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African governments are implementing various policies and schemes to promote employment opportunities for young people, including skills training and entrepreneurship funds. Even if properly designed, however, the implementation of these interventions is constrained by cost and the lack of capacity among governments to evaluate the impact of policies (UNECA, 2005). This study examined the perceived factors that influence urban youth unemployment in Kenya, East Africa.
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Urban Youth Unemployment in Kenya: Nature, Challenges and Consequences
By John Simiyu Email: [email protected] and Lenah SambuEmail: [email protected]
Introduction
Youth unemployment and underemployment is a crucial concern throughout the developing
world, but it is a particularly acute problem in Africa where young people comprise a large
proportion of the economically active population. Although studies on urban youth
unemployment have been carried out in Sub-Saharan African countries, they have not come up
with hard data and analytical research that diagnoses the nature and magnitude of youth
unemployment problems and their causes. The level of unemployment is a mirror image of the
state of a nation’s economy. Suffice to also say, youth unemployment is highly dependent on the
overall status of the economy. Economic activity, measured by GDP growth, is probably the
single factor that most influences the chances of young people finding a job. Low or negative
GDP growth, economic recession and low investment are direct causes in the shrinking demand
for labour. Employment is the life line of any economy (Awogbenle and Iwuamadi, 2010).
“Human development will definitely be grossly undermined and impaired without employment”
(NEEDS document, 2004). Oyebade (2003) defines unemployment as a state in which people
who can work are without jobs and are seeking for pay or profit. According to the encyclopedia
Americana (1995) unemployment literally applies to all persons without work and actively
looking for work. Youth employment benefits societies by reducing costs related to social
problems such as substance abuse, crime and violence. In order to find a decent job in a
globalized world, young people need to develop a range of skills and knowledge that are
typically gained through formal education and training. Enrolments in Primary education in most
African countries have improved considerably despite the fact that most young people face major
barriers to achieve this goal, particularly in terms of accessing post-primary schooling. In
addition, young people who are lucky enough to stay on at school are not developing skills that
are demanded by employers. As a result of this situation and the overall failure of most African
economies to create jobs for a growing population, young people continue to be marginalized in
labour markets. A 2009 Report by the International Labour Organization (ILO) estimated, for
example, that the world unemployment has remained almost constant at an average of 6.1
percent over the eleven-year period between 1998 and 2008. Globally, the number of youth
unemployed increased to 76 million with the youth-adult employment ratio remaining almost
constant at 2.8 (ILO, 2009). According to the Report, the rate of unemployment in Sub-Saharan
Africa eased marginally from an eleven year (1998-2008) average of 8.1 percent to 7.9 percent in
2008, with the youth bearing a relatively large burden of the unemployment. Subsequently, they
have few opportunities to find decent formal employment that will lift them and their families
out of poverty. African governments are implementing various policies and schemes to promote
employment opportunities for young people, including skills training and entrepreneurship funds.
Even if properly designed, however, the implementation of these interventions is constrained by
cost and the lack of capacity among governments to evaluate the impact of policies (UNECA,
2005). This study examined the perceived factors that influence urban youth unemployment in
Kenya, East Africa.
Keywords: Youth, urban unemployment/underemployment, gender disaggregation
governmental/non-governmental interventions, socio-political and economic consequences
Statement of the problem
In the last two or more decades, Africa has been confronted with a multidimensional crisis with
several symptoms including drought and famine, floods, wars, HIV/AIDS and various endemic
diseases, and widespread poverty. Underlying all these is the phenomenon of unemployment
which to some observers, is at the core of the problems of the African sub-region (Sarr, 2000).
The African Common Position on Human and Social Development in Africa, a document
prepared for the Copenhagen World Summit for Social Development, highlighted some of the
human and social issues of concern for the African region. One of the core issues was addressed
by the Summit and was emphasized in the African Common Position. The question is - “How
2
can the promotion of productive employment and the reduction of unemployment be carried out
in Kenyan economies?” Various conferences in Africa have recognized constraints and
challenges to the achievement of the Programme of Action adopted at the World Summit. With
respect to employment creation, it was recognized that a major challenge is the design of
comprehensive, integrated and coherent employment policies to facilitate the attainment of
objectives.
Significance of the study
Increase in the number of youths in secondary and tertiary education is a positive development;
however, labour markets in many countries are presently unable to accommodate the expanding
pool of the skilled young graduates. With the rapid population growth in Africa and its
implication for the age pyramid, youth unemployment has importantly become a major issue of
concern to African governments. At the global level, with an estimated 70 million youth around
the world unemployed and many more underemployed, the need for employment creation for
youth cannot be denied. Youth unemployment rates in Africa are skyrocketing (UN, 2002). An
employment-led growth strategy is required to address the problems of widespread poverty and
unemployment among the youth in Africa. This study addressed exactly that. The results should
assist policy makers in strategizing on issues of urban youth unemployment. Conclusions were
drawn and recommendations were made.
Objectives of the study
The following objectives were considered in the study:
1. To examine the nature of unemployment and underemployment problems of urban youth,
2. To examine the causes of unemployment and underemployment problems of urban youth,
3. To examine the magnitude (gender disaggregation) of urban youth unemployment,
4. To investigate the socio-political and economic consequences of urban youth
unemployment,
3
5. To examine the nature and type of government and non-governmental organizations
interventions.
6. To examine the consequences of the urban youth unemployment, the failures and lessons
learnt
This study was informed by the higher unemployment and underemployment among the youth as
compared to adults, the youth being more likely than adults to be in the informal sector and less
likely to be wage employed or self employed, and the youth being more likely to work longer
hours under intermittent and insecure work arrangements characterized by low productivity and
meager earnings. Estimates show that unemployment among youth affects a broad spectrum of
socioeconomic groups, including the less and well educated youth, and particularly affects youth
from low-income backgrounds and those with limited education (Chigunta, 2002). Lack of
current data makes it difficult to properly assess youth unemployment in Kenya and by extension
in Africa. The findings could be used to inform policies and strategies on youth employment.
