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Title Understanding Nature through Photography : An Empirical Analysis of the Intents of Nature Photographers and thePreparatory Process

Author(s) Ohara, Naoyuki; Yamanaka, Yasuhiro; Trencher, Gregory

Citation Environmental communication, 13(8), 1053-1068https://doi.org/10.1080/17524032.2019.1572638

Issue Date 2020-06-23

Doc URL http://hdl.handle.net/2115/78658

Rights This is an Accepted Manuscript of an article published by Taylor & Francis in Environmental communication on 20 Jun2019, available online: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/17524032.2019.1572638

Type article (author version)

File Information FInal manuscript for EC（Ohara_ Yamanaka Trencher）.pdf

Hokkaido University Collection of Scholarly and Academic Papers : HUSCAP

Understanding nature through photography: An empirical analysis of the intents of nature photographers

and the preparatory process

Naoyuki Ohara1, Yasuhiro Yamanaka2, and Gregory Trencher3.

1. Graduate School of Environmental Science, Hokkaido University, Hokkaido, Japan

2. Faculty of Environmental Earth Science, Hokkaido University, Hokkaido, Japan

3. Graduate School of Environmental Studies, Tohoku University, Miyagi, Japan

Abstract

This study examined the intent, preparatory processes and challenges of nature

photographers mainly shooting plants and animals in northern Japan. Findings revealed

efforts to actively absorb scientific knowledge related to subjects during the preparatory

process. Thus, a core intention is to capture nature in a scientifically credible manner,

thereby demonstrating intimate understanding of subjects acquired from both scientific

knowledge and first-hand field observations. In constructing their self-identity and

attributing purpose to their work, photographers are grappling with internal tensions and

contradictions when deciding the optimal distance to place between their field and related

professions such as stock photography and artistic expression. We also observed cases

where the original intentions of scientifically credible images from nature photographers

might be lost as images are freely diffused via digital stock photo libraries. This harbors

implications for the ability of the public to knowingly view photographs with a sort of

“quality assurance” based on natural science.

Keywords

Nature photography; nature photographer; environmental advocacy; stock photography

Introduction

Nature photography has largely contributed to increased understanding into

natural phenomena and habitats that we are unable to directly observe with the naked eye.

Photographs of nature are frequently featured in the public realm in the form of printed

communication materials and the websites of environmental protection groups, NGOs

and public administrations, and are often exploited to advocate for the preservation and

protection of endangered species and the natural environment (Seppannen & Esa, 2003).

In the present day, professionals working in the environmental field often use images of

the natural world such as photographs to strengthen the appeal of the particular species

and habitats they wish to protect and to rouse public support for conservation (Cox &

Steve, 2015; Deluca, 1997; Doyle, 2007; Foale & Martha, 2005). Images of polar bears

on melting sea ice, which have become a symbol of the global fight against climate

change, are a fine example (Tollmann, 2014). Nature photographs are widely used for

such purposes in Japan too. For instance, in its National Biodiversity Strategy for 2010,

the Japanese Ministry of the Environment included nature photographs taken by famous

domestic photographers in the official pamphlet (Ministry of the Environment, 2010).

Previous studies demonstrate that in the past some nature photographers have

contributed greatly to the introduction of environmental policies through the legacy of

their images (Pezzullo & Cox, 2018). Although few in number, some nature

photographers crusade actively for environmental protection from the outset of the

photographic process, much in the spirit of a press photographer. Robert Glenn Ketchum

is renowned for succeeding in changing forest conservation policy for Alaska’s Tongass

rainforest in the late 1980s. Notably, he planned his photographs from the out- set with

the intent of triggering a drastic review of domestic forest policy. At the time of

publication, he formulated an elaborate political strategy in advance by writing for

support to influential people such as activists and scientists who backed the conservation

of the region photographed. When Ketchum’s photographic book The Tongass: Alaska’s

Vanishing Rain Forest was published in 1987, he claimed that the Reagan administration

had neglected environment conservation and instead prioritized the economic interests of

large companies such as the timber and oil industry. In the book’s final chapter “Last

Stand,” he claimed “the fate of Tongass is now in the hands of Congress” and attempted

to spread support for conserving the region by urging readers to “inform yourself and let

your representative know your position” (Ketchum & Carey, 1994, p. 109). His efforts

were noticed in the United States, and the Tongass Timber Reform Act was enacted in

1990. This law aimed to ensure the expansion of designated wilderness and protected

areas and establish reductions to permitted timber harvesting quotas. The following year,

Ketchum received the Global 500 Roll of Honor from the United Nations Environmental

Program that recognizes people deeply involved in solving environmental problems.

While this example demonstrates how the political intentions of a nature

photographer succeeded in stirring public support for environmental policy action, there

are also cases where photographs have triggered societal changes despite the absence of

such explicit intents on the part of the photographer. A photographic exhibition at the

Smithsonian Museum in Washington D.C. by Shabhanker Banerjee in 2003 provides an

illustrative example. Also documenting the Alaskan region, this exhibition became a big

topic among politicians and environmental activists. When planning the shoot, although

Banerjee was strongly moved by the beauty of the Alaskan wilderness and aspired to see

nature there remain untrammeled by tourism and industry, he never set out intentionally

to draw attention to any particular industrial activity in the region. Rather, as the author

stated, his photographic intention was more explained by “I was stunned by the

biodiversity of the refuge and how little had been documented photographically”

(Banerjee, 2003, p. 17). Although this was not the photographer’s intent, eventually oil

drilling at the shooting location was canceled. The Smithsonian Museum subsequently

deemed that his work was too strong in terms of political messages and, after issuing a

notice to Banerjee, changed and shrank the contents of his solo exhibition (Egan, 2003).

In both these cases, whilst the photographic works and exhibitions from Ketchum and

Banerjee both triggered a shift in societal awareness and a dramatic shift in conservation

policy, a major distinction between the two lies in the degree of explicit political intention

that motivated the works from the outset.

