. Carneiro, 1978. Chagnon, 1968a. Chagnon,1968b. Chagnon, 1973. Chagnon and Hames, 1979. Chiappino, 1975a,b. Cowell,1974. Davis, 1977. Davis and Mathews, 1976. Denevan, 1966. Denevan, 1970.Fock, 1963. Fuerst, 1972. FUNAI (Funda9ao Nacional do Indio), 1975. Galvao,1979. Gross, 1975. Gross, 1979. Goodland and Irwin, 1975. Goodland, Irwin,and Tillman, 1978. Guppy, 1958. Hanbury-Tenison, 1973. Hemming, 1978.Hopper, 1967. Huxley, 1957. Indigena, 1974. Junqueira, 1967. Junqueira, 1975.Kracke, 1979. Laraia and Da Matta, 1979. Martins de Souza, 1979. Maybury-Lewis,1968.

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Brazil (continued)

Maybury-Lewis, 1969. Maybury-Lewis, 1974. Medina, 1977b. Melatti, 1972.Migliazza, 1978. Mora and Chirif, 1979. Presland, 1979. Price, 1975.Price, 1977a. Price, 1977b. Price, 1982. Ramos, 1979. Ramos and Taylor,1976. Ribeiro, 1967. Ribeiro, 1970. Romanoff, 1977. Ross, 1978. Seeger,1974. Seeger, 1979. Seeger, 1980. Seeger and de Castro, 1977. United StatesCongress, 1978. Vidal, 1977. Wagley, 1977.

BURMA

Lehman, 1967.

CANADA

Cumming, 1977. De'Ath and Michalenko, 1980. Sanders, 1973.

CHILE

Berdichewsky, 1975, 1977. Fortin, 1977.

CHINA

Diao, 1967.

COLOMBIA

Bonilla, 1972. Cardenas, 1972. Corry, 1976. Corry, 1978. Hugh-Jones, 1974.Medina, 1977c. Silverwood-Cope, 1972.

ECUADOR

Bromley, 1979. Burbano, 1964. Caswell and Molina, 1954. Robinson, 1972.Salazar, 1977. Whitten, 1976. Whitten, 1978.

ETHIOPIA

Harbeson, 1975. Knutsson, 1972.

GUATEMALA

Davis and Hodson, 1982. Guatemala, 1978. Medina, 1977d.

GUINEA-BISSAU

Darcy, Rosiska, and Miguel, 1975-6.

GUYANA

Colson, 1977. Fournier, 1979. Henfrey, 1964. Heningsgaard, 1981. Kenswil,1946. Knapp, 1965. Menezes, 1977. Peberdy, 1948. Sanders, 1972.

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INDIA

Aiyappan, 1948. Burling, 1967. Gardner, 1972. Ghurye, 1963.Krishna, Bala Ratnam, and Bala Ratnam, 1961. Madhya Pradesh, Governmentof, 1979. Menon, 1966. Moser, 1972. Sinha, 1972. Sinha, 1974. Viayarth, 1974.

INDONESIA

Appell, 1976a. Appell, 1976b. Appell, 1976c. Appell, 1977. Black (undated).Colletta, 1975. Crystal, 1977. Dixon, 1974. Goodland, 1981. Haar, 1962.Harris, 1956. Hudson, 1972. Kennedy, 1962. King, 1974a. King, 1974b.Suparlan, 1979. Vayda, Colfer, and Brotokusomo, 1980.

JAPAN

Takakura, 1960. Ward, 1967.

LIBERIA

Harley, 1941. Kurtz, 1976.

MEXICO

Barabas and Bartolome, 1973. Wolf, 1959.

MALAYSIA

Carey, 1961, 1963, 1973. Clifford, 1968. Dentan, 1962. Dentan, 1968.Geddes, 1954a. Geddes, 1954b. Geddes, 1961. Gullick, 1958. Harrison, 1967.Jones, 1968. Malaya, Department of the Adviser on Aborigines, 1951.McTaggert, 1968. Pelzer, 1971. Ryan, 1962. Smith, 1961. Taylor, 1977.Williams-Hunt, 1952.

NEW GUINEA

Buchbinder, 1976. Bulmer, 1971. Clarke, 1966. Clarke, 1971.Dornstreich, 1973. Dornstreich, 1977. Feachem, 1975. Finney, 1973.Hipsley and Kirk, 1965. Hornabrook, 1977. Lowman, 1975. Rappaport, 1967.Watson, 1967.

NIGERIA

Faniran and Arcola, 1976. Freeman, 1955. Leighton, 1963. Norman, 1975.Smith, 1965.

NORTH AFRICA

Gellner, 1965. Hailey, 1957.

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PACIFIC

Bayliss-Smith and Feachem, 1977. Brookfield, Bayliss-Smith, Bedford,Brookfield, Campbell, Hardaker, and Latham, 1977. Colletta, 1980.South Pacific Commission, 1957.

PANAMA

Bennett, 1962.

PARAGUAY

Arens, 1976. Arens, 1978. Clastres, 1966. Clastres, 1972. Maybury-Lewisand Howe, 1980. Medina, 1977e. Munzel, 1973. Munzel, 1974. Munzel, 1976.Reboratti, 1979. Sardi, 1971. Smith and Melia, 1978. Stephansky andAlexander, 1976. Stephansky and Helfeld, 1977.

PERU

Lewellen, 1978. Smith, 1974, 1979. Uriarte, 1971. Varese, 1972a.Varese, 1972b. Webster, 1971.

PHILIPINES

Conklin, 1957. Dozier, 1966. Drucker, 1978. Eggan and Hester, 1956.Evans-Pritchard, 1965. Nance, 1975. Philipines, 1980. Razon andHensman, 1976. S.E. Asia Resource Center, 1979. Sinusat, 1973. Swain, 1977.

SOUTH AFRICA

Goodfellow, 1973. Heinz, 1966. Schapera, 1937. (rep. 1953). Schapera, 1941.Seligman, 1957.

SOUTH AMERICA General

Anonymous, 1978. Barbira-Scazzochio, 1980. Basso, 1977. Beale, 1955.Declaration of Barbados, 1972. Dostal, 1972. Grimes, 1978. Gross, 1973.Hames, 1980. Jackson, 1975. Lyon, 1974. Materne, 1980. Minority RightsGroup, 1973. Moran, 1979. Murdock, 1951. O'Leary, 1963. O'Shaughnessy,1973. Schapera, 1967. Steward, 1946-1963. Steward and Faron, 1959.Swepston, 1978. Udy, 1959. Werner, 1979. Wilbert, 1961.

SUDAN

Asad, Cunnison, and Hill, 1966. Deng, 1978.

SURINAM

Kloos, 1971, 1972, 1977.

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THAILAND

Geddes, 1967. Manndorff, 1967.

VENEZUELA

Coppens, 1972. de Jimenez, 1972. Harris, 1971. Mosonyi, 1972.Taylor, 1974.

VIETNAM

Hickey, 1967.

ZAIRE

Ciparisse, 1978.

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