The study also addressed the issues of unemployment and elaborate success, failures and lessons
learnt.
Six research questions that were considered are:
1. What is the nature of the urban youth unemployment and underemployment problems in Kenya?
2. What are the causes of the urban youth unemployment and underemployment problems in
Kenya?
3. What is the magnitude (gender disaggregated) of urban youth unemployment in Kenya?
4. What are the socio-political and economic consequences of urban youth unemployment in
Kenya?
5. What is the nature and type of government and non-governmental organizations interventions
to address the issues of unemployment in Kenya?
6. What are the consequences of the urban youth unemployment, the failures and lessons learnt?
The following hypotheses stated in null form were investigated:
4
Ho1 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
there is no urban youth unemployment in Kenya.
Ho2 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
demand and supply factors do not interact to cause youth unemployment in Kenya.
Ho3 There is no significance difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
there is no gender disaggregation of urban youth unemployment in Kenya.
Ho4 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
there are no socio-political and economic consequences of urban youth unemployment
in Kenya.
Ho5 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
there are no government and non-government organizations interventions to address the
unemployment issues in Kenya.
Ho6 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
there are no consequences of the urban youth unemployment and there are no failures
and lessons learnt.
Literature review
5
Evidence from previous analytical work shows that lack of action on the challenges that affect
youth will escalate both the social and economic costs of development in Kenya (Edwards,
2007). According to the Kenya Integrated Household Budget Survey (KIHBS, 2005/06), 12.7
million out of the 14.6 million labour force were reported as employed with the remaining 1.9
million people being openly unemployed (Republic of Kenya, 2008c). Approximately 67 per
cent of the unemployed in the country were the youth (Republic of Kenya, 2008c). Accordingly,
unemployment rate in Kenya was 50% in 2008, 46% in 1999, 44% in 2000 and has remained
40% from 2001 through 2008 (CIA, 20009). ECA (2002) outlines the causes of youth
unemployment as follows:
1. High levels of unemployment in African countries;
2. Rapid population growth;
3. Small private sectors;
4. Rapid rural-urban migration, and
5. Inappropriate school curricula and poor quality education that is largely irrelevant to he
need of the labour market in most African countries.
One key factor that leads to urban unemployment in Africa is the high degree of geographical
mobility of youth in the form of rapid rural-urban migration resulting in a concentration of youth
in African cities where there are few jobs available in modern sector establishments. Research on
employers’ perceptions of the out-of-school labour supply has consistently found that although
recruiters generally have had their positive impression overall, they also report a lack of some
capacities in job applicants and recruits, particularly a lack of business awareness and capacity
for self-management, as well as skills shortages (CBI and UUK 2009:49). For many youth and
their parents, employment means a job with a wage or salary, or working for someone else,
rather than self-employment. Adebayo (1999) defined unemployment as a state in which people
who can work are without jobs and are seeking for pay or profit. It is estimated that by 2010,
over fifty percent of African youth will be living in urban areas (Chigunta, 2002). Majority of
youth in Africa are engaged in informal sector activities as shop assistants, farm hands, clerical
6
assistants, typists, stewards and cooks in hotels and restaurants, in street trading, casual labour
and illegal activities such as touting, stealing, armed robbery, dealing in prohibited substances
such as drugs, and prostitution. Only a small proportion of youth are engaged in the formal
sector. Many of them, male and female, are to be found along the streets of major cities, selling
apples, oranges, telephone cards, telephone handsets, calculators and other assorted goods. Most
employed young women are in the informal sector, some of them as skilled hairdressers,
dressmakers, petty traders, etc. Many young women, for lack of better opportunities, are engaged
in prostitution in African towns and cities, while some others migrate or are trafficked abroad to
engage in prostitution. There is a need to engender employment promotion programmes. The
inclusion of young women and girls as equal partners in youth development and empowerment
programmes is very essential in overcoming gender imbalances. A large proportion of youth are
thus underemployed, working long hours under poor working conditions, for little remuneration
mainly in the informal sector. Thus, as in other regions, the youth employment problem in Africa
encompasses the following dimensions: too many youth without the necessary qualifications and
training for good productive jobs, too few jobs, and too many unproductive jobs with poor
remuneration (ECA, 2002). This poses challenges for employment and development policies in
Africa. Official labour statistics do not adequately reflect women’s activities, especially in rural
areas where production systems are still predominantly household or family based. A great deal
of women’s economic activities, especially for family consumption and unpaid family labour are
not reflected in official statistics (ILO, 1997). Given limited opportunities in the formal sector,
majority of women in the urban areas are self-employed in the informal sector. The most
common entrepreneurial activity for women is retail trade, including within and cross border
trading. Other activities include handicrafts, tailoring and dress making, hairdressing, shop retail,
food processing, services and cottage industries, (ILO, 1997; Okojie, 2000). A key factor leading
to urban unemployment is the high degree of geographical mobility of youth in the form of rapid
rural-urban migration. This has resulted in a concentration of youth in African cities where there
are few jobs available in modern sector establishments. For many youth and their parents,
employment means a job with a wage or salary, or working for someone else, rather than self-
employment. It is estimated that by 2010, over fifty percent of African youth will be living in
urban areas (Chigunta, 2002). This poses challenges for employment and development policies
7
in Africa. It must be noted with concern that unemployment affects young people more than any
other social group. Young people face challenging transitions on their way towards adulthood.
The transition to work has proven to be one of the toughest, limiting the opportunities of youth to
decent and productive jobs. In many countries young people have to work in an environment
where legal and financial regulations are not youth‐friendly and public services are unreliable.