These above examples demonstrate an immense potential in photographic

images of the natural world to influence policy and public attitudes towards nature. Yet

they also point to the importance of understanding the intentions that compel nature

photographers to take certain images. Some previous studies have tackled this topic by

inferring the intentions of nature photographs used for environmental purposes by

analyzing documents and historical information (Deluca & Demo, 2000, Nobuoka, 2009).

However, real-time empirical research on currently practicing nature photographers based

on first-hand and face-to-face accounts has not progressed much. As O’Neil and Nicholas

(2014) point out in their review of the types of visual images used by actors such as

scientists, politicians, media, and campaigning organizations to communicate various

dimensions of climate change, there is a need in the literature for ethnographic studies

that focus on the intentions driving the moment of production (O’Neil & Nicholas, 2014).

However, scholarship as a whole has so far tended to focus on the societal impacts of

particular photographic images rather than the specific intentions of nature

photographers and the preparation process taken to help achieve a particular objective.

This study thus contributes to the limited literature on this topic by exploring the need to

distinguish between the original intent of photographers and subsequent (political) uses

of photographs that ignore these motivations. As our research shows, this constitutes a

great area of tension for practicing photographers.

In recent years, stock photography has become widespread and images diffused

via this medium are widely exploited in society. In addition, as will be brought to light

later, this study has found that the rise of stock photos holds important implications for

the accurate transmission of the original intentions of nature photographers. In the 1990s,

the Japan Professional Photographers Society delivered a highly positive appraisal of the

stock photo paradigm, arguing that “Thanks to this mechanism, nature photographers

have rapidly gained recognition, one after another” (Japan Professional Photographers

Society, 2000, p. 403). However, since the early 2000s, stock photo agencies have

undergone significant restructuring, with small companies assimilated by larger

competitors, and the remaining firms attaining an enormous scale. Due to the enlargement

of this industry, nature photographs are now treated as mere commodities, and the

intentions of nature photographers may be less likely to be transmitted.

Against this backdrop, the objective of this study is to build understanding into

the specific intentions of nature photographers working in Hokkaido in Northern Japan

and the preparatory measures that facilitate this purpose. Specifically, we tackle three

research questions: (1) the kind of preparatory measures taken by photographers before

shoots and the intent that drives their work, (2) the manner by which these professionals’

self-identity and attribute meaning to their role as nature photographers, and (3)

challenges encountered in conveying their intent to the public through images, and

countermeasures to overcome these. In line with calls from O’Neil and Nicholas (2014)

for more empirical studies, we employ qualitative methods that combine data from

interview research and document analysis.

Our findings reveal that these photographers invest strenuous efforts to

understand their subjects. Overall, a widely shared core intent is to produce images that

faithfully capture a subject’s quintessential behavior and characteristics while also

conveying to viewers the photographer’s deep understanding of the subject and any new

discoveries. This is done by actively acquiring knowledge from the natural sciences and

coupling this with intimate understanding gained from extensive first-hand observations

in the field. This points to a need to appreciate and respect the intent and educative role

played by professional nature photographers in increasing our understanding of the

natural world— particularly since society’s acquisition of knowledge about nature is

increasingly reliant on visual representations from photographers rather than direct

experience. In addition, findings show that when constructing their professional self-

identity, nature photographers are wrestling with significant internal tensions and

contradiction as they attempt to distinguish their role from that of scientists and artistic

or specialized stock photographers. Finally, results also reveal that the increasing

circulation of images via digital stock photography libraries is posing significant

challenges for the accurate transmission of the true intent of nature photographers, since

images can freely be appropriated and used out of context.

Literature review

From the moment a photograph is taken, intentions are routinely added to the

image not only by the photographer but also by editors and subsequent users. As noted

by Imahashi (2008), although it is generally believed that photographs are a faithful

reproduction of nature cut out from “the decisive moment”—a name taken from Cartier-

Bresson’s work—photographs are the result of a conscious selection of images (an act

which is itself shaped by biases of the photographer and editors) and the manipulation of

gradation, shading and composition before publication. Imahashi also pointed out that the

interpretation of photographic images is greatly influenced by their historical, political

and cultural backgrounds at the time of publication. Concurring with this point, Sontag

(1979) argues that publishers and the media largely dictate the framework within which

photographs are produced, and that the general public readily regard photographs as a

snippet of the real world.

Existent scholarship examining the intent of nature photographers has mostly

tackled this issue by inferring motivations retrospectively from particular images or the

wider socio-historical context surrounding their work (e.g. Dunaway, 2005). This

literature has produced understanding that although the intent of photographers has been

occasionally misused or misread by users and critics (Deluca & Demo, 2000; Nobuoka,

2009), there have been some cases where publishers respected the intent of photographers

and reflected them in the publication of their works.

To cite a case of interest, in the late nineteenth century in the urban areas of the

United States, photographs of Carlton Watkins were used for the purposes of promoting

conservation activities in Yosemite. Deluca and Demo (2000) conducted a visual criticism

on the works of Watkins from the viewpoint of subject matter that did not feature in

his photographs. As a result of this approach, they discovered that the life and traces of

Native Americans and miners—although key inhabitants in Yosemite—were omitted

entirely as subject matter in his photographs. This research lead to the conclusion that

Watkins himself did not intend to photograph the nature of Yosemite to reflect any

political circumstances of the United States. Rather, he viewed and photographed Yose-

mite’s wilderness from a Christian viewpoint as a new world specially created by God.

Despite this, Watkin’s images were actively used in a political context by the American

Government as a means to rebuild the American identity, which had been crushed by the

Civil War, and to advertise “a pristine wilderness” to the public. Thus Deluca and Demo’s

research revealed a great gap between the religious intention that Watkins tried to

photograph and the political intention that was later added by the government agencies

publishing their images.

A doctoral dissertation from the field of comparative culture studies on a

famous Japanese nature photographer Michio Hoshino (whose lifelong work was

dedicated to documenting the wilderness of Alaska until 1995) is one of the few studies

of individual nature photographers in Japan (Nobuoka, 2009). Whilst Hoshino’s ideas

have been fragmentally cited after his fatal accident, Nobuoka’s research has played a

large role in comprehensively clarifying the ideas he held regarding his work. As

Nobuoka analyzed from Hoshino’s essay and lectures, Hoshino did not fully support

nature conservation and animal welfare. Moreover, he appeared to hold a positive view

of modernization. By comparing the words that Mr. Hoshino himself spelled out in his

various essays with the texts of those who criticized him, Nobuoka’s research revealed

that the intentions of Hoshino were greatly distorted by criticism after his death.

Dunaway (2005) pointed out that historical photographers and filmmakers who

photographed American wildlife and landscapes have contributed greatly to the

environmental conservation movement, and largely shaped public perceptions of the

environment. In addition, he examined the case of nature photographer Herbert W.

Gleason, whose photographs were newly inserted into Henry Thoreau’s novel Life in the Woods published by Houghton Mifflin. Dunaway pointed out how Houghton Mifflin took

great care to confirm the intent of Gleason’s images before publication in order to assess

their suitability for his work. As clarified from his lectures, documents and the contents

of his photographs, Dunaway revealed that Gleason’s intent was to sanctify the existence

of Thoreau. The publisher also advertised that Gleason had traveled to “the very spots”

described by Thoreau, and called Gleason “an ardent lover of nature” (Mifflin in

Dunaway, 2005, p. 15).

A common feature in the literature showcased to this point is that, given that

the photographers concerned were no longer alive at the time of study (and therefore

unable to be contacted for verification), their intent has been retroactively and indirectly

inferred from relevant images, lectures, and texts. Although some research has been able

to confirm with practicing photographers about the intent of their photographic activities

(Dunaway, 2005), to date there is a lack of literature that seeks to explicitly build

empirical understanding about the preparatory stage before shooting. As such, knowledge

is visibly lacking into points such as the objectives of nature photographers and

preparatory measures taken to this end, the nature of their relationships with other

professional communities, their ideas and the self-identity they construct through their

work, and challenges faced in adequately conveying their intentions to publishers and

viewers. One notable exception however is the empirical work of Schwarz (2013) who

has surveyed the practices of contemporary conservation photographers in the United

States to build understanding into the political strategies used to arouse public support for

nature conservation while, in another study, using interview methods to understand the

impact of online publishing platforms on their professional practices (Gervais, 2016).

Given that research is limited beyond Schwarz’s work, our study tackles our research

questions by meeting directly with practicing nature photographers to gain first-hand

insights into their experiences. This overcomes the limitation of previous research, which

has tended to mostly target famous, deceased photographers who were able to extensively

publish their works and actively communicate their opinions. Thus, in addition to

seasoned veterans, in this study we included nature photographers who are yet to widely

publish their work or publicize their opinions. Do such nature photographers yet to attain

fame and recognition also share similar ideas to prominent photographers? We expect that

interviews with these photographers will reveal more detailed insights into their intent,

self-identity and challenges than indirect retrospective analyses, which have dominated

literature to date.

Methodology

Overall approach

To obtain both primary and second data, this study employed interviews, field

research, and document analysis, with the former being the most important method. Brief

explanations for each are provided below.

When conducting semi-structured interviews, photographers were requested

beforehand to bring along several representative works as a basis for discussion. We

applied a narrative studies approach described by Czarniawska (2004). Drawing on cues

that arise during interview narratives, this approach mainly focuses on investigating the

details of events or processes involving the participants rather than on the formal aspects

of conversation between the researcher and the participants. In order to analyze the

intentions of each photographer with regard to the contents of their representative

photographs, we applied a hermeneutic approach that investigates the structural causes of

particular events or statements (Wernet, 2014).

We also applied ethnographic techniques when collecting and analyzing data

(Borneman & Hammoudi, 2009; Sanjek, 1990) by visiting the places where the works of

the surveyed photographers are actually presented to the public such as lectures or photo

exhibitions. These first-hand field observations allowed the recording and analysis of the

specific processes by which the nature photographers present and communicate their

works.

This study draws on findings from an analysis of “non-technical literature”

(Flick, 2014). Concretely, this documentation comprises of literature such as

photographic books, textual and pictorial essays and articles written mainly by the

photographers under scrutiny about the nature of their work. As Flick (2014) explains,

non-technical literature can provide useful first-hand data for supporting and

supplementing other forms of primary data like interview and observations. Since this

research focuses on the findings from interviews or field surveys as a distinguishing

characteristic relative to previous research, literature is mainly collected and examined to

supplement interviews and direct participation observation.

Sampling strategies

In Japanese, both traditional Chinese characters and katakana have been used

to convey the term “nature photographer” (the latter allows direct adoption of the English

pronunciation for the term) and describe photographers shooting natural world subjects.

Takemura and Toyoda (1995) in their book History of Nature Photography in 50 Years:

Nature Photo 1,500 Volumes deal exclusively with nature photography centered on

animals and plants in Japan. The authors exclude landscape and astronomy photographs because of the different histories in these fields and the unique expertise required for

nature photography dealing with animals and plants. Following this distinction, this study

exclusively examines photographers who principally document animals and plants.

We opted for a theoretical sampling approach, gradually assembling the sample

of nature photographers as our understanding of the phenomena emerged. As Glaser and

Strauss (1967) explain, in theoretical sampling the sample is collected step-by-step and

iteratively as the researcher decides which data should be collected next while collecting

and coding the data and formulating the research questions. Our sample of 17 nature

photographers (comprising 3 females and 14 males) is characterized by considerably different career durations, achievements, and visibility in the public sphere. As shown in

Table 1, we use alphabet codes (e.g. A, B, C, etc.) when referring to each photographer

in our findings so as to avoid emphasizing their individuality. Our sample includes four

veteran photographers with extensive publishing experience dating back to the 1970s and

80s during which nature photography developed and was popularized. These veterans

were chosen on the expectation they would be able to provide a representative perspective

on the state of nature photography in Japan, expert knowledge, and an enriching

discussion. In addition, we also examine newcomer photographers beginning professional

activities only within the last decade in order to include a wider spectrum of fame and

experience and provide a demographic balance to our sample.

