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Vol . 11 . To . 1 5 Jan . 1041 ARMY TALKS The British Political System Restricted ARMY TALKS is a classified official publication of the United States Army in the European Theater of Operations . The material contained herein may not be quoted or republished, it whisk or in part, nor may it be communicated, directly or indirectly, to persons not autborireci to receive it, except by authority of the Commanding General, ETOUSA. EUROPEAN THEATER OF OPERATIONS, UNITED STATES ARMY

Vol. 11. To. 1 ARMY TALKS · Vol. 11. To. 1 5 Jan. 1041 ARMY TALKS The British Political System Restricted ARMY TALKS is a classified official publication of the United States Army

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Page 1: Vol. 11. To. 1 ARMY TALKS · Vol. 11. To. 1 5 Jan. 1041 ARMY TALKS The British Political System Restricted ARMY TALKS is a classified official publication of the United States Army

Vol. 11. To. 1

5 Jan. 1041

ARMYTALKS

The British Political System

RestrictedARMY TALKS is a classified official publication of the United States Army in the EuropeanTheater of Operations . The material contained herein may not be quoted or republished, itwhisk or in part, nor may it be communicated, directly or indirectly, to persons not autborireci

to receive it, except by authority of the Commanding General, ETOUSA.

EUROPEAN THEATER OF OPERATIONS, UNITED STATES ARMY

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'1'A 11;LE OF CONTENTS

Two Types of Houses . . . . . . . . . . 4

The British Political System . . . . . . . . 5

Government of Great Britain (chart) . . . . . . 11

Preparation

. .

. .

. . . . . . . . . . 17

Questions for the Discussion . . . . 18

AR11ilf TALKS :—The PURPOSE of ARMY TALKS is to helpAmerican officers and enlisted personnel become better-informed men andwomen and therefore better soldiers.

ARMY TALKS are designed' to' stimulate discussion and thought, and,by their very nature, thus may often be controversial in content . They arenot to promote or to propagandize any particular causes, beliefs or theories.Rather, they draw upon all suitable sources for fact and comment, in theAmerican tradition, with each individual retaining his American right andheritage so far as his own opinion is concerned.

THEREFORE, he .statements and opinions expressed herein are notnecessarily verified )y, nor do they necessarily reflect the opinions of, tb ..United States Army.

THE SOURCE OF MATERIAL must therefore be made clear at eachdiscussion . All written material appearing in this publication has been writtenand edited by uniformed members of the Army and/or Navy, except whereit is stated that a civilian n ; other outside source is being quoted.

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Foreword

THE forms ofgovernment which the citizens of a free nation have devised

for themselves are a key to the understanding of that nation. Likeeverything else which has been built out of generations of hopes and

trials and failures, each political institution has its own personality.

NOBODY could understand the American Government, or the Americanpeople, merely by reading the Constitution of the United States and the

decisions of the Supreme Court . He would also have to know what election

day feels like, what a County Courthouse looks like, what a Democratic or

Republican National Convention looks like if you attend it, or sounds like ifyou hear it on the air.

S IMILARLY, we could study the British legal system till Doomsday and not

know much about British politics . In one way their system sounds very like

ours, in that it's a democracy with a House of Commons elected by all the people.In another way their system sounds very unlike ours, in that it's a monarchy with

a House of Lords to which a man must either be born or appointed . But no

such comparisons, and no such text books' statements of fact, can make the

politics of England come alive in the imagination. That can only be done by

a combination of facts and interpretation, facts and historical explanation ofhow things got that way.

It is such a combination which the author presents in this pamphlet.

HERBERT AGAR.

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TWO TYPES OF HOUSES

IF you know the country side wear any of the great eastern Cities of the United

States you must be familiar with two kinds of house. There is the new,modem house, built at one time, according to the plans of an architect,

perhaps furnished according to the plans of an interior decorator. Of course,once a house begins to be lived in, no architect, no decorator can possibly foreseethe alterations the dwellers in the house will make. Some of the alterationswill continue long after the inhabitants have forgotten the reason for the change.But for all the changes made deliberately or accidentally, the original plan willremain visible ; the original design will be followed fairly closely . Such a houseis the American constitution and its furniture of political habits and adjustments.

But scattered among these new houses are old houses, houses that were builtby farmers two or three hundred years ago . Successive generations have addedand destroyed ; one has put on an ell ; another has removed a barn ; there arenew windows on that side and a garage where the ice-house used to be.

There is still the old well and the old oaken bucket, but there is no waterin the well and the bucket would leak badly if it were ever used. Not only theoriginal builder, but nearly every one of the successive owners of the housewould be puzzled to find his way about it.

It is quite easy to live in the house as long as you ask no question about whythis or that exists . If you must ask those questions, the answer will take you along way back. Such a house is the English constitution and its furniture ofpolitical habits and adjustments.

It does not follow that the modem systematic house is easier to live in thanthe olds remodelled farm house. Because it is old, because it is remodelled,because no one knows or cares what was the original plan, the dwellers in theold house may be less conservative in their attitude to their house than are thedwellers in the newer house to theirs . As they do not know and do not muchcare who made the original plans, they have no shame in altering them . Becauseadjustments have been made, generation after generation, because the househas never looked_modern, symmetrical, planned, each generation can, if it chooses,take over very modern improvements.

It is not necessarily the newer house that has got away from the septic tankand private water supply to joining-up with a really modem drainage systemand with a really modern water-supply.

There is one handicap involved in living in a house that has been tinkeredwith for many centuries. That house will be full of things that are now neverused at all, or are used for purposes for which they are not designed, or serveboth an old and a new purpose . And it will be hard for the inhabitants to explainto themselves why the andirons which used to stand by the obsolete fire-placenow serve to prop open the garage door. And they will find it harder to explainthese things to dwellers in a planned house.

The English constitution cannot be explained simply, coherently ; it is a wayof political life that can only be illustrated. There is no blue-print ; there is,at best, a more or less adequate working model .

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ARMYCTALKSEUROPEAN THEATER OF OPERATIONS

TICE BRITISH POLITICAL SYSTEM

IN the Library of Congress inWashington, there is (in peace-

time) a shrine containing two politicallysacred texts, the Declaration ofIndependence and the Constitution of

the United States. From 1940 untilPearl Harbor, the Library also exhibitedone of the original manuscript versions

of Magna Carta.In a true sense, Magna Carta is an

ancestor both of the Declaration ofIndependence and of the Constitution.It has its place in American history.It also has its place in English history,but it has no such easily identifiabledescendants as it has in America.

Magna Carta is Basic Law

Magna Carta is the first Statuteof the Realm : its principles (or whatlater generations have assumed to beits principles) are embodied in politicaldocuments like the Bill of Rights of1689 and embedded in innumerablestatutes and judicial decisions, but,separately, or together, they do notmake up what is called the " BritishConstitution," for that is a mass ofpractice, customs, political goodmanners.

Some of thispractice can bestated clearly,briefly and notmisleadingly.Some of thispractice, customsand good manners

can only be stated briefly at thecost of being stated too simply, toodogmatically. And in the British,as in every other political system,personalities, accidents, internal andexternal pressures, are continuallyat work to make any current descrip-tion in some degree out of date as soonas it is written.

Both Systems StressGovernment by Law

Both the British and Americanconstitutional systems attach greatimportance to law. Both assume thatlaw is something different from the" good pleasure " of an absolute

monarch, or the " national interest "of a totalitarian state. Both assumethat law bind§ the rulers as well as the

ruled.

But while American law may haveseveral sources, the States, the Union,and, more important, while it maybe held by the Courts that what thelegislatures of the States or the Uniondeclare to be law is not law, EnglishLaw has only one source ; it is what

the Courts applyand the Courtswill apply aslaw anything thatParliament saysis law.

The Royal Veto:What is this law-making body with

Denis W. Brogan, the author of thisissue of ARMY TALKS, is anEnglishman, and a professor of politicalhistory at Cambridge University. Inaddition, he is a director of theBritish Broadcasting Corporation, anewspaper writer, and the author ofbooks on British and American history .

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6

ARMY TALKS

its absolute powers ? Formally, it is" the King in Parliament." Law iswhat both Houses of Parliament passin the form of a bill and present tothe King for his signature.

So far the system looks like theAmerican system . But the royal veto,never formally abolished, has notbeen exercised for two hundred years.

The British voter knows that whena bill has passed both houses it willreceive the royal assent—and the factthat the assent is given in obsoleteFrench, not in English, merely illus-trates how far removed from practicalpolitics the possibility of a royal vetois . You can't say no to the peoplein a language that they do not under-stand.

The House of Lords : If the Kingplays no direct part in the law-makingprocess, what about Parliament ? Incommon speech Parliament is theHouse of Commons, but in form itis both houses . And the House whoseposition is hardest to understand isthe " Upper House, " the House ofLords.

House of Lords RetainsMany Obsolete Traditions

The real position of the House ofLords is very different from the formalposition. But the title of "UpperHouse " is misleading, not merelybecause many powers ®f, the Lordsare obsolete as many powers of theKing are obsolete, but because, rareevent in English political practice, thepowers of the House - of Lords aredefined by written law, by the Parlia-_,meat Act of 1911.

By that .Act the powers of the Lordsover " money bills " were -de-eToyed.Any bill sent to the Lordta-&hkrh .-t e

Speaker of the House of Commonscertified is a money bill, becomes law,unamended, whatever the House ofLords does.

The contrast with American lawand practice is interesting. Although" all bills for raising revenue shalloriginate in the House of Representa-tives, " once they get to the Senatethey can be amended in any way theSenate likes, and in subsequent battleswith the House the Senate wins asoften as not.

In the English system the raising ofmoney is entirely in the hands of themost democratic part of the govern-mental machine. The equivalents ofthe President and the Senate areexcluded altogether.

Lords May Exercise Delay VetoOrdinary legislation is not dealt

with so simply. Here the House ofLords has real though limited powers.It can reject any bill not certified asa money bill . But when it has donethat three times running in the sameParliament, the bill becomes lawwithout the assent of the Lords.

In effect, the Lords have a power ofdelaying legislation for a little over twoyears if Parliament has not been dis-solved in the meantime. It is not anegligible power, but it leaves theHouse of Lords profoundly weakerthan is the United States Senate.

The body which exercises theselimited ' 'powers is undemocratic intheory and practice, which is why, inmodern England, its powers are solimited. In this democratic age, givingpolitical power, even limited political

,power, to some seven hundred men;because they or their ancestors forvarious reasons were " ennobled"seems extraordinary. It is not quite asextraordinary as it seems, as a closer

-inspection will reveal .

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ri Jataary 1944

7

iii tbe first place, we have granted to Gob

that the £nglisb Qburcb shall be free anb have her

rigbts anb liberties inviolate.

110 freeman shall be taken or imprisoneb, nor

shall be be bepriveb of big- free tenement, privileges,

or francbises except hp lawful lubgnient of

Ms peers anb (or) the law of the [anb.

Co none will we sell, to none will we ben or

belay rigbt or justice.

Abe cite of London shall have all its ancient liberties.

ebere shall be one stanbarb of weigbts anb

measures tbroughout tbe i ingbom.

Elll mercbants shall haveliberty safelp to enter,

resibe, travel

in, anb leavethe countrp.

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ARMY TALKS

Soldiers, Business Men RepresentedThe majority of the members of the

House of Lords does not consist ofdescendants of Norman barons orc4 courtiers of Queen Elizabeth orof mistresses of Charles II, although afew specimens of each of these classesstill exist. The majority of peers arethe descendants of successful lawyers,soldiers, politicians and business men,above all of successful business men.

For over a century past, every reallyrich man in England whose conductwas not publicly reproachablebecome a peer ifhe took thetrouble to try.The House ofLords was muchless . exclusivesocially than someBoston or Phila-delphia clubs,than some collegefraternities. Itwas recruited fromsuccessful men.

Today, as far asthe House ofLords is importantand is powerful, it is because it con-tains a large number of men whoare powerful and important in theirown right. Nobody is important orpowerful just because he is in theHouse of Lords and, indeed, an ableyoung man with political ambitions ishandicapped by being a peer, as allreal political careers are made in theHouse of Commons.

Succesful Men Become PeersThe typical peers today are people

like the great newspaper owners (all ofthe great London dailies are representedin the House of Lords by their ownerswith two exceptions) . The House ofLords includes great business menlike Lord Keynes, great doctors likeLord Moran .

It irrcluddS, also, a certain number ofretired public servants whose advice isstill valuable, 'men like Lord Lugardand Lord Vansittart . It includes anumber: of very eminent lawyers, forthe equivalent of the Supreme Courtof the United States (a very roughequivalent) is the House of Lords as ajudicial body, the small group of" Law Lords " under the LordChancellor who act as the SupremeCourt of Appeal • for Britain and, inanother building under the name of the" Judicial Committee of , the Privy

Council," as theSupreme Courtof the Empire forsuch parts of theEmpire, mainlyCanada and India,as want an out-s i d e , objectivetribunal to settleburning questionsof private andoccasionally

ofconstitutional law.

The House ofLords as a politi-cal, not as a social

SUMMARY

Unlike the United States, Britainhas no iron-clad document formingthe basis for law and government.The British Constitution, like the

could

ARMY TALKS was established byorder of the Commanding General asan instrument to instill in all militarypersonnel the following :

(a) Confidence in the command.(b) Pride in service and a sense of

personal participation.(c) Knowledge of the

progress of the war.(d) A better understanding of our

allies.(e) An interest in current events and

their relation to the war and theestablishment of the peace .

causes and

body, is in practice a small body offrom fifty to a hundred persons whodiscuss, at a very high level of know-ledge and independence, importantquestions of the day.

They exercise more influence bythese debates than if they contentedthemselves with sending joint lettersto The Times or combined to giveevidence before a Royal Commissionof enquiry or a Special Committee ofthe House of Commons .

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ti Jsaaarr 1911

American, is founded on the Magna

Carta, but consists of practice;

custom and political good mannersrather than a formal document

which can be referred to by chapterand paragraph . British governing

agencies retain obsolete forms butput them to modern uses (i.e., the

House of Lords).

Q. What part of the Americanand British political systems is

played by Law ?

Q. Does the King have the sameveto power as the President ? Does he

exercise it ?

Q . Which body, the House of Lords

or the House of Commons, has themore important function in theBritish Political System ? Explain

the differences.

The House of Commons

Holds Legislative Power

To turn from the Lords to theCommons is to turn from shadow to

substance, from appearance to reality,and for that reason it is impossible todescribe the role of the House of

Commons without plunging at onceinto politics, into elections and parties,

public opinion and pressure groups.The House of Commons cannot bestudied or understood in isolation fromthe English people.

Thus it is true to say that in practiceall legislative power is in the hands of amajority of the House of Commons andall executive power is in the hands ofa committee whose sole claim to

9

authority. is the continuing consent ofthe House of Commons. Powers thatin the United States are divided amongthe President, the Senate, the Houseof Representatives, the Supreme Court,and the States and that cannot, in anycircumstances, be united in one personor group, are in the English systemunited in the House of Commons andthe Cabinet.

But to think of this unified poweras being a grant from the majorityof the House of Commons to theCabinet is to be too simple . For theHouse of Commons itself is only passingon a grant of authority that it hasreceived from the electors.

The House of CommonsHolds Power of Repeal

" We, the People . . . " : It islogical, therefore, to begin with the

equivalent of " We, the people of theUnited States " of the AmericanConstitution. The British people,

unlike the American people, has notcreated any divided and elaborate

machinery for the expression of itswill . Each new House of Commons isfully sovereign to , do anything it likesand to undo. anything its predecessors

have done. -

Thus it . would be legal for a Houseof Commons , to repeal the Statute ofWestminster of 1931 and to repealearlier statutes like the British NorthAmerica Act of 1867 or the IrishConstitution of 1922 . It would belegal but unthinkable.

It is only complete power overthemselves, and over the more backwardparts of the Empire that the electorsgive to Parliament . The electors areall men and women over 21, residentin Great Britain and British subjects.There is no poll-tax, and registration

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10

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is done for the voter i he or she neednot trouble to register.

British System is SimpleThