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Visual Anthropology,

18:19-45,2005 2 ' ^ D f l ^

Copyright ;( Tayinr&: Francis, Inc. | J KOUtleOg

ISSN:

0894-9468 print/1545-59211 on line ft\ Taylor.Francis Croup

DOI:L(l,1l)80/l>894946l)59()90(K)34

Visualizing Emptiness

Dimitri Morteltvans

How can one create more by show ing less? That is the central question in this article.

Through a visual approach, we will look at emptiness as a generator of standing,

exclusiveness, luxury sign value. One of the guiding cultural mechanisms of creating

exclusiveness is the use of

horrorvacui,

the fear of the empty. Using bt)th psychological

tiieory and civilization theory, the article connects the concept of emptiness andhorror

vacui

to the creation of exclusiveness, of luxury. This theoretical argu me ntation is then

confronted with a visual research on the use of emp tiness in show win dow s. It shows

that luxury boutiques or shops selling predominantly luxury p roducts use emptiness

in their shop w indows in order to create a luxurious and exclusive atmo sphere.

INTRODUCTION

How can one create more by showing less? That is the central question in this

article. Through a visual approach, we will look at emptiness as a generator of

standing, exclusiveness, luxury sign value. Central in the answer to this question

is the principle ofhorrorvacui, the fear of the empty.

First, we will discuss the concept of horror vacuion a theoretical basis. W here

does the principle come from and why is it connected to luxury and exclusiveness?

Next, we will present the results of research that tries to find the use of the

principle in shop windows. This research included a combined quantitative and

qualitative study on clothing shops in Antwerp and Brussels. With this research,

we will try to classify shops on a scale of prestige while trying to link this scale to

visual research data.

EMPTINESS AS A FORM OF DISTINCTION

Background from Philosophy and Arts

The link between the luxury signified and the use of em ptiness is not evident. We

need to dig deeper into the possible explanation that couples emptiness to luxury.

The origin of the link can be found in both psychology and sociology. The basic

principle behind the connection of emptiness and luxury is called

horrorvacui,

th e

fear of emptiness [Gombrich 1970: 80].

MoRTELMANs

IS

(7sociologist at Antwerp University, B elgium. He wrote his Ph.D. on the

visualization of luxury based on a sociosemiotic analysis of print adv ertisements. His e urrent

research focuses on

gift-


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20 D. Mortelmans

The concept of horror vacui is derived from art theory. It is the urge to fill al

empty space with all kinds of details. However, the term itself is much older than

mo dern art theory. Originally, the fear of the void wa s described by Aristotle wh o

categorically denied the possibility of a vacuum. He argued that a vacuum could

not exist because nature always tries to resist its creation. Nature has an inherent

horror

vacui.

The principle of filling up the void comes from his cosmology. Tli

Aristotelian cosmos is enclosed, finite, and full. The assumption of fullness leads to

the claim that all empty spaces refill automatically IBerryman 1997; Anonymous

1991]. Philosophy has followed this line of argument for ages. Nevertheless, the

principle was heavily debated.' The debate was silenced after the experiment of

the Magdeburg hemispheres (1654). This experiment proved that a vacuum could

be created in two hemispheres.

In the twentieth century, the void was picked up again by artists and art critics

in writing on the emerging of abstract art movements. Wassily Kandinsky, for

example, has written on em ptiness and its aesthetic power IKandinsky 1955;

19821.

Oth ers have theorized the aesthetics of abstract and m inimal art IDomecq 19951 or

criticized its self-claimed transcendentalism [Hauschildt 1994; Hughes 1997;

Kuspit 1998].

Horror Vacui as a Social and Psychological Phenomenon

The principle ofhorror vacui touches more domains than art theory or philosophy

In psychology, the principle is related to the hum an instinct to decorate. One of the

differences between man and animal is our capacity to decorate things: "When we

see primitives decorate themselves, it occurs to us that they do it mainly to

resemble animals, whether they use feathers, colorful paints, or masks. But, no

matter how their behavior may resemble that of animals, the distinction is vast

and crucial because it involves the meaning of the word 'ornamentation'; viz., an

intentional em phasis is given to an object, wh ether it be a man or an inert thing , by

enriching addition" [Prinzhorn 1995: 20].

One feels an inner urge to cultivate one's surroundings. Some say this urge is

more prominent in primitive groups or in periods of great decadence. Even in our

time, where instinct to decorate is largely suppressed, we find some traces of the

instinct in the habit of writing on walls in public toilets or scribbling on writing

pads [Read 1964: 22-23]. Psychology gives the principle of horror vacnia rather

artistic color. This meaning of the term has survived in art theory: the urge

to complete a certain decoration with increasing detail. However, it does not

give a satisfying explanation of the link between this horror vacniprinciple and

the luxury signified in our sample. Therefore, we need a more sociological

explanation.

To connect emptiness to luxury, we need to relate liorror vacui to a social phe

nomenon. In order to do so, we will use the civilization theory of Norbert Elias

119821. According to this theory, the increasing differentiation of societal functions

leads to the formation of more stable political organs acquiring the monopoly of

force." Connected to this process of state formation is a psychological evolution


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Visualizing Emptiness 21

Through the interdependence

of

larger groups

ot

people and the exclusion

of

physical vio-

lence from them, a social apparatus

is

established in which the constraints between people

are lastingly transformed into self-constraints. These self-constraints,afunctionoftheper-

ceptual hindsight

and

foresight instilled

in the

individual from childhood

in

accordance

withhisintegrationin extensive chainsofaction, have partlytheformofconsciousself-

control

and

partly that

of

automatic habit. [Elias

1982:

242-2431

Elias describes several domaii\s in which the civilizational process changes

human behavior,allbeing some restraintson thehuman instinctsor lusts: eating

(with knife

and

fork), sleeping

(not

naked), spitting , personal hygiene [Elias 1978].