The photographers examined in this study are principally practicing in

Hokkaido prefecture in far northern Japan. Seven of the 17 photographers surveyed

belong to the non-profit organization (NPO) “Association of Photographers in Hokkaido

(North Finder)” who provided valuable assistance in introducing newcomers for our study.

Hokkaido abounds in rich locations where photographers can capture nature in its

undisturbed state. This is largely due to the relatively low population density of the region,

its location in the climatic transition zone between temperate and subarctic regions (most

other climates in Japan are temperate), and the fact that a large portion of wilderness

remains untouched since the area was only settled by mainland Japanese approximately

150 years ago. Thus, as Hokkaido is blessed by a pristine nature mostly protected from

human interference, images of its wilderness can be seen as representative of the

unspoiled natural state of Japan’s northern ecology.

Data collection methods

Interview research

Semi-structured interviews were conducted in person over the period January

2013 to May 2017. All interviews were fully recorded, transcribed, and analyzed as

transcripts in accord with the research questions. After explaining the purpose and

methods of this research, we asked the following questions based on the photographic

works brought by the respondents for discussion:

1. What factors do you pay attention to when preparing for or shooting nature

photographs?

2. What is the main intent of your work and what measures do you take to ensure this is

accurately transmitted to the viewer?

3. What kind of activities you do engage in both as a nature photographer and outside

of this profession?

4. What are some of the principle challenges faced by nature photographers today, and

what are your opinions on these issues?

In addition, we also asked questions freely about their work, focusing on how they wanted

to present their photographic images to the public, the various measures used for this, and

challenges encountered in eliciting their intent through their photographs. In addition to

having respondents explain the subject of the photograph, we also asked them to narrate

their diverse thoughts on nature photography in general and what they had experienced

during their field shooting experiences.

Interview times in most cases lasted approximately one hour although several

respondents permitted more detailed discussions lasting from between two to five hours.

In addition to eliciting narratives about the preparatory process, the longer interviews

were able to explore elements seemingly not related directly to their photographic

intentions such as the history of nature photography in Japan and general trends in the

profession both in and outside Japan.

Field research

To further clarify how works from the surveyed photographers are presented to

the public, where possible we visited public photographic exhibitions and audited lectures

by the photographers concerned. We recorded and analyzed the contents of these lectures,

particularly with regard to how the photographs were presented to the audience.

Furthermore, during question and answer sessions or informal discussions afterwards we

asked the photographers as much as possible about the intent and motivations behind their

publication strategies.

Document analysis

Finally, to deepen our understanding about the 17 photographers examined, we

collected and examined at least 64 documents including photographic essays, newspaper

articles, and magazines—some of which featured interviews with the photographers

concerned. Findings from this document analysis were then compared to details obtained

from interviews and field work, and served to re-enforce findings or provide new insights.

Intent, tensions and contradictions in nature photography

In what follows, findings concerning the intentions of nature photographers are

organized mainly from three viewpoints: (1) efforts in acquiring natural scientific

knowledge during the preparatory stage; (2) challenges and tensions encountered in

constructing professional self-identities in relation to natural science, creative expression

and the so-called cameraman profession; and (3) impacts and implications of stock

photographs regarding the transmission of original intent.

Efforts to acquire knowledge from the natural sciences during the preparatory stage

Tackling our first research question, document analysis and interviews with

photographers revealed that many devote much time and energy to acquiring knowledge

from the natural sciences to build understanding into their subject. By comparing their

first-hand observations of nature with scientific knowledge, literature demonstrates that

veteran nature photographers will sometimes formulate hypothesis through their works

(Mizukoshi, 2009). Historically, many of the pioneering, historical figures in nature

photography in Japan would set up preparatory periods for their photographic shoots in

the wild by visiting zoos, interviewing caregivers and examining archives of scientific

knowledge on the animals targeted (Iwagou, 1989; Tanaka, 1970). Similarly, our

interviews with younger photographers revealed they too are actively archiving and

acquiring knowledge from natural scientific materials related to their subjects to deepen

their understanding into biological and natural phenomena encountered during field

observations. Photographer F talks about his active assimilation of knowledge from

natural science as follows:

I often tell newcomer photographers that they should obtain expert knowledge in

this field so as to distinguish themselves from rivals. If photographers obtain such

knowledge and are then able to show their originality through their work, they might

attain expertise at an equal level to natural scientists. (Photographer F)

Nature photographers do not aim simply to reproduce scientific knowledge through their

work. Instead, they also vigorously seek to contribute to new scientific knowledge

themselves. For example, in the event that nature photographers find organisms or natural

phenomena that cannot be confirmed by various forms of scientific literature, we learned

that they actively communicate with researchers and academic societies specializing in

natural science to build understanding into the subject concerned. For example, in recent

years Photographer D discovered a plant that had not been observed for almost a century

and worked with a scientific researcher to ascertain the origins of this discovery.

Concretely, this collaboration lead to the rediscovery of an endemic violet species

blooming in the south of Hokkaido called Hidaka tatitsubo sumire that was listed in an

encyclopedia from the early Showa era (1935). Although this plant had not been seen in

that area for more than 70 years, the field work of Photographer D led to the identification

of plants mirroring the characteristics of historical book images. The rediscovery and

survival of this species was confirmed for the first time in decades via this cooperation

with taxonomists. The case thus indicates the tight integration between photographic

image production and scientific knowledge that characterizes the work of many

photographers and leads to the creation of scientifically credible images.