Some important lesson drawn from the report by (DfEE, 1998, cited in Stewart and Knowles,
2000:68) indicate that basic literacy and numeracy; the ability to work well with others;
communication skills; self-motivation; the ability to organize one’s work; a basic capability to
use IT; dedication and commitment and learning how to learn as key skills which were both
relevant to employment and throughout life. Other authors have added or modified this list of
skills, with the CBI (2008), proposing that business and customer awareness and problem
solving were amongst the key skills, while UKCES (2009:10-11) also cites problem solving as a
key personal skill, along with understanding the business where the individual is employed.
Other skills identified are communication, numeracy, IT and ‘learning how to learn’ as key skills
which were ‘relevant throughout life, not simply in employment' (NCIHE, 1997).
Methodology
A survey design was adopted for the study. The study was descriptive in nature with a stratified
sample from a population comprising respondents selected from slums of two major cities in
Kenya where youth unemployment is rampant: Kibera slum in Nairobi and Manyatta slum in
Kisumu. Data was collected over a period of six weeks from April 2nd through May 11th 2012.
Questionnaires and interviews were the main research instruments used to gather data from the
field for analysis. The questionnaires were developed based on the objectives of the study,
research questions and hypotheses. The sample size was determined by the number of registered
youth groups in the slums. From the Ministry of Social and Cultural Services records, there was
one exemplary registered youth group in each slum in Nairobi and Kisumu with a population of
about 265 youths in each slum. The sample size was established by selecting eighty from the
youth groups in each slum which agrees with what Charles (1988) considers to being an
adequate size for collecting reliable information that is free from bias. Simple random sampling
8
was used to select eighty youths from each of the registered youth groups in each
slum. A guided interview schedule was arranged with the administrators in
charge, that is, the District youth officers and the divisional youth officers,
one each in each slum, to gain an insight of youth unemployment. The
respondents were drawn from two groups, namely, 80 youths from Kibera, a section of populous
dwelling in the city of Nairobi and 80 youths from Manyatta, a section of populous dwelling in
the city of Kisumu. There was, a proportionate number of female and male respondents
randomly and purposely selected for gender parity. Only respondents who were able to read and
interpret questionnaire items were considered. Out of 160 questionnaires 154 (96.25) were
returned. The number received from each city was 77. Data was analyzed by using descriptive
statistics.
Data analysis and interpretation
The study tested the following hypotheses:
Ho1 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
there is no urban youth unemployment in Kenya.
Ho2 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
demand and supply factors do not interact to cause youth unemployment in Kenya.
Ho3 There is no significance difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
there is no gender disaggregation of urban youth unemployment in Kenya.
Ho4 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
there are no socio-political and economic consequences of urban youth unemployment
in Kenya.
Ho5 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that
there are no government and non-government organizations interventions to address the
unemployment issues in Kenya.
Ho6 There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to the effect that there
are no consequences of the urban youth unemployment and there are no failures and
9
lessons learnt.
The null hypothesis Ho1: There is no significant difference between the perception of youth
to the effect that there is no urban youth unemployment in Kenya.
The study sought to establish the nature, challenges and consequences of
youth unemployment in Kenya. Each factor was analyzed based on the
extent the respondents felt it influenced their unemployment. The opinions of
youth from populous households who were engaged in informal sector activities were sought and
classified in the following manner regarding the urban youth unemployment:
(a) Strongly Agree (SA)
(b) Agree (A)
(c) Undecided (U)
(d) Disagree (D)
(e) Strongly Disagree (SD)
A Strongly Agree response reflected a negative opinion while a positive response was graded as
Strongly Disagree. This was in regard to whether there actually was urban unemployment in
Kenya. Other intermediate grades were Agree (A), Undecided (U), and Disagree (D). Those
parents and children who disagreed with the hypothesis that there is no rampant urban youth
unemployment were 43 (27.90) while 65 (42.20) strongly disagreed giving a total of 108 (70.13).
Those who agreed with the hypothesis that there is no rampant urban youth unemployment were
44 (28.57) with 22 (14.29) agreeing and another 22 (14.29) strongly agreeing. The chi-square
was used to test for the significance of the difference in perception the youth from Nairobi and
Kisumu cities. The analysis gave a calculated value of 7.1 while the tabulated value at 2 degrees
of freedom and 0.05 level of significance was 5.991, therefore indicating a significant difference
10
between the attitudes of youth from the two cities. The data was tabulated as shown in Table1
and a chi square was computed.
Table 1: Perception towards the hypothesis that there is no rampant urban youth unemployment
__________________________________________________________________________
Perception towards urban Nairobi Youth Kisumu Youth Totalyouth unemployment in Kenya ___________________________________________________________________________
Strongly agree 8 (10.39) 14 (18.18) 2 (14.29)
Agree 8 (10.39) 14 (18.18) 22 (14.29)
Undecided 0 (0.00) 2 (1.30) 2 (1.30)
Disagree 26 (33.77) 17 (22.08) 43 (27.92)
Strongly agree 35 (44.45) 30 (38.96) 65 (42.21)
____________________________________________________________________________
The null hypothesis Ho2: There is no significant difference between the perception of youth
to the effect that demand and supply factors do not interact to cause youth unemployment in
Kenya.
11
Results from the questionnaire regarding perception towards causes of urban unemployment
shown in Table 2 indicated that 95 (61.69) strongly disagreed that demand and supply factors do
not interact to cause rampant youth unemployment in Kenya while 40 (25.97) disagreed giving a
total of 135 (87.66). Those who agreed with the hypothesis that there is no rampant urban youth
unemployment were 16 (10.39) with 10 (6.49) agreeing and another 6 (3.90)) strongly agreeing.
The chi-square test of significance indicated that the difference between youth in the two cities,
Nairobi and Kisumu on their perception towards causes of urban youth unemployment was not
significant.
Table 2: Perception towards the hypothesis that demand and supply factors do not interact to cause rampant youth unemployment in Kenya____________________________________________________________________________
Perception towards Nairobi Youth Kisumu Youth Totalcauses of urban youth unemployment_____________________________________________________________________________
Strongly agree 1 (1.30) 5 (6.49) 6 (3.90)
Agree 6 (7.79) 4 (5.19) 10 (6.49)
Undecided 0 (0.00) 3 (3.90) 3 (1.95)
Disagree 21 (27.27) 19 (24.68) 40 (25.97)
Strongly agree 49 (63.64) 46 (59.74) 95 (61.69)
_____________________________________________________________________________
Calculated chi-square value = 3.44 Tabulated chi-square value = 5.991 Degree of freedom = 2 Level of significance = 0-05
The null hypothesis Ho3: There is no significance difference between the perception of
youth to the effect that there is no gender disaggregation of urban youth unemployment in
Kenya.
12
Table 3 below shows the youths perception towards gender disaggregation of youth
unemployment. A large proportion, 148 (96.10) disagreed with the hypothesis that there was no
gender disaggregation of urban youth unemployment in Kenya while 4 ((2.60) agreed with the
hypothesis that there was no gender disaggregation of urban youth. The chi-square test of
significance indicated that the difference between youth in the two cities, Nairobi and Kisumu on
their perception towards causes of urban youth unemployment was not significant. Gender
disaggregated data on unemployment shows relatively high unemployment rates for the females
than for males.
Table 3: Youth perception towards gender disaggregation of youth unemployment
_____________________________________________________________________________
Perception towards Gender Nairobi Youth Kisumu Youth TotalDisaggregation of UrbanYouth Unemployment_____________________________________________________________________________
Strongly agree 2 (2.60) 1 (1.30) 3 (1.95)
Agree 0 (0.00) 1 (1.30) 1 (0.65)
Undecided 2 (2.60) 0 (0.00) 2 (1.30)
Disagree 23 (29.87) 22 (28.57) 45 (29.22)
Strongly agree 50 (64.94) 53 (68.83) 103 (66.88)
_____________________________________________________________________________
Calculated chi-square value = 3.70 Tabulated chi-square value = 5.991 Degree of freedom = 2 Level of significance = 0-05
The null hypothesis Ho4: There is no significant difference between the perception of youth
the effect that there are no socio-political and economic consequences of urban youth
unemployment in Kenya.13
Table 4 shows the youths perception towards political and economic consequences of urban
youth unemployment. A large proportion of the youth 136 (89.31) disagreed with the hypothesis
that there was no socio-political and economic consequences of urban youth unemployment in
Kenya while 7 (4.55) agreed. The chi-square test of significance indicated that the difference
between youth in the two cities, Nairobi and Kisumu on their perception towards political and
economic consequences of urban youth unemployment in Kenya was not significant.
Table 4: Perception towards the hypothesis that there are no socio-political and economic consequences of urban youth unemployment_____________________________________________________________________________
Perception towards Nairobi Youth Kisumu Youth Totalsocio-political and economic consequences of urban youth unemployment in Kenya_____________________________________________________________________________
Strongly agree 0 (0.00) 2 (2.60) 2 (1.30)
Agree 1 (1.30) 4 (5.19) 5 (3.25)
Undecided 2 (2.60) 9 (11.69) 11 (7.14)
Disagree 7 (9.09) 18 (23.38) 25 (16.23)
Strongly agree 67 (87.01) 44 (57.14) 111 (72.08)
_____________________________________________________________________________
Calculated chi-square value = 3.90 Tabulated chi-square value = 5.991 Degree of freedom = 2 Level of significance = 0-05
Hypothesis Ho5: There is no significant difference between the perception of youth to
the effect that there is no government and non-government organizations interventions
to address the issues of unemployment in Kenya
14
Table 5 illustrates the youths perception towards government and non-government
organizations interventions to address the issues of unemployment in Kenya. A large
proportion of the youth 146 (94.81) disagreed with the hypothesis that there was no
government and non-government organizations interventions towards to address the issues of
unemployment in Kenya while 4 (2.60) agreed. The chi-square test of significance indicated
that the difference between youth in the two cities, Nairobi and Kisumu on their perception
towards government and non-government organizations interventions to address the issues of
unemployment in Kenya was not significant.
Table 5: Perception towards the hypothesis that there are no government and non-government
organization interventions to address the issues of unemployment in Kenya.
_____________________________________________________________________________
Perception towards Nairobi Youth Kisumu Youth TotalGovernment and non-governmentalorganization_____________________________________________________________________________
Strongly agree 1 (1.30) 1 (1.30) 2 (1.30)
Agree 1 (1.30) 1 (1.30) 2 (1.30)
Undecided 2 (2.60) 2 (2.60) 4 (2.60)
Disagree 3 (3.90) 4 (5.95) 7 (4.55)
Strongly agree 70 (90.90) 69 (89.61) 139 (90.26)
_____________________________________________________________________________
Calculated chi-square value = 4.70 Tabulated chi-square value = 5.991 Degree of freedom = 2 Level of significance = 0-05
15
Hypothesis Ho6: There is no significant difference between the perception of youth
to the effect that there are no consequences of the urban youth unemployment, the
Including failures and lessons learnt
Table 6 denotes the youths perception towards consequences of urban youth unemployment, the
failures and lessons learnt. A large proportion of the youth 139 (90.26) disagreed with the
hypothesis that there were no consequences of urban youth unemployment in Kenya, the failures
and lessons learnt while 8 (5.20) agreed. The chi-square test of significance indicated that the
difference between youth in the two cities, Nairobi and Kisumu on their perception towards
consequences of urban youth unemployment, the failures and lessons learnt was not significant.
Table 6: Perception towards the hypothesis that there are no consequences towards the urban youth unemployment, the failures and lessons learn
_____________________________________________________________________________
Perception towards Nairobi Youth Kisumu Youth Totalconsequences of urban youth unemployment, the failures and lessons learnt_____________________________________________________________________________
Strongly agree 1 (1.30) 2 (2.60) 3 (1.95)
Agree 2 (2.60) 3 (3.90) 5 (3.25)
Undecided 3 (3.90) 4 (5.19) 7 (4.55)
Disagree 4 (5.19) 5 (6.50) 9 (5.84)
Strongly agree 67 (87.01) 63 (81.82) 130 (84.42)
_____________________________________________________________________________
Calculated chi-square value = 4.60
Tabulated chi-square value = 5.991
Degree of freedom = 2
Level of significance = 0-05
Discussion16
1. Nature of unemployment and underemployment problems of urban youth
Majority of youth (70%) in both cities were literate (either completed primary or secondary
education) and were engaged in informal sector activities. The male dominated activities were
casual workers in construction sites and other industries, artisans in motor mechanic, motor
electric, panel beating, spray painting, motorized and non-motorized taxis, touting, arc and gas
welding, sign writing, farm hands, hardware hawking, carpentry and joinery and tailoring.
Female dominated activities included hair dressing, dress making, food stuff hawking, shop
assistants, typists and clerical assistants. While some of the male and female youth had the
necessary skills to perform the jobs others were still learning the skills. A small fraction (2%) of
the youth engaged in illegal trades such stealing, armed robbery, dealing in prohibited substances
such as drugs for both male and female and prostitution, for female. Only a small proportion of
youth (10%) were engaged in the formal sector: banking, and public sector. Another small
proportion of male and female hawkers were found along the streets of both cities selling food
stuff and other goods such as fruits, mobile phone handsets, cards, second hand clothes,
electronic and hardware good and other assorted goods.
A large proportion of youth are thus underemployed, working long hours under poor working
conditions, for little remuneration mainly in the informal sector. It appeared that the youth
employment problem in both cities revolved around the following dimensions: too many youth
without the necessary qualifications and training for good productive jobs, too few jobs, and too
many unproductive jobs with poor remuneration. It seems, however, that ICT is an employment
sector for youth in both cities. The number of computer shops, internet service providers and
trainers, and phone shops manned by youth themselves is on the increase in Nairobi and Kisumu.
This notwithstanding, the jobs may not reach the unskilled or the poorest youth and they are
male dominated as well. This agrees with what Chigunta (2002) asserts that in all African
countries, labour force participation is higher among male youth, the figures for female labour
force participation rates being extremely low in predominantly Muslim countries where age at
marriage is still very low and female seclusion practised. In such countries, girls marry early and
17
withdraw from the labour force completely thereby reducing returns to female education
(Chigunta, 2002). It seems that the youth in Nairobi and Kisumu are contributing to the Kenyan
economy, and have the potential to contribute more significantly to their economies if their
energies are properly harnessed.
2. Causes of unemployment and underemployment problems of urban youth
A number of causes of unemployment and underemployment were identified. It seemed that
some youth had passion for certain jobs only and if they were not available on the market then
such individuals were doomed. Thus, either certain jobs were not available or inadequate.
Demand and supply factors were the main causes that contributed to unemployment and
underemployment. It was noted that, in general, high levels of unemployment were caused by a
proportionate rapid population growth with a mismatch of available jobs. The private sector did not
expand fast enough to accommodate the massive number of youth who entered the cities with the
aim of looking for jobs. Even if the school curricula were to be made relevant to the labour market,
the problem would be that the youth involved lacked experience, changing demands for knowledge,
skills and aptitudes which often was required by the would-be employers. It seemed that youth
competed for jobs unfavourably with adults in declining economies. This finding agrees with
Chigunta (2002) who observes that youth unemployment and underemployment in Africa is
concentrated among those who have received some education, but who lack the industrial and other
skills required in the labour market, making them unattractive to employers of workers who prefer
skilled and experienced workers. Furthermore, educated youth prefer wage jobs in the formal sector
and would prefer to remain unemployed until they get the type of job they prefer, that is, they have
high reservation wages.
An attempt to identify the nature and causes of unemployment in Kenya was made in the 1970-
74 Development Plan (Republic of Kenya, 1969) in which the government identified three
“kinds” of unemployment namely: “urban unemployed, rural unemployed, and educated
unemployed and underemployed”. The causes of such unemployment were identified as high
labour force growth, use of modern capital-intensive technology and attendant increase in labour
productivity, and high wages and salaries, which triggered adoption of labour-saving techniques
18
of production. According to the Plan, the identified causes of Kenya’s unemployment were
linked to inadequate training and consequent lack of skills, shortage of land and other resources,
rapid expansion in school enrolments, skills mismatch, and rural-urban migration. These seem to
have remained the same. Another stab towards understanding the nature and causes of
unemployment in Kenya was made in 1983 in the Report of the Presidential Committee on
Unemployment (1982/83) and the Sessional Paper No. 2 of 1985 on Unemployment, which
provided the government’s official response to the Committee’s Report. The Committee, in its
Report, considered the problem of unemployment as one of lack of access to income earning
opportunities, whether in wage or self-employment. Both the Report and the Sessional Paper
identified the major causes of unemployment in Kenya as rapid growth of the labour force, low
economic growth rate, job selectiveness, seasonality of some of the industries, and skills
imbalance. Others were inappropriate technology and failure of development programmes to
focus on areas with greater employment potential. The latest government policy document, The
Sector Plan for Labour, Youth and Human Resource Development Sector (2008-2012) contends
that unemployment in Kenya is both structural and frictional in nature. According to the Plan,
Kenya’s unemployment is mainly attributed to the slow growth and weak labour absorptive
capacity of the economy, mismatch in skills development and demand, imperfect information
flow and inherent rigidities within the country’s labour market. Most of the factors outlined
agree with the findings emanating from the study.
3. Magnitude (gender disaggregation) of urban youth unemployment in Kenya
As reported elsewhere in this document, there were wide variations in female and male labour
force participation in the two cities. The findings indicated that labour force participation rates
are lower for women than for men; there were male dominated jobs as well as female dominated
jobs with 60% and 40%, respectively. In fact, the informal sector was dominated by male. ILO,
1997; Katepa-Kalala, 1999; Okojie, 2000; African Centre for Gender and Development, 2002
observe that women face various structural constrains on their effective participation in
economic activities due to customary laws and norms which impede women to a greater extent
than men from obtaining land, credit, productive inputs, education, information, time poverty,
resulting from women’s multiple and competing reproductive and productive responsibilities. In
19
general, women are at a disadvantage in access to and control over productive resources.