One

of the

most striking results from

his

study

was the

stratified division

of self-

control.

New

forms

of

self-control originate first

in

higher classes

and

descend

slowly into the lower

classes.

Self-constraints are instrunients with which the higher

class confirms

its

superiority [Elias 1982]. Although quantity remains

a

sign

of

pow er and w ealth, austerity penetratedonseveral domain sasa signofdistinction.

Letting oneselfgo isno longer tolerated. Slowly this evolution permeates society. We

all use a knifeandfork when we eat, we all wash overselvesandwe are all dressed

in public. Nevertheless,

the

principle

of

constraining one's hum an instincts remains

a distinctive sign. Tlie power

to

control oneself remains

a

sign

of

excellence.^

According

to

psychological theory,horror vacniis also a hum an instinct.

We

show

an instinctive reaction towards voicis

by

decorating them,

by

filling

up

the gaps.

If

we follow Elias' theory,itmustbeso that the natural urgetofillinempty spacesis

controlled by thecivilizing process.If thisistrue,thehigher classes will develop

some sortofamorvacui.The "empty" becomes a signofcultivationandgood taste.

The amor vacuiin higher classes shows that Elias' civilization theory goes further

than taking noteof etiquette. Restraining oneself both physically and mentally

makes

the

principle

ofamor vacui

into

a

mark

of

distinction. Tliose

who

have

the

power

to

overcome their

ownhorror vacui

instinct

can

distinguish themselves.

In earlier research, we have found the use of emptiness to be an important

element

in the

construction

of a

luxury sign value

in

advertisements [e.g.,

Mortelmans 1998a; 1998b].

In

advertisements,

the

principle

ofhorror vacniis

used

by presentation

of

empty space. Eigure

1

gives

an

example.

The

Parker fountain-

pen

is

promoted with

an

absolute minimum

of

elements.

No

models

are

used,

no

special backgroundsorspectacular catchw ords. Onlyablack rectangleon awhite

background. Except

for

the fountain

pen itself, the

pag e is nearly em pty. The result

isnotonlyan enlarged focuson theproductbut an additional distinctive atmo-

sphere thatis created around thefountainpen.

The Void inShop Windows

The research presented

in

this article deals with

the

use

of

em ptiness

in

shops

and

more particularly in shop win dow s. There are two m ain reasons why we decided

to

study

the

shop w indow s. Eirst, we started from

our

research results

in

advertising.

If emptinessisusedtocreatealuxury sign valueinadvertisements,itcouldbe an

isolated phenomenon.

As we

argued earlier,

the

theory

of

both Norbert Elias

and

Pierre Bourdieu indicates that the principleofhorror vacuiismore widespread than


4/28

22 D. Mortelmans

hunk atin lui

, 't7;(A

wi n

ii if

ii lucriiici.' wrMiiii

Parker klasse

Figure

7

Tlie use of

horror vitciii

in advertisements. The caption of this advertisement reads:

Parker Top-class .

rooted m ore deeply in our culture. Therefore, w e wanted to look at wa ys in which

luxury companies use emptiness in places other than advertisement campaigns.

Several possible subjects of research are evident. First, we could repeat the socio-

semiotic content analysis we did on ad vertisem ents, on a sample of luxury catalogs

and brochures. If emptiness is a visual technique in print advertisements, it could

be hypothesized that the same results will apply to the catalog from a luxury

company. Although this first line of research was interesting, we decided to focus

on a second alternative. If emptiness is a sign of luxury, it does not only appear in

similar sources of information, hke catalog. It could also be applied on the different

selling points of luxury products. According to Jean-Louis Dumas-Hermes, man-

ager of Hermes, the luxury boutique needs to be part of the package of a luxury

item: "The smell itself of the shop one enters is already a package of the pro du ct"

[Dumas-Hermes

1991:

311.

Just as an advertisem ent oracatalog can com mu nicatea

sign of distinction, the design of a shop is an integral part of the construction of a


5/28

Visualizing Em ptiness 23

the beige, the adde d gold for Chanel; the natural woo d for Louis Vuitton; the 'grey

Dior' and the Louis XTV style for the brand-ins titut ion" ICharrueau 1991: 138,

au tho r's trans lationl. If emptiness is indeed used to construct a luxury sign value, it

should be visible both in the interior design ofaboutique and in the shop w indow.

The interior design of shops is important to create an atmosphere in which the

consumer is invited to buy. The shop windo w is the exterior face of the bou tique. It

is the connection between the private sphere inside the boutique and the public

sphere outside: the shop window links both worlds. It needs to persuade the

consumer to enter the private world of luxury. Therefore, it is hypothesized that

shop windows are an important generator of luxury sign value. Of course, the

dressing of a window is not the only element in the creation of the standing of a

specific shop. It might even be of lesser importance than the neighborhood or the

brand names that are solidly in the shop. Nevertheless, shop windows are an

exterior-directed form of communication that cannot be neglected.

The second reason for studying shop windows and their relation to the use of

emptiness is a derived one. Both in sociology and in cultural studies, there is a

growing literature on consumer culttire and shopping behavior [e.g.. Brown and

Turley 1997; Featherstone 1991]. Although the research interests are diverse, there

is a substantial interest in "spheres of consumption in general" [Hetherington 1992]

and in the shopping mall in particular [e.g.. Miller

c t ni

1998]. The m all is seen as

one of the central spaces of consum ption [Hetherington 1992] of our late mod ern

consumer society: "the shopping mall is symbolic of the global dissemination of

late capitalist economies, [,..] the mall end ow s consumerism with almo st reli-

gious-like qualities" [Miles 1998: 59]. Although the shopping mall receives much

attention in both the theoretical and the empirical dom ains, little attention goes to

design aspects of the different shops within these malls. Mark Gottdiener, for

example, discusses the design of the mall as a well-structured whole. The central

point in his analysis concerns the functionality of the mall:

The purpose ofamall is to sell consumer

goods.

The function of mall design, therefore is to

disguise the instrumental exchange relation between producer and consumer, which is

always more to the former's benefit in capitalist society, and to present cognitively an inte-

grated facade which facilitates consumption acts by the stimulation of consumer fantasies.

Thus,

the mall, taken asawhole, isasign initself,since it connotates something other than

its principal instrumental function. [Gottdiener

1995:

86]

His analysis then concentrates on the different constructions in the mall that

serve this essential functionality. Shop windows and the different techniques of

window dressing are only marginally mentioned. Although this article will con-

centrate on shopping streets rather than malls, we think that shop windows

deserve more attention than they have received until now. If malls are presented

as well-constructed environments to promote shopping, the sanie analysis applies

to window dressing. More importantly, shop windows are thresholds of con-

sumption. They are the capitalist sirens, seducing potential consumers to enter

the inner sanctum. Even though we concentrate here on the principle of horror

vacui,

our analysis will, at the same time, give a more detailed insight into the

construction of the seductiveness of shop windows.


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24 D. Mortelmans

METHODOLOGY

As outlined before, our study aims to look at the connection between the use of the

void and the prestige of a certain shop. To do so, we have used a combination of

quantitative and qualitative research methods.''

Quantitative Research Method

On the one hand, we want to classify all shops on a scale of prestige. In order to

relate window dressing styles to the luxurious character of the shop, we need

some criterion to classify the shops as luxurious. Concerning luxury, consumer

price is an often used but highly debated criterion. When defining luxury, there is

some consensus that expensiveness is an important factor. However, the question

is whether or not the price is an inherent quality of a luxury product. In a French

study on industrial and financial strategies in the luxury industry, the authors

state that "luxury is no longer a product that costs six times more than a com-

parable product" [transl. from Corsani and Giuseppe 1992: 13]. A mere mass-

consum ption object with a high price is not considered luxury. Several definitions

of luxury have been developed, many of which excluded the expensive

characteristics. Properties that are considered more crucial include scarcity, addi-

tional value or high quality stan dard s IMortelmans 1997]. All these characteristics

might give an accurate description of the exclusiveness of a product, but,

empirically, they are hard to test. If we take quality as an example this becomes

more apparent. Our research is Umited to clothing shops (see further). Conse-

quently, we need to assess the quality of the clothes presented in the shop win-

dows.

It is obvious that this is a nonsensical o ption: this is why we once more end

up with the easiest indicator, of luxury pricing. Although prices are imperfect

indicators of the luxurious character of consumer goods, they are not completely

unrelated to the phenomenon. If we ]ook at the different characteristics that are

presented as luxury essentials, we can see that they all lead to a higher price. If a

luxury product has a higher quality, it is produced with superior raw materials.

These commod ities are mo re expensive or need more sophisticated treatm ent (e.g.,

silk versus cotton). The increase in manufacturing costs leads to a higher consu mer

price. The same goes for other characteristics like exclusive distribution channels

or special designs. Although price setting is much more complicated than sum-

ming up production costs ILebas

etal.

1990: 48], we can state that luxury prod ucts

usually are m ore expensive than other, comparable pro ducts. We decided to base

the classification of the sho ps in our sam ple on th e prices of the different articles

that were presented in the shop window.

We used a predefined coding scheme for obtaining our quantitative data. First,

we determined which part of the shop windo w was inventoried. We did not

inventory all shop windows completely. One of the significant elements in our

research was the comparison of the total number of clothing items presented in a

shop window to the type of shop. If a luxury shop uses emptiness as a technique,

it could be hypothesized that only a few objects wou ld be show n. If this is the case,

we need to compare the number of items shown in all shop windows, assuming


7/28


rule. We estimated that the average sho p window^ takes up a length of five to ten

meters, i.e., one or two big windows. However, several big chains store take up

much more than that. In those cases, we limited the inventory to two or three

wind ow s. The decision about the number of wind ow s w as left to the encoder but

the total space inventoried could not surpass ten meters.""

Second, all objects in the shop window were inventoried. A distinction v^'as

made between decorative elements in the window and the actual products.

Decorative elements were merely listed. They do not play an important role in the

quantitative analysis. The listed elements are only supportive elements for the

qualitative analysis (see further). Three characteristics of the actual products were

written down: price, type of clothing and place in the shop window. The price was

measured in Belgian Francs, even if some shops already presented the price in

Euros" next to the Belgian Francs. All clothes were categorized into 30 raw cate-

gories. The encoders categorized the clothes in the shop windows in one of these

categories. They were instructed to use the 30 predefined codes but when they

obser\'ed clothes that did not perfectly fit the coding scheme they could deviate

from it. All deviations could be recoded afterwards to the original code book. The

last quantitative information that was retrieved from the shop window was the

place of the clothes in the window. Three different places were distinguished.

Clothes could be worn by windo w dum mies. He on the ground or hang on

coathooks. This information enabled a more detailed analysis of the number of

clothes in different parts of a shop window.

Qualitative Research Method

The quantitative information we collected was primarily aimed at classifying the

different shops using their consum er prices on a prestige scale. Other quantitativ e

indicators, like the number of clothes in a shop window, could give an indication

of the use of eniptiness in shops, but tltis is a rather raw indicator. It does not tell

anything about the general style of the shop window in which the emptiness

migh t be used. In order to get a mo re vahd impression of the use of emptiness, we

simultaneously gathered qualitative, visual data. Each shop that was inventoried

quantitatively was also photographed. In this way, we could analyze the exterior

image a shop is presenting, in more detail.