When asking researchers to provide expert knowledge about particular subjects,

we found that photographers are not simply requesting a one-way supply of knowledge

from experts. Instead, they also seek to leverage working relationships with researchers

to establish a two-way exchange and thus contribute to the pool of scientific knowledge.

For example, when Photographer P started working as a nature photographer, he

observed a previously unknown behavior whereby bats are able to endure the snow of

winters. He cooperated with a researcher specializing in bats at the Forest Research

Institute and the two began to implement joint field studies in Sapporo and elsewhere in

Hokkaido. This cooperative relationship led to the accumulation of discoveries of unusual

overwintering behavior of this animal. In the words of Photographer F: “As a person

documenting nature, I think that grasping and conveying as accurately as possible the

scientific background (of the subject) is an important consideration to the people viewing

my works.” Thus, as with earlier testimonies, this demonstrates a widely reported mindset

that the acquisition of scientific literacy relating to photographic subjects constitutes a

core intent for nature photographers. Similarly, this also suggests that communication

with scientists and the realm of scientific knowledge also brings nature photographers to

strive for objectivity and credibility from the perspective of natural science when

capturing images of the natural world.

Findings also revealed that nature photographers investing efforts to acquire

understanding from the natural sciences also undertake various actions in addition to

taking pictures and exhibiting or publishing their images. As an example, several

surveyed photographers have taken the initiative to participate in nature conservation

efforts, acting as local interpreters, guides and specialist advisers (see Table 1). In addition,

with some engaging in advocacy activities for the protection of local wildlife and

ecosystems, most nature photographers are investing much time and effort to present

themselves as specialists in local wildlife. It thus seems that nature photographers are well

suited to these public outreach roles since their accumulation of natural science during

the preparatory stage and interactions with scientists allows them to remain objective

about the state of particular natural habitats from the viewpoint of science.

Challenges and tensions encountered in constructing professional self-identities

Moving on to our second research question, despite the active measures

outlined above to acquire and contribute to natural scientific knowledge, in constructing

their professional identities and pur- suing their intent, we also found that photographers

are at the same time striving to maintain a cer- tain distance from natural science and

other photographic fields. That is, while nature photographers work to develop their

literacy in natural science related to their subjects, they also expressed some hesitancy

and self-reflection that their role is not simply that of communicating scientific

knowledge: “I don’t believe it is necessary to pursue nature in a scientific and logical way”

(Photographer J); “This is something I leave to the specialists” (Photographer Q). We

even observed a desire to maintain a distance from natural science in a photographer who

possesses a friendly relationship with an academic researcher: “Rendering visible the

components of natural science are not a direct part of my job” (Photographer A). These

findings suggest that for nature photographers, the pool of natural scientific knowledge is

simply a reference point during the preparatory process for informing field observation

and photography. That is, we did not observe an intent to solely and directly capture or

express natural phenomena through the framing of current understanding documented in

scientific research. As such, in the case where natural phenomena or ecology observed in

the field are found to differ from scientific understanding, photographers tend to give

greater priority to their first-hand field observations.

As evidence of this, when Photographer O started his career, after reading that

“Brown bears do not eat white skunk cabbage” in a famous and specialist scientific text,

he went out to observe brown bear behavior directly in the field. During these

observations, he discovered to the contrary that brown bears do in fact usually eat white

skunk cabbage. Even examining literature to build understanding about subjects

beforehand, this Photographer O stated: “There is a part of me that feels that there is a

big gap between books and the field.” However, “(t)he book is not to blame,” he continued,

“The author who wrote the book just didn’t happen to see a brown bear eating white skunk

cabbage so the book is not lying to us.” As this anecdote reveals, mindful of potential

situations when photographs taken in the field might not correspond with explanations

from existing scientific resources, nature photographers are constantly cognizant of gaps

between existing understanding and that gained through their own observations. So while

nature photographers actively absorb scientific knowledge they do not explicitly set out

to contribute new findings (like researchers). Rather, this is done indirectly, since the

priority of their photograph shoots is first and foremost to record nature. Meanwhile, Shun

Umezawa, whose career has focused on plant photography in Hokkaido for many years,

does not regard himself as a photographer. Instead he views himself as a “visual

encyclopedia craftsman” whose goal is to photograph the contents of his works in accord

with knowledge from and the visual rigor demanded by natural science. An interview

published by Ohashi (2003, p.34) elaborates on this conflict between being both a

photographer and a visual encyclopedia craftsman:

People who are so-called “photographers” seek to express their own world through

photographs. But in the case of work like mine, I have to strive to convey to people

the reality of subjects as they actually are and ensure that my photographs are not

influenced by my own subjectivity or personal feelings. But, well, to tell the truth, I

also aspire to be a photographer or perhaps you could say that I still have the spirit

of a creative. (…) Suppose for instance that when looking at a flower (in the field) I

think to myself “Oh, this flower is so picturesque. How can I express this beauty?”

But in the next instant I would snap back to the perspective of a visual encyclopedia

craftsman and think “Hmm, if I shoot this flower from this angle I could better

capture the stems and the characteristic of this species.”

The reason why Umezawa calls himself a visual encyclopedia craftsman in this way is

because he chooses to suppress as much as possible the free expression of his ideas during

shoots. Instead, for the sake of faithfully conveying the features of the subject—which

are identified through field observations and continuous preparatory efforts to understand

nature—he aims for photographs that seek to foster improved comprehension of the

natural world.

These discussions point to a broader search for identity and raison-d’etre in the

nature photographer community, also with respect to other professional circles of

photographers. Incidentally, the term “photographer” in Japanese refers to those taking

images as original work without any request from a company. On the other hand, for

Japanese nature photographers the term “cameraman,” which is a Japanese expression

made from Japanese English, refers to photographers primarily hired by advertising

companies to go and shoot images in accord with precise instructions. Although both

professions demand technical skills to take pictures, nature photographers think of their

purpose as distinctly different from a cameraman. When emphasizing their key

differences relative to cameraman, some nature photographers talk about themselves as

“naturalists” and express dislike for the term cameraman or artist (Photographer E, F, K,

N). For these professionals, thinking about nature rather than photographs when in the

field is a desirable attitude for a nature photographer. According to veteran Photographer

E, the professions of a field worker and cameraman are distinct, as related below:

I think there is a way to distinguish between field photographers and cameraman.

Cameraman who devote themselves to photographs like to wear a camera next their

skin at all times and eagerly await any chance to click the shutter. But I prefer not to

carry a camera except when shooting my work. This said, during field observations

I always think about the final photographic image I am aiming for and this

preparation helps me to achieve the type of images I wish to take. During this process,

all of the scientific knowledge gathered until this point converges to produce various

ideas or plans in my mind (…) In my view it would be hard to take good photographs

without imagining the desired final image during field observations. (Photographer

E)

The reason why Japanese nature photographers are critical against cameraman and artists

is that they assume such photos are taken by people lacking natural scientific knowledge

and who are mainly responding to shoot requests from advertising companies. At the

same time, however, nature photographers are acutely aware of and pre-occupied by the

fact that their intentions to incorporate knowledge from the natural sciences into their

work might not be transmitted successfully to the viewer via photographic images alone.

As an example, newcomer Photographer N is continuously engaged in a trial-and-error

process of exploring whether photographs can portray the intraspecific variations of the

same species. During the interview, he related as follows his difficulties in conveying his

intentions through his images:

Pictures are certainly convenient. But if you start thinking about species within

intraspecific variations, there is no way that genetic elements and the essence of each

species can be conveyed. It is my hope that somehow my photographic

representations can sharpen these traits and bring them to the surface. But so far, I

just end up supplementing photographs with words to convey these attributes. I sense

this is the limit of the photograph. I guess this must be the realm of scholars.

(Photographer N)

Given the limitations of the photographic image, many photographers have taken

initiatives such as holding explanatory talk shows or lectures in order to demonstrate more

successfully to viewers their scientific understanding of subjects and explain in detail the

characteristics of the living organisms and natural phenomena captured in their

photographs. At such times, they incorporate knowledge from natural science to actively

convey to the audience key points such as what the subject was doing and what was

occurring in the surroundings at the time the photograph was taken. Yet since audiences

are often more interested in cameras and photographic techniques than nature itself,

during exhibitions photographers are frequently asked about their photographic methods

in detail. However, as reflected by Photographer P— “I would much prefer it that viewers

would come up and ask me about why I took a particular photography instead of simply

how I took it”—nature photographers would seemingly prefer to share with their

audiences how their fieldwork and interactions with living creatures and natural

phenomena has affected them rather than engaging in trivial conversations on

photographic techniques (Photographers F, L, M, N, O, P).

As already explained earlier, nature photographers are driven by the intent to

gain understanding into their subjects from an accumulation of field observations and

acquisition of scientific knowledge and then convey this knowledge to viewers so that

they might come to understand subjects like the photographer. And yet they are at the

same time keenly aware that it is extremely hard to accomplish such an objective through

pictures alone. This drives many to use elements other than photographs such as spoken

or written words to convey their true intent. However, such countermeasures are not

universally accepted. As one photographer critically remarked, “Ideally, I would rather

take something that can be conveyed through the impact of a single photo, just like a

famous photographer, if that were at all possible” (Photographer P). As can be seen, the

challenge of how to accurately convey the true intentions behind photographs through

images alone constitutes a core struggle and area of much exploration for nature

photographers.

Although nature photographers are critical of cameraman-like and artistic

shooting methods, they also demonstrate some degree of understanding about these ideas,

sometimes even adopting these photographic styles into their own works and professional

life. Photographer F is an example of a photographer who sees the showcasing of

knowledge from natural science related to his subjects as an indispensable part of his

photographic exhibitions. Incidentally, this same Photographer F is involved as a guide

in nature observation sessions that do not specifically involve photography. When

explaining subjects to participants, he consciously chooses photographs with high

instructional value. Conversely, in photography classes with people who are highly

interested in photography, he tends to showcase visually outstanding images with artistic

appeal as teaching material so as to convey detailed information about the subjects to the

audience. Thus although nature photographers are critical of cameraman and artistic

shooting methods, in some cases they use artistic images in order to appeal to the public.

In parallel, many nature photographers also respect artistic expressions of

nature that are not informed or bounded by natural science—which values accuracy of

information over visual creativity. As key examples of nature photographers confessing

their efforts to artistically express their ideas from natural scientific observation, veteran

Photographer B explained that his work compares the ecology of the fox against the

lifestyle of humans; Photographer O explained that he continuously seeks to photograph

plant sprouts that look like a human face so as to “translate plant buds”; and Photographer

J endeavors to “pursue what it means to be human” through the form of forests and plants.

As described above, the sense of distance that professional nature photographers seek to

maintain from cameraman and artists is not one-sided, but rather, complex and

multifaceted. The nature of this distance is the topic of much debate and personal struggle

within the photographic community. As described in his autobiography by Iwagou

Tokumitsu, who was active in the dawn of nature photography, nature photographs might

arise from two motivations: (1) “faithfully pursuing the form and activities of subjects as

closely as possible” and (2) “treating a subject as a material of self-expression and

ignoring the ecological aspects to some extent” (Iwagou, 1989, p. 270). “In either way”,

he explains “I think it is impossible to determine the essence of nature photographs clearly

and unequivocally.” Though Iwagou himself was a photographer who would only take

images after a long-term and deliberate observation of nature, he stated expectations from

the 1980s that the contribution of nature photographs— of which an increasing share

appeared as artistic—would not be limited to advancing scientific knowledge, but equally,

further the development of liberal interpretation and expressions.

As evidence combined from the document analysis and interviews

demonstrates, nature photographers as a community are (1) actively seeking to maintain

a certain distance from cameraman and artists and (2) grappling with competing desires

to either express creativity based on their own observation or to faithfully represent

subjects based on natural scientific knowledge (Umezawa, as the visual encyclopedia

craftsman, usually chooses the latter). In addition, these findings also demonstrate that

photographers are experiencing much difficulties in conveying to the public through

images alone both these intentions and their understanding of nature that has come from

direct observation and accumulation of natural scientific knowledge. This drives them to

undertake additional communicative measures such as textual explanations or public

lectures. Interviews with practicing photographers were the most helpful for

understanding these issues, since such aspects are not typically conveyed in the words of

documentation from veteran photographers.

Implications of the stock photography industry on intent and professional identity

Responding to our third research question, this section tackles the issue of stock

photography. This emerged as a major area of concern for nature photographers with

implications for the transmission of the original intent of photographers. This is because

findings revealed that many publishers use nature photographs for the purpose of rousing

public interest in nature conservation, typically without confirming the original intentions

of the photographers concerned.

In one interview, Photographer C described how he was once informed that his

works were used for biodiversity pamphlets published by The Ministry of the

Environment. This pamphlet entitled Images of the National Land in Japan in 100 Years

portrays a future vision of the natural environment in the next 100 years. After firstly

explaining that human activities in Japan have disrupted ecosystems over the past 100

years, the pamphlet then predicts a reversal of this situation as a complete restoration of

ecosystems and sustainable management occurs over the next century. Works such as

those from Photographer C feature prominently in the same pages as these future

forecasts. In other words, some of the nature photographs used in environmental policies

in Japan have been treated as materials attached with politically meaning. Veteran

Photographer C talked about the process by which political meaning is attached to nature

photographs as follows:

Publishers tend to search for images that can be used for environmental policies from

stock photographs collections in photo libraries. They then publish their chosen

images without confirming the intentions of the photographer. In such cases, the

publishers then eventually inform the listing fee to the photographers afterwards.

(Photographer C)

Though this same photographer did not strongly oppose to the diffusion of photographic

images via stock photos used by government agencies and the attachment of political

meaning during this process, he expressed dissatisfaction towards the current system,

which masks the original intent of the photographer:

In Japan, there are many cases where nature photographs are treated as mere “visual

materials”; that is, as stock photographs. Therefore, it would be unlikely that the

original meaning of the photograph would be reflected precisely and systematically

unless one has strong bonds with local politicians. (Photographer C)

As this statement suggests, since nature photographs made available to publishers are

often treated as stock photographs or source materials, nature photographers appear to be

aware that their true intentions cannot be transmitted to viewers through such a system.

Although they are not openly opposing this system, many appear to be dissatisfied with

this means of diffusing images in exchange for monetary income. Aware of the inability

to convey the true intent of the photographers through widely appropriated stock images

alone, some such as veteran Photographer D below emphasize the value of publishing

works in photographic books or photo exhibitions so as to more fully convey intent:

Although many people are taking nature photographs profusely I don’t think their

professionalism will bloom unless they exhibit their works in authoritative places.

At least, I recommend that they publish their work in a reasonably authoritative place

such as photo exhibition. I don’t see how young people will be able to make a living

just by uploading (stock photos) on the web. (Photographer D)

In addition to this view from veteran Photographer D, the belief that “publishing nature

photographs to the public should occur via printed media” (Photographers L, O, Q) was

widely expressed during interviews, particularly younger photographers. As creative

individuals, they believe that stock photographs are unsuited to accurately conveying

their original intentions, and they expressed dissatisfaction regarding the dominating

stock photo process where their images are processed and digitally diffused via the

Internet without any understanding about the intent of the person taking the picture.

Incidentally, the widespread preference for paper medium such as exhibitions and

photographic books over publishing via stock images observed in this study shows much

parallel with a trend noted by Schwartz (2016) in a community of conservation

photographers expressing much reluctance to rely on online technology when diffusing

images.

As mentioned in the introduction, the Japan Photographers Association has

regarded stock photographs favorably until around 2000. This positive appraisal is

influenced by the successive discontinuation of natural science magazines as a result of

diminishing sales from the 1990s due to the rise of digital media. During interviews,

multiple photographers stated that natural science magazines once contributed greatly to

the career development of newcomer nature photographers (Photographers E, L, P). Yet

for the younger nature photographers arriving on the scene more recently, opportunities

to publish in natural science magazines have decreased sharply. Consequently, stock

photography agencies are today playing a large role in supporting the professional

development of newcomers specialized in nature photography.

However, the stock photography market today is undergoing large structural

changes, with smaller firms specialized in nature photographs disappearing due to

takeovers by larger competitors, particularly since the 1990s (Photographers A, D, L, N),

as consistent with the merger rise of Aflo, one of Japans’ large stock photo industries in

the 2000s (Stern, 2008). As a result of this dynamic, the market environment of smaller

and specialized stock photography firms that were previously more suited to

understanding and respecting the true intentions of photographers has rapidly decreased,

particularly relative to the more prosperous print-dominated 1970s and 1980s. From

another perspective, however, the growth of the Internet nowadays has allowed many

amateur photographers to enter the market by publishing images freely on the Internet or

earning income by contributing photographs to stock libraries. As veteran Photographer

A elucidated, “I think that the rapid expansion of stock photo has given the preconception

to both photographers and publishers that all possible photo subjects in nature have

already been shot and uploaded.” As a result, the stock photo paradigm has on the one

hand created a market environment where the border between amateurs and professionals

is becoming more and more obscure. On the other hand, however, it is possible that stock

photos no longer provide a suited replacement of natural science magazines from the

perspective of transmitting the intent of the photographer to the public. The implication

of this situation is that before the domination of the stock photography industry, in the

past the public were able to easily view nature photographs with a certain “quality

assurance” from the perspective of the natural sciences. This was largely due to the editing

of publishers and conscious selection of images from photographers, which took into

account their original intentions. Nowadays, however, due to the propagation of the Inter-

net these pictures with a scientific credibility are frequently mixed with unsorted pictures

that are able to be posted by anybody with Internet access. Given this situation, would it

be easy for readers and photographers to curate which nature photographs accurately

depict the photo subjects based on natural science? Presumably, this conventional stock

photograph system could not sufficiently offer qualified pictures that faithfully present

natural world subjects in a manner consistent with the natural sciences.

Conclusion

To date, nature photographs have been widely used for brochures and advertisements

related to environmental problems. But what exactly are the original intentions of the

photographers, and what messages do they wish to convey through their photographs?

Are their works used carefully so as not to contradict the photographer’s intentions and

the context within which the images were taken? This study has increased understanding

into these areas—particularly the preparatory process leading up to the moment a subject

is captured and, in addition, the motivations, objectives and sense of purpose that

photographers attach to their work.

Using qualitative methods such as interviews and field work supplemented by

document analysis, this study examined: (1) the kind of preparatory measures taken by

nature photographers before shoots and the intent that drives their photographic work, (2)

the manner by which they self-identity and attribute meaning to their role as nature

photographers, and (3) challenges encountered in conveying their intent to the public

through images, and countermeasures to overcome these.

Most nature photographers actively work to absorb scientific knowledge

relevant to their subjects during the preparatory process. Such knowledge is sourced

beforehand by examining an array of scientific literature, viewing books, and actively

engaging with researchers from the natural sciences. Thus, a key intent for nature

photographers is to convey to the public through images their personal discoveries and

intimate understanding of nature. This is derived from a combination of first-hand field

observations and the accumulation of existing natural scientific knowledge. Although

generally they keep a certain distance from researchers, in some cases photographers seek

their collaboration to clarify their new discoveries that do not correspond with current

scientific knowledge. Furthermore, since they have acquired significant scientific

understanding, many complement their professional role as a nature photographer by

assuming expert educational roles for the public about local wildlife and flora.

Since the contents of nature photographs are based on specific and personal

encounters with nature during field observations in combination with scientific

knowledge, this intent is central to the self-identify of nature photographers. In parallel,

this also sets their work apart from cameraman-like and artistic photographs. Yet in

constructing their self-identity as nature photographers and attributing a sense of purpose

to their work, we discovered that they are grappling with significant internal tensions and

contradictions when deciding the optimal distance to place between their profession and

that of cameraman and the realm of artistic expression.

Regarding the rise of stock images and the treatment of nature photos as

commodities where the intent of photographers is routinely ignored, on the one hand this

system appears to be masking and erasing the intent and therefore raison-d’etre of nature

photographers. For viewers, on the other hand, widespread diffusion of photographic

images through this system instead of via scientifically-oriented publication outlets might

be robbing the occasion to obtain valuable knowledge about the natural world from

scientifically literate specialists. If this situation continues, eventually, the public might

encounter difficulties accessing photographs with a quality assurance derived from the

scientific understanding that underpins their production and accurate presentation of the

subject. As urbanization continues and more and more humans lose the occasion to learn

about nature from first-hand experiences, our understanding of the natural world depends

more and more on images. Thus, preserving the scientific accuracy of visual

reproductions of the natural world while balancing visual integrity with artistic

aspirations is surely an important way of ensuring the “truth” of nature is conveyed.

Ensuring this would harbor benefits for both viewers and specialized nature

photographers. As one potential way of overcoming this situation, stock photography

agencies in the future could take the initiative of allowing nature photographers to convey

their intentions during the image registration process. Attaching concrete texts describing

their preparatory process would help sharing their faithful approach to the viewers.

As a key limitation, following the definition of nature photographers suggested

by Takemura and Toyoda (1995), the scope of this research focused on those individuals

taking pictures of animals and plants. We did not clarify whether our findings might also

apply to photographs covering nature in general, such as landscape photography,

mountain photography, astrophotography, and so on. Therefore, expanding the scope of

this study to consider whether the findings might also apply to a wider community of so-

called nature photographers, inclusive of these other sub-genres, would constitute an

important topic for future research. In addition, comparative research with nature

photographers around the world would also reveal how much our findings are limited to

the context of Japan’s current situation.

As other important considerations, this study focused on photographers who

have continuously published their pictures via printed media. Following the impact of the

digital media revolution such as websites and social media, the socio-economic landscape

surrounding current Japanese nature photographers is changing dramatically—as the

discontinuation of many paper-based publications shows. Thus, as another direction for

further research it might also be important to examine those photographers making the

transition to digital publishing platforms while also considering the other publishing

players involved in the stock photograph industry.

Acknowledgments

In conducting this research, we are highly thankful to the cooperation of the

environmental group “Eco-network” and NPO “Association of Photographers in

Hokkaido (North Finder)” for introductions to numerous photographers. We also owe

special gratitude to the photographers who cooperated for our long interviews. We also

thank Prof. Taisuke Miyauchi at Hokkaido University Faculty of Letters for providing

useful comments to this research over an extended period of time. We would also like to

thank the reviewers who demonstrated much understanding about our research and

provided concrete suggestions for improving this manuscript.

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Appendix 1:

Table 1: List of respondents

*Members belong to NPO “Association of Photographers in Hokkaido (North Finder)” Code Age Career

since Other activities in addition to photography

A 70s 1964 Lecturer in University B 70s 1966 Initiative in local environmental group C 70s

1967 Adviser of nature films

D* 60s 1972 Participation in local environmental group E 60s 1973 Representative in bird conservation organization F* 50s 1976 Representative in local nature guide group G 50s

1986 N/A

H* 50s 1993 Member of environmental group I 40s

1994 N/A

J 40s 1996 Lecturer in nature observation and tracking K* 40s 1997 Lecturer in nature observation and tracking L 50s 1999 Member of bird conservation organization

M* 40s

2000 Adviser of nature films

N 40s 2001 Adviser in local forestry cooperatives O* 40s 2004 Lecturer in nature observation and tracking, Adviser of

nature films P 30s 2007 Lecturer in nature observation and tracking Q 50s 2007 Adviser of local environmental group