Consequently, their economic activities suffer from low productivity and are often poorly
remunerated. Women’s employment has wide implications for households and the community,
as their incomes directly contribute to family welfare.
4. Socio-political and economic consequences of urban youth unemployment
Youth unemployment and underemployment constitute a significant obstacle to the social and
economic development, contributing to political instability and perpetuating an inter-generational
cycle of poverty. The findings showed that unemployment among youth affects a broad spectrum
of socio-economic groups, including the less and well educated youth, and particularly affects
youth from low-income backgrounds and mostly those with limited education. As a matter of
fact, the study targeted the low income sections of the two cities: Kibera slum in Nairobi and
Manyatta slum in Kisumu. Furthermore, political will and commitment at the highest levels are
of primary importance in creating the enabling conditions for youth empowerment and hence,
employment. At the national level, this commitment can be reflected in a government’s
willingness to develop policies that provide for allocation of adequate financial and human
resources to youth empowerment (http://www.microsave.org/, http://www.youthsave.org/).
Political will may also be reflected in legislative, constitutional, policy and administrative
provisions as they relate to youth participation and other youth issues. Evidence presented in
Psacharopoulos (1994) reveals that the social rates of return to primary education in sub-Saharan
Africa is highest for primary education at 25.6 percent followed by 21.7 for secondary schooling,
and finally, 12.2 percent for higher education. Similarly, results in Godfrey (2003) indicate that
the social returns to education in Africa are 25.4 percent for primary schooling, 18.4 percent for
a secondary level education, and finally, 11.3 percent for tertiary education. Such results have
been used as a justification for higher spending by the government on primary education.
5. Nature and type of government and non-governmental organizations
interventions
20
The government of Kenya uses policies to address unemployment through its budgeting so as to
effect beneficial changes in the over-all levels of incomes, prices and employment (Republic of
Kenya, 2002; 2003a; 2003b). Monetary policy, for example, is concerned with the lowering of
the cost and increasing the availability of money or credit for business investments. However, the
government is addressing the policy deficiencies which are aggravated by the general lack of
skills and job apathy among the youths, and the general decline in the national economic growth.
The government is also addressing ways through which the existing strategies, and specifically,
the National Youth Policy and the Poverty Eradication Plan, can be enhanced and be effectively
implemented to create adequate job opportunities for the youth. The government also has put
forth concerted and deliberate efforts to encourage investment activities to expand the economy
and the trickle effects that would result in jobs creation. The education system is also being re-
oriented to make it relevant to the job market needs. The emphasis is on skills acquisition and not
merely to pass exams. Regrettably, problems of unemployment as experienced by the educated
youths and even the uneducated but skilled youths have become more pathetic in many
developing economies, despite the neo-liberal strategies in addressing the issue of enhancing
human capital. The world in the 21st century is witnessing a wave of entrepreneurship happening
with more and more people looking for self-empowerment and business ownership. The role of
governments and big businesses as a provider of jobs is shrinking and people are looking to
empower themselves in other ways. To this end the government also puts emphasis on
entrepreneurship as an integral part of curriculum in training institution and education.
Entrepreneurship is increasingly accepted as an important means and a valuable additional
strategy to create jobs and improve livelihoods and economic independence of young people. A
number of non-governmental organizations have targeted the youth unemployment and have
come up with various strategies to address them. A number of policy interventions have been
formulated and variously implemented, since independence, to address the growing employment
problem in Kenya. Key among these policies is the growth-oriented development strategy
augmented by a high wage and Kenyanization policies adopted at independence (Republic of
Kenya, 1964). The government also undertook to engage in direct employment creation, regulate
wages, operate employment exchange programmes, improve labour market information systems,
and re-orient education and training systems to vocational and technical training areas as a means
21
of promoting employment creation. Other measures also implemented to address the country’s
employment problem include promotion of growth and development of the informal and Jua
Kali sector, adoption of fiscal policies, and short-term measures such as tripartite agreements
(Republic of Kenya, 1969; 1973). In the 1990s and early 2000s, government employment
interventions targeted enhancing the acquisition and promotion of efficient use of labour market
information, reliance on market forces to mobilize resources for sustained growth, provision of
public infrastructure, industrialization, enhancement of private sector investment and
participation in the economy, promotion of industrial harmony and productivity, and
liberalization of the labour market (Republic of Kenya, 1994a; 1994b; 1997a; 1997b; 1999;
2002). In 2003, the government of the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) formulated a five-
year development strategy (Economic Recovery Strategy for Wealth and Employment Creation,
2003-2007). This strategy put a case for empowerment of the people through creation of
employment and other income earning opportunities.
The Youth Enterprise Development Fund was conceived in June 2006 by the
government as a strategic move towards arresting unemployment. The loan
targets all forms of youth owned enterprises whether owned individually, as
a company, in groups, in cooperatives or any other legal forms of business
ownership; seventy five percent (75%) of those unemployed are the youth.
The government fast-tracked this noble and timely initiative
(www.yedf.go.ke). The Fund was gazetted on 8th December 2006 to provide
the necessary legal framework to govern its use and operations. The Fund
facilitates youth employment through enterprise development and
structured labour export. The Fund disbursement process to the youth
enterprises through the Financial Intermediaries and the Constituency Youth
Enterprise Scheme was launched in 2007 (www.yedf.go.ke2010/06/17).
6. Urban youth unemployment, failures, lessons learnt and challenges
22
It seems that the level of unemployment is a mirror image of the state of a nation’s economy.
Suffice to also say, youth unemployment is highly dependent on the overall status of the
economy. Economic activity, measured by GDP growth, is probably the single factor that most
influences the chances of young people finding a job. Low or negative GDP growth, economic
recession and low investment are direct causes in the shrinking demand for labour source of
funding among the youths and accessing the fund for projects remains a great challenge. Most
youth have not been properly informed on how funding can be accessed. Furthermore, projects
funded have not been properly managed either and hence low repayment rates. The funds that
exist such as Youth Enterprise Development Fund (YEDF) have staffing problems and hence
lack proper monitoring and capacity building. The fund has not been able to address gender
imbalances and has not made significant impact in society, a challenge in itself.
The unemployment challenge in Kenya has grown overtime. The level of open unemployment
increased from 6.7 percent in 1978 to 25.1 percent in 1998/1999 before easing to 12.7 percent in
2005/2006 (Omolo, 2010). There have been considerable variations in unemployment amongst the
different age cohorts, with the youth category recording relatively higher rates of open
unemployment. Overall, youth unemployment has persistently been at least double the national
unemployment rate. Unemployment trends of different demographic groups show that youth
unemployment rate is relatively higher than the total unemployment rate. There seems also to be
youth and gender related inequities in access to employment opportunities in Kenya. It seems that
equality in access to employment opportunities, including pay, is a key component of decent work.
Hafkin, 2002) asserts that consideration of gender issues in development is the greatest good. This is
because gender disparities create inefficiencies, hampers growth and lowers the potential well being
of a society. Accumulated empirical evidence demonstrates the centrality of gender equality for
equitable economic growth and poverty reduction. The proportion of women employed in the formal
sector increased marginally from 26.2 percent in 1995 to 29.5 percent in 2000, depicting a 3.3
percentage point increase over the five-year period while the proportion of women in formal sector
employment remained constant at 29.6 percent in the period 2001-2004 but declined to 29.4 percent
in 2005. It then increased marginally to average 30.2 percent over the 2006-2008 period (Ibid).
Conclusion23
One of the key challenges facing the Kenyan youth is lack of necessary education, relevant
training and the knowledge and skills required to enhance their absorption into the labour
market. Majority of the youth do not possess appropriate labour market skills, knowledge and
attitude. At the same time, there are too many unproductive and precarious jobs offering poor
terms and conditions of employment. In practice, there are many complex structural and frictional
constraints related with lack of employability. Most employers, for example, insist on looking for
“experienced workers” while the youth, expectedly, lack the required work experience. While
majority of employers in both private and public sectors of the economy put past experience as a
minimum qualification requirement for certain jobs, Kenya lacks a framework for actual work
experience compared to industrial attachment and an apprenticeship system to enable trainees acquire
practical skills necessary for the world of work. That is, there is a difference between actual work
experience and industrial attachment; the former has to do with someone who was actually employed
while the latter has to do with someone who was only with the organization for a limited period of
time under different terms and conditions. Consequently, new labour force entrants lack the required
practical experience to undertake assigned tasks, calling re-training with attendant incremental costs.
The lack of practical skills by majority of the youthful job seekers aggravates the unemployment
situation by adding to the pool of ‘educated’ unemployed. Even though the Directorate of Industrial
Training (DIT) is mandated with streamlining industrial attachment in the country, the institution is
faced with operational challenges. Granted, some industrial attachment is going on in the country.
However, the same is not properly coordinated and integrated into the entire education and training
curricula leaving room for haphazard implementation of the same by the training providers and the
attaching institutions. Questions are even abound as to whether the industrial attachments and
internship are degenerating into a new source of cheap labour. Effective coordination between
education, training institutions and industry is critical for skills development and the resultant
employability of the youth and the entire labour force. In Kenya, however, there are no policies
governing linkages and collaboration between education and training institutions, on one hand, and
industry, on the other hand. This is reflected in the development and implementation of education
and training curricula which is done without effective consultation and collaboration with relevant
stakeholders, especially industry. In addition, skills development in the country continues to be
undertaken without due regard to labour market requirements. Furthermore, institutions such as the
National Manpower Development Committee (NMDC) which were meant to provide the necessary
framework for interaction between training providers and industry are no longer functional. There is 24
also minimal coordination, if any, between Government, employers, training providers and policy
research institutions. Increasing global competitiveness requires re-orientation by economies to keep
pace with global challenges, especially the fast changing technologies. In Kenya, a technological gap
has been witnessed in various sectors of the economy, with the most affected being manufacturing,
agriculture and information and communication technology. The rapidly changing nature of
employment and work requirements has brought about the need for retraining and retooling of the
Kenyan workforce for increased efficiency and productivity. Increased conversion of middle-level
colleges, especially national polytechnics and technical training institutions into public universities,
however, may weaken the skill upgrading nexus between secondary, tertiary institutions and
universities. This has impacted greatly on the employability of the youth.
Kenya’s labour market is dual in nature, presenting a growing informal sector employment
characterized by precarious jobs with a subdued growth in formal sector employment. Thus, even
though the formal sector jobs are relatively preferred, they are few and cannot match the demands of
the growing labour force. The Kenya government has, overtime, pursued a number of structural
reforms to support formal employment particularly within the private sector (Kulundu, 2003). These
include reviewing the tax regime, simplification of licensing procedures, and implementation of
programmes for strengthening the business environment, including enforcement of competition
policies. However, these structural reforms seem not to have been effectively and/or completely
implemented to make meaningful impact on the youth unemployment crisis. While some significant
improvements in the formulation of national development policies have been made, implementation
has not been satisfactory, effective, consistent and efficient.
Entrepreneurship and entrepreneurial culture is an important ingredient in youth employment. It is a
sure way of creating jobs. Kenya has a vibrant Micro, Small and Medium Scale Enterprises
(MSMEs) sector. Within the Kenyan context, the MSMEs are understood to be independent business
undertakings where operational and administrative managements are in the hands of the owner(s)
who are also responsible for making the major decisions of the enterprise. The MSMEs are in both
formal and informal sectors engaging in farm and non-farm economic activities such as
manufacturing, mining commerce, industry and social services. MSMEs are more effective in the
utilization of local social and natural resources, employing simple and affordable production
technology. Also, MSMEs are positioned to satisfy limited demands brought about by small and
25
localized markets due to their lower overheads and fixed costs. Although MSMEs are dynamic and
employment generating entities, they are not socially and economically preferable jobs by the youth.
In most cases, MSME employment is regarded as a “wait” employment sector by majority of the
youth or where workers who have been offloaded and/or retired from the formal sector seek refuge.
In this regard, the youth still look upon the formal sector as their main employment option and their
impression is that self- employment is the second or third choice for those who cannot find wage
employment. At the same time, even though MSMEs have been aggressively promoted by the
government and various stakeholders as a labour sponge or safety valve, the youth still lack the
necessary empowerment to venture into the sector. A number of studies (Semboja, 2005) have
established that there exists numerous and complex constraints that face young entrepreneurs in the
process of owning, managing, operating and developing their enterprises. In the case of Kenya, many
MSMEs remain informal because the administrative procedures for business registration are too
cumbersome, long-winded and/or costly. The barriers to setting new businesses are particularly high
for the youth who, on the other hand, face complex entrepreneurship barriers. These structural
problems include the lack of voice and representation, lack of access to credit and seed funding,
isolation and lack of support, which makes it difficult for the youth owned enterprises to gain a
foothold in the modern expansive business. Inadequate access to effective business advisory and
support services, absence of entrepreneurship mentorship programs remains part of the key
challenges facing youth integration into the MSMEs and national economic grid.
The desirable situation in Kenya is that boys and girls have equal access to education and often girls
are doing better than boys at school. But unemployment has continued to be higher among women
than men. Furthermore, on average, relatively most men earn more than women. Women face
various structural constraints on their effective participation in economic activities that include poor
customary laws and norms which impede women to greater extent than men from obtaining land,
credit, productive inputs, education, information health care and coexistence of multiple laws which
create ambivalence (for example customary and statute laws relating to marriage and inheritance;
gender bias in access to basic human resource development services such as education, training and
health, resulting in gender gaps in adult and/or youth literacy rates and time poverty resulting from
women’s multiple and competing reproductive and productive responsibilities) (Okojie, 2000;
2003). Regardless of these poor customary laws and norms labor market also exhibit discriminatory
26
policies, structural barriers and other prejudices that inhibit majority of female youth from entering
and staying in the job market.
Analysis of the employment data for Kenya shows, for example, an increasing trend in the
engagement of workers on casual terms of employment. The relatively high unemployment
levels amongst the youth and particularly the women folk may as well suggest their
disproportionate share in precarious employment. It is noted that most employers in Kenya,
particularly those within the private sector have resorted to the increasing use of casual,
temporary, part-time, contract, subcontracted and outsourced workforces to ostensibly reduce
labour costs, achieve more flexibility in management and exert greater levels of control over
labour. This trend allows the de-politicization of hiring and firing that makes it easier for
companies to avoid labour legislation and the rights won by trade unions. The nature of
employment of casual workers do not facilitate them to enjoy the fundamental rights of workers
such as freedom of association and collective bargaining, right to paid leave and other requisite
benefits. This revelation contrasts sharply with the country’s desire to reduce poverty and
enhance social protection. This leads to lack of motivation and increases shirking, which
decreases effort. This could partly explain the persistently low levels of labour productivity, low
enterprise competitiveness and the slow economic growth rates in Kenya. The Kazi Kwa Vijana
(KKV) programme, one of the “youth” targeted public works programme in Kenya, is a fairly
recent initiative but is not as effective as anticipated. Experience shows that the longer people stay
out of work, the more their “employability” deteriorates, making it progressively harder for them to
gain employment. This is especially worrying for the youth who may have completed school and get
trapped into a lifetime of weak attachment to the labour market alternating between low paid insecure
work such as casuals and open unemployment.
Recommendations
From the findings, the following recommendations that can be taken by the Kenya Government,
head-on, through policy initiatives are suggested:
1. A number of various labour market programmes and interventions aimed at redressing
the youth employment problems that have worked elsewhere can be customized in
Kenya:
27
(a) One of the comprehensive surveys of interventions to address youth employment is
provided by Betcherman, et al. (2007) and Puerto (2007). This is based on findings of
a Youth Employment Inventory (YEI) of 289 interventions implemented in 84
countries representing all regions of the world. The interventions are categorized
based on a framework developed by Godfrey (2003). The framework for the YEI
comprises two key elements: (i) increasing labour demand and (ii) increasing the
integrability of workers to enable them take advantage of employment opportunities
as labour demand increases.
(b) Promote innovative ways to expand technical and vocational skills development
focusing on out-of-school youth in the rural and informal economy in terms of
employment promotion and income generating opportunities through skills
development initiatives, for example, informal apprenticeship. A key issue is 'raising
the level of employability for individuals by ensuring they have the important
generic skills in team-working, reasoning and communicating that are among
required ones for many modern careers'. Educational and training institutions need to
maintain and increase their activity in developing employability skills in all students,
despite the economic downturn and the pressure on budgets. History shows that
investment during a downturn leads to success when pressures ease, and investment
in employability is an investment in the future.
2. To address the problem of skills mismatch with the labour market, the business
community, private sector and industry need to be closely engaged with educational and
training institutions.
3. A review of some of Kazi Kwa Vijana features of effective public works programme
based on international experiences can be carried out to improve it.
4. Developing a demand driven vocational and technical education and training system for the
youth is an asset.
5. Promotion of entrepreneurship and nurturing of an entrepreneurial culture should be seen as
one of the ways out of youth unemployment crisis.
6. School-Industry Link programmes should be developed to aid students in appreciating the
relevance of learned theories in the world of work.
28
7. There should be linkage between the educational institutions, training institutions and the
formal and informal (jua kali) sector.
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