The analysis of the visual data was done with a grounded theory approach

[Glaser and Strauss 1967; Strauss and Corbin 1994, 1998]. Suchar described a

detailed data collection method for visual sociologists based on the principles of

grounded theory ISuchar 1997]. Since our quantitative data collecting method was

bound to shops, we did not completely follow his collecting principles. As we

have said, we took only one photograph of each shop. Next, we used the software

program Atlas-ti to code and analyze the data. Atlas-ti is written for both textual

and visual data analysis based on grounded theory IMuhr 1991]. During the

categorization process, we ran through the photographs while coding al] elements

in the shop win dow s that appea red as possible aspects of importance. This process

of open coding"^ was finished by regrou ping the codes*^ [S trauss and Corbin 1990].


8/28

Then codes were brought together in a coherent codebook, and we coded the

26 D. Mortelmans

whole sample again with these codes. The subsequent analysis tried to identify

groups of shop windows, using the codes as a guideline.

Sample

Since comparability was a central research requisite, a restricted sample was

necessary. We wanted only one product category in our sample, If we want to

compare luxury shop wind ows with nonluxury wind ow s, we need to com pare the

same category; otherwise, the kind of merchandise might influence the dressing of

the shop w indow. Dressing a windo w of a toy store can be don e quite differently

from dressing the window of a shoe shop. We decided to reduce the scope of the

research to clothes shops. The main reason for choosing clothes as our research

focus was the wide availability of clothes shops both in the lower and the higher

market segment. They range from exclusive boutiques to bulk sales. Another

reason for choosing clothes is the way of selling. If we had chosen watches as our

focus,

we would have had enormous problems to find shop windows displaying

watches. The bulk sale watches are found mostly in supermarkets while luxurious

watches are sold at a jeweler's. In either case, comparing shop windows for these

products would be impossible.

We tried to include the widest possible range of clothes shops in our sample;

therefore the sample was drawn in different shopping streets. We preferred

researching shopping streets instead of malls for legal reasons. In Belgium, one is

allowed to take photographs on the street. Inside shops and buildings however,

the owner needs to give permission. It is unclear whether or not shopping malls

are considered a public space. In order to avoid some prohibitions to photo-

graphing, shopping streets were selected as our research area. We selected five

different shop ping streets. The first three are known as exclusive shopp ing streets:

Waterloo Avenue and Louisa Avenue in Brussels and Schuttershofstraat in

Antw erp. This resulted in 64 shops (50 in Brussels and 14 in A ntwerp). The fourth

shopping street (the Meir) is also located in Antwerp and is the main shopping

street of tha t city. It is a typical m iddle-class street with big chain s tores and few or

no small boutiques. A total of 36 shops was inventoried in this street. The last

street (Abdijstraat) in the sample is located in one of A ntw erp's poorer districts. It

is a dilapidated street with several so-called one-dollar-shops and a lot of empty

shop-prem ises. If chain stores are present, they specialize in cheap m ass bulk sales.

We analyzed 25 shops in this street. In total, our sample consists of 125 shops in

five different shopping streets in Antwerp and Brussels. Their shop windows

contained a total of 2845 clothing items.'^

RESULTS

We divided our results into two different sections. First, we will give the results of

our quantitative analysis. This analysis will present the classification of all the

shops on a continuum of prestige. Second, we will do a qualitative visual analysis


9/28

Visualizing Emp tiness 27

hand, we tried to construct a typology of shop windows. On the other hand, we

tried to link the use of emptiness in these shop windows to the exclusiveness of

the shop.

Classifying Shops

As indicated before, the consumer prices of the articles presented in the shop

windows are used as indicators for luxury. This simple starting point generates

several derived problems. First, some sho ps do not use any price tags in their sho p

win dow s. These shops are presenting their clothes witho ut an y reference to prices.

S trictly speaking , we should not include these shops in our classification. Since we

will elaborate this classification, on the basis of prices, we have no data to use in

placing these shops. Of course, the omission of prices is a sign of exclusiveness in

itself.

The technique has a deterrent function. A shop window with no price tags

communicates an implicit invitation to enter the shop without any monetary

limits. It is an invitation to judge the presented clothes for their aesthetic value. If

one likes the clothes, one can enter and buy them without knowing the prices

beforehand. Of course, such a strategy is useful only if the prices of the presented

articles are high. Without referring to the principle ofhorror vacui, we see a new

example of the power of self-constraint. A shop gains in prestige because those

who enter there have the power^ to suppress their curiosity about the price of a

commodity. For this reason, we decided to place all the shops that have no price

tags in their shop windows at the right-hand side of our continuum (i.e., the most

exclusive shop s). In total, 17 shops (13.6%) were in this gro up IFigure 2], Am ong

these shops, there are Belgian hautecouture boutiques like Lieve Van Gorp or

brands hke Chanel or Boss. Even though the connection between the absence of

price tags and the exclusiveness of a certain shop is a theoretical one, it seems to

give reliable results in our research.^^

The second problem we encountered by taking prices as indicators of exclu-

siveness was the nonncomparability within shop windows. A naive method of

classifying shops could take the mean of all consumer prices in a certain shop

window. This method neglects the inherent qualities of the clothes within the

shop w indow s. A three-piece suit is more expensive than a shirt, no m atter w here

you buy it. However, if a certain shop window has several shirts and only one

suit, it could have a lower m ean than a shop with several suits; even if this second

shop sells its suits cheap. Therefore, we standardized the prices for each product

category by calculating z-scores. With a mean of zero, positive z-score prices

indicate n:\ore expensive pieces of a certain clothing category. Negative z-scores

are given to the cheaper clothes. In such m anner, each price is stand ardize d

within

a certain clothing category. In order to classify all shops on the basis of their

prices, we averaged the z-scores of all the products in the shop window. This

results in the intended purpose. If a shop is expensive compared to others, its

shop window may be supposed to contain clothes that have higher prices for each

of the product categories. If that is the case, the average of the z-scores will be

high. On the contrary, if a shop has a low average of standardized consumer


10/28

prices, it means that the standardized clothing prices were low compared to

28 D. Mortelmans

other shops. Figure 2 gives an overview of the mean z-scores of all the shops in

our sample.

The figure show s a grad ual increase in consu mer prices from fhe left-hand side

of the curv e. This indicates a rather marginal difference between these

shops. '

On

the other hand , the right-han d side show s an exponential-like sh ape. Prices on tliis

side increase rapid]y. Several luxury houses are located in this segment: Giorgio

Arm ani, Francis Ferent, and Gianni Versace, for examp ]e. Figure 2 shows that we

have created a continuous prestige-scale, based on the consumer prices of the

clothes presented in the shop windows. We wil] come back to this sca]e later.

Classification of Shop Windows

The central research hypothesis of this article was to look at whether or not shops

use emptiness in their shop windows to create an image of exclusiveness. The use

of emptiness, however, is not an isolated sign, A showroom is a composite whole

of both the shop window and the general shop design. The visual research

material allowed us to classify shops according to their shop windows and the

design techniques used in them.

The qualitative analysis of the visual data revealed five main types of shops

and shop windows. As we were analyzing our data, it became clear that shop

r rwan zscoros

Figure 2 Mea n z-scores of all clothingcategoriesforeachsh op. The x-axis contains all 107 shops i

our sample Ihat showed price tags in their shop window. In the graph, they were arranged in the

order of their mean z-score. On the x-axis oniy a few shop n ames appear due to the limited space

available in the graph. Since these names give an indication of the classification of the shops, we


11/28


windows are tightly connected to the type of clothes shop. Table 1 gives an

overview of the five main types of shop window we found in our sample.

The first category consists of bulk sales shops. Clothes are sold in large quan-

tities,

at knock-down prices. Next, we have a group of middle-class clothing

shops.

In our sample, this group consisted mainly of large chains store with a

very typical way of window dressing. If we go to higher middle-class shops and

top-class luxury shops, we enter the world of smaller boutiques. The variation in

window dressing is much greater here. Consequently, we distinguished between

three different types.

ulk Sales

The first type of shops is termed "bulk sa les." The key characteristics of this typ e

are abundance and price-oriented design. Everything is oriented towards the

communication of cheapness. Because several shops are competing in the same

shop ping street, the passer-by needs to be convinced that this is the cheapest sho p

of all. The most often seen technique to achieve this is the hand-written price tag.

All clothes have large price tags that are readable from the streets. Figure 3 is a

large bulk sales shop w here price tags are predominant in the shop w indow. All

price tags were made in a fluorescent yellow color.

A second characteristic tha t rea ppea rs in the bulk sales is the crowded ness of the

shop s; as if bulk sale sho ps fight thehorror vacuiby all mean s. Emptiness is banned

to the extreme by filling the shop window completely, with dummies and clothes

IFigure31.There is no room for a special design. Additionally, the threshold of the

shop window is bridged by breaking down the classic borders of the shop design.

The shop interior is brought to the outside. The window itself loses its commu-

nicationat function. The consumer is invited to touch and feel the goods. In this

respect, the bulk sales shops resemble a (Third World) marketplace, where

everything is brou ght close to the consumer; vegetables can be tasted, the smell of

fresh bread is everywhere. The consumer walks and consuines in a private sphere

as soon as he enters the market. Westem shopping patterns have unlinked this

privateness with shops and shop windows. Although we will see further that

some shop windows try to hnk both spheres again, there exists a separation

between the public and the private sph ere. The shops in Figures 4 and5break this

separation by putting their clothes back on the streets as in marketplaces.

With the entrance of the merchandise right onto the street, the impression of

abimdance becomes even more apparent. The impression one tries to giveisnot only

a picture of cheap goods but also of a multitude of goods. In Figure 4, more than a

hundered jeans are piled up. The Boxer shop in Figure 5 surpasses this number

several times. Thehorror vacui is suppressed maximally: all emptiness is banned.

Chjin tores

The second group of shops with a similar design of shop windows are chain

stores. By chain stores we mean clothing shops belonging to a larger chain of

stores. The sam e clothes are distributed widely in similar shop s. It is difficult to

determine whether or not a certain shop belongs to a larger group of shops and


12/28

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14/28

32 D. Mortelmans

Figure 4 Bulk sales shop (Antwerp, Abdijstraat).

wh en this grou p is large enough to be called a real chain. Since this discussion is a

rather restricted one, it is not quite to the point here. What we call a chain store in

our typology does not necessarily correspond to the technical definition of chain

stores. Chain stores in this typology are defined as shops giving an impression of

mass production, based on a rather uniform pattem of window design.

The impression of working on a large scale is totally different from bulk sales

shops.

The impression of cheapness and abundance is suppressed. Large chain

shops do not overcrowd their shop windows. On the other hand, they also avoid

the use of too much emptiness (see further). The impression of middle-class pri-

cing is created in the shop designitself.The brand name is predominantly present

in front of the shop. Contrary to bulk sales shops where sometimes shops don't

even have a name [Figure 4], the brand name is prominent here. Further, these

shops are big. The biggest chain stores have two or three floors connected with

escalators. On the outside, large windows enhance the department store-like

feeling of the shop (Figure 6).


15/28

:5

u

=1,


16/28

34 D. Mortelmans

All shop windowsofchain stores are very alike,notonly within chainsbutalso

between different chains.At acertain momentin our data collection,we saw the

dressing

of a

shop window

of a

particular chain store (Etam

in

Antwerp).

The

store personnel

had

emptied

the

window

and

were working

on a new

design,

based on a predesigned scheme.One of theemployeeshad a briefing onpaper,

andshe wasinstructinghercolleagueson how thewindow needed to bedressed.

By accident,wecame acrossthe same company inBrusselsa few days laterand

the shop windowwasdesigned almost identically.

The main reason, however, we have included the chain store as a separate

categoryof window dressing stylesisthatour data showed a large subgroupof

stores with a similar design. The emphasis on the brand name and the large

windows were onlytwocharacteristicsofthese shop s. Whenwelookat theshop

window itself, it is striking that several aspects recur.One of the recurringele-

ments

is the use of

large posters.

As we

have said, large chain stores

do not

overload their shop windows. Tliere

are

several dummies (three

or

more

for

each

window)in thewindow, showingthe newest collection. Often, additional shelves

are used topresent clothes.Allthis looks well-balancedbut itdoesnot givethe

impressionofemptiness.Themain reasonforthatis the use oflarge pho tographs

of modelsin thestores.Thephotographs givethe impression that theyare cut out

ofa fashion catalog [Figure7],Theshop w indowof thechain storeisdesignedas

an enlarged, real-life advertisement for itself. Therefore, store chainsas a group

givea similar, mass media-like message through their shop windows.

Next

to the

large posters,

the use of

seasonal themes

in the

shop window

enhancesthecommercial picturewehave sketched. Sinceourdata were collected

in June,themain recurring themewassummerandvacation.Themetap hors used

most frequently toexpress theideaof summerand vacation were palmsorsail-

boards.To underline the themes, the posters often featured beach scenes with

models walking along the beach. Also, separate catchwords referred to the

upcoming holiday season. Althoughall shops were selling their summer collec-

tions, only chain stores regularly referred to this. As was stated before, bulk

purchase shops merely concentrate on prices and large sales. But smallerbou-

tiquesorexclusive luxury boutiques alsodid notp redominantlyuse theseasonal

theme

(see

further).

outiques

As soonas thesizeof the shop decreases,a clothing shopcan bedescribed as a

boutique. Boutiques are ground-floor shops with a limited collection of clothes

usually restricted to one sex. Large chain stores sell clothes for bothmen and

women (often also for children); boutiques are smaller and more specialized.

Almost halfof oursample(58 of125 shops, 46%)can bedescribed as aboutique.

Asa consec]uence, thereis a much larger diversity in this group.

A first group

we

will

not

further discuss

in

detail, consists

of

boutiques with

a

pattern equivalent to thoseof chain stores. They belong to a smaller chain or a

more specialized chain within

the

fashion ma rket. These shops

are

indeed smaller

and have a few characteristics of the boutiques we will discuss further. Their


17/28

dom inant image howeveris one ofa b rand-orientedand


Figure 7 Springfield (Antwerp , Meir).

This results in the use of large posters or sailboards, only on a smaller surface.

Althoug h these shops a re both technically and economically boutiq ues, we classify

them in the chain store category. Besides this group, we can discern three groups

of boutiques: first, boutiques using modern and artful design m their shop win-

dow; second, boutiques where the interior of the shop itself becomes part of the

shop window, and third, boutiques in which emptiness prevails.

Firsl Type: Art andModernDesign.S ome boutiques try to distinguish themselves

with art and design. Although such decor might exist elsewhere, we did not find

any modern painting or sculptures in our sample. The most prominent type of

design used includes abstract objects and forms. Hardly any figurative objects

are used in this type. The impression of the shop window is one of soberness

and distinction. Theamor vacuienters the shop w indo w but it does not prevail

as we will see in the last type. Dummies and other window elements still have


18/28

36 D. Mortelmans

Figure 8 Olivier Strelli (Antwerp, Keyserlci).

In Figure 8 the dummies form a composition in themselves. Here, the shop

designer w ent further than merely dressing some dum mie s. He created an isolated

composition with an artistically-minded undertone. In this shop window, we also

see one of the rare exceptions in the use of person-like dummies. The women in

the composition have a head and a face. In boutiques, dummies are usually

decapitated. Only torso and legs are used, without a head. The personalized

dummy is used more frequently in bulk purchase shops.

One of the particular elements of the boutique as such is the entrance-way.

Chain stores all have large glass entrance doors. Boutiques are mo re likely to have

a regular door with a doorhandle and a doorpost. In addition, about half of the

boutiques do not leave their doors open: there is a deliberately created border

between the shop and the outside world. An interested consumer can't just walk

in and out; entering a boutique requires an explicit action of the consumer.

Moreover, it is not just the act of grabbing the doorhandle and pushing the door.

The door closes again behind the consunier, giving the impression that he is more

than a

flaneur

(Bauman) who passes by.

Second Type: Blurring the Threshold between Public and Private Spheres.

The sec-

ond type of boutiq ue is the first one w here em ptiness is used as a technique on its

own. It is characterized by the transparency of the shop window. The window

itself is rather empty; the number of clothing items is limited, as is the number

of dummies. The main characteristic of the second type is transparency. It is a type

that has been described earlier by the French semiotician Ana Claudia Alves de

Oliveira

[19961.

The shop window does not have a background. There are some

objects in the shop window but the shop itself is visible in the background. The

shop window ceases to exist: it becomes integrated with the shopitself.The shop

window is a bridge between the public sphere outside and the private sphere of

the shop vanishes. Both spheres make direct contact. The outsider can look and

judge the activities inside the shop.

Most shops without a clearly distinct shop window do not reduce only the shop


19/28

Visualizing Emptiness 37

wh at we calledamorvacui:large rooms w ith only a

few

racks. The shop win dow of

Natan [Figure9] isreduced to a small platform withtwodummies. Further,the

window gives

a

vision

of the

interior design. Inside

the

shop there

are

only

a few

racks

on the

right side

of the

shop

and a

cash desk

in the

middle

of the

room.

Further,

the

shop

is

nearly empty. There

is no

decoration

on the

walls

and the

height

of the

shop combined with

a

large unused surface inside

the

shop gives

an

impression

of

emptiness.

The sign

of

amor vacui

in

this type

is not

created

in the

shop window

itself.

Because

of the

transparency

of the

shop w indow,

the

empty space inside

the

shop

is broughtto thefore.In the last typeofboutique,theemptinessiscreatedin the

shop windowitself.

ThirdType:.^lnor vacuiasa Signof D istinction.

The

last type

of

boutique

has a lot

in common with both types described earlier. This type doe s

not use

glass do ors

or

humanized dummies.

It

does

not

have large window s

but

rather tall

and

straight

ones.The

crucial difference however

is the use of

emptiness

in the

shop window

itself. The

interior world

of the

shop

and the

exterior world

are

separated

by the

shop window. There

is no or

hardly

any

direct connection between both sides.

Unlike

the

previous type,

the

shop window

is

used

as a

separation.

The

interior

of

the

shop

is not

visible from

the

street.

As with

the

interior design

of the

Natan shop, backgrounds

in

this type

are

monotonally colored. The most do min ant coloriswhite,butsome shopsuseother

light-colored shade s.

The

prototype

of the

last type

of

shop w indow

can be

found

in Figure

10. The

shop window

of

Gianni Versace suppresses

all

superfluous

material. Each window contains only

one

dummy

and a

white background.

The

impression

of

em ptiness

is

enhanced

by the

tall w indow s. The background behind

the dummies

is

limited

to the

height

of

the dummies.

In

this way,

the

profundity

of

the shop

is

added

to the

upp er side

of the

window,

as

becomes visible

at the

right

side

of the

photograph.

All

redunda nt elements

are

left

out and

what remains

is a

well-balanced equilibrium between showing a collection and leaving the shop

window completely empty.


20/28

CQ

b


21/28


Shop Window Design and Prestige. In this last section, we want to combine the

quantitative and the quaUtative analysis. The qualitative typology we constructed

by analyzing our visual data does not tell us anything about the prestige of a cer-

tain shop. It is quite possible that shop design has little or nothhig to do with the

prestige of

a

shop. Therefore w e need to link the quantitative typology to the pres-

tige scale we constructed earlier w ith consum er prices. In an intuitive way, we can

expect a correlation between the use of emptiness and the prestige of a shop. The

Pearson's correlation of the prestige scale and the total number of objects in the

shop window is .25 (Probability /-teat =

0.009).

Although the number of objects

tells nothing about the design of a shop, thereis anegative correlation with prestige.

A more accurate way of looking at the design of a shop and its place on the

prestige scale is given in Figure 11. Here we have transposed the qualitative

typology in scores where bulk sales stores have the lowest score and the third type

of bou tique has the highest score.'^ Important to notice is that w e added

all

shops to

the graph this time. As was explained before, a necessary condition for the con-

struction of the prestige scale was the presence of price tags. In F igure11,we added

the shops that d id no t show any price tags at the right side of the graph. They w ere

added to the graph in no particular order. It is important to include these shops,

since it was hypothesized that the omission of prices was in itself a sign of luxury.

If we look at Figure 11, there are several conclusions to make. First, bulk sales

shops are located in the lower pa rts of the scale. Their tradem ark is low p rices, and

therefore they score very low on the prestige scale. Since we did not include any

second-hand shop s in the sam ple, it is difficult to judge w hether or not these shops

are the absolute low er limit of clothes shops. Nex t to the bulk sales shop s we see a

large group of chain stores clustering together. This is the part where the z-scores


22/28

40 D. Mortelmans

are rising very slowly, indicating that the prices of large chain stores are very

similar. They operate in the same market segment, and therefore they use similar

pricing categories. This category is not only coherent in its prices, it is equally

coherent in its window dressing. Most shops here showed the previously descri-

bed design of large posters and seasonal themes. Even if each brand uses its own

accents, the main structure is very much the same.

This uniformity no longer applies once we enter the world of the boutiqu e. Since

the use of emptiness as a sign of luxury was th e starting, point in ou r research, we

expected to see a reflection of the u se of em ptiness on the prestige scale. If we take

the last three categories from our typology, there is indeed a correlation with the

prestige scale. W indow dressing techniques w e identified asBoutique 1, 2 or 5are

occurring at the h igher end of the prestige scale. Also shops that are not using price

tags are all using these types of window dressing. However, we cannot clearly

distinguish any of the three types of wind ow dressing along th e prestige scale. Only

the third type with an absolute stress on emptiness seems to occur more regularly at

the higher end of the scale. A possible explanation for this result is the existence of

different signifiers of prestige in window dressing. Here art, design, transparent

windo ws and em ptiness can be used to construct prestigious sho p w indow s.

In conclusion, we want to draw attention to two outliers from Figure 11.S ince

sho ps are free to dress their w indow as they like, they can easily adop t styles from

others. At the left side of the prestige scale there is one sh op using the transparency

technique in its shop window. The shop window (from Mexx) is shown in Figure

12.It was

a

surprise that it appe ared so low in the prestige scale. W hen study ing the

quan titative data more closely, it appeared that they did not use price tags on their

models. The reason they appeared so low was that three t-shirts had prices on

them . Therefore, they appeared in the prestige scale at a rather low level. A second


23/28


Figure 13 Boss (Antwerp, M eir).

outlier is situated at the right side of the scale where a sho p w ithou t price tags uses

chain store techniques in its shop windo w. The shop wa s identified as a Boss store,

which was an even bigger su rprise. If we look at Figure13,we can see that Boss is

indeed using chain store techniques in its shop window. They do not present price

tags,

but they do use large posters and several dummies and shelves in their store

windo w. Possibly, Boss tried to adap t its store to the general view of the shopp ing

street (Meir in Antw erp). N evertheless, it is one of the most striking examp les of a

shop in the higher range of the prestige scale using a deviant design.

CONCLUSION

Shop windows are part of the packaging of a consumer gooci. They need to

convey the image a brand wants to create for itself. But there is more to shop

windows than a mere commercial function. If we look at the shop windows we

have researched and their connection to the urban network they come from, there

is a connection. Shops group together in neighborhoods or in certain streets

because they belong to the same category. This results in a highly similar

appe arance of shops along the shopp ing street. Waterloo Avenue in Brussels, with

all its boutiques, has a more or less coherent look, which contrasts highly with the

Abdijstraat in Antwerp. In this sense, we could also say that the shop window is

the package of a neighborhood. The type of shop and the layout of shop wind ow s

give much information to visual sociologists about the condition of the

neighborhood.

In our research, we concentrated on

horror vacui

as one of the discrim inating

factors to classify shop windows. The typology we constructed shows that shops

and shop windows can be classified in more or less homogeneous groups. Some

groups are clearly related to the use of or the fight against the principle of

horror

vacui.

The self-constraint of on e's inheren t fear of the void seem s to create


24/28

42 D. Mortelmans

broader perspective. As Stuart Hall argued, the meaning of visual culture in

general or images in particular is never fixed [Hall 19971.Images and artifacts are

not only polysemous, their meaning is often ephemeral [Attfield 2000]. Bour-

dieu's theory clearly showed that this polysemy is class-bound. Moreover, dif-

ferent classes not only have different tastes but also different histories of

perception. Classes have specific ways of perceiving their surroundings [Lowe

1982]. This observation points to one of the weaknesses in the above presented

analysis. The visual analysis showed some evidence of the role of horror vacui in

distinction processes. However, the analysis that was performed used an etic

perspective [S ilverman 1994]. The styles of w indo w d ressing were constructed

with a visual analysis from the researchers' perspective. No confrontation of

these data has been made with the actual viewers of these shop windows, nor

with the shop window designers themselves. Such an approach departs from an

emic approach. In this way, the visual material of the sho p w indo ws can be used

to check whether the fear of the void indeed leads to perceptions of distinc-

tiveness as Elias' theory indicated. It can also reveal more detailed information

about the rationale behind the process. Is horror vacui indeed an acceptable

explanation of the connection between emptiness and exclusivity, or might there

be other processes at work?

The present results should therefore be seen assensitizing concepts[B[umer 1969].

The use of emptiness, art and modern design or transparency in the creation of

distinction can serve future research in exploring the relation between visual

material (like advertisements) or graphic design (as in shop windows) and stra-

tification processes.

N O T ES

1.

Besides the philosophical debates on the principle ofhorrorI'aciii,several physicists (e.g.,

Pascal) tried to prove experimentally the existence of a void.

2.

Elias treats the state formation in the transition from medieval feudalism to the nation

states in the Renaissance.

3.

In hisD istinction,Bourdieu

11994]

gives several exam ples of differences in aesthetic taste

as well as how differences in uses and habits differ on several courts. He illustrates the

working of the

amor vacui

principle in several domains.

4.

The data collection w as don e in June 1999 by the auth or an d a colleague on the Faculty

of Social and Political Sciences at A ntwe rp University. The author wants to thank Sofie

Damen for her help in the data collection of the research. Both the coding and the

analysis were done by the authorhimself.

5.

If a limiting decision needed to be made, the encoder always took the leftside of the

entrance door. This additional rule was imposed to prevent a content-based decision

(e.g., taking only empty windows). The left-criterion followed the reasoning that large

stores have their entrance in fhe middle of the shop, hi this fashion, the shop design

itself usually suggested which part of the shop window needed to be inventoried.

6. One Euro equals 40.3399 Belgian Francs (1.32 U.S. in 2004).

7. In order to reduce bias, it is recommended [Suchar19971to use phrases from text as codes

{illI'ivo

coding).

S ince we w orked with visual material it was not pctssible to code this way.

8. Atlas-ti provides a separate tool for organizing the open coding: the Network Editor.


25/28

Thistoo allows the researcher to link and unlink different codes in a graphic network.


9. All clothes in the shop window were inventoried, independently of the presence of a

price-tag. If three trousers w ere piled with only one price-tag, for example, the encod ers

were instructed to write down tliree separate trousers with this price. If no price-tags

were shown, they were instructed to inventory the clothes in the shop window.

K). In this case, power refers strongly to monetary power, to the capacity to buy.

11.

Of course, the reliability of this connection lies in the fact that we suppose that shops

from Boss or Chanel are exclusive ones.

12. Only at the very beginning of the curve is there a little leap. The first tw o sho ps (called

Jeffry and Boxer) at the very beg inning of the curve hav e extremely low clotliing prices.

Both shop s are located in the shop ping street Abdijstraat, which is in a po orer district of

Antwerp.

13. The main pu rpose of giving scores was to create an easily readable g raph . Therefore, the

scores for bulk sales shops and large chain stores were low

(1

and 1.5) while th e scores

for the three types of boutiques were high (4, 4.5, and 5). Tlie dotted line in the m iddle

of the graph was also added manually for readabihty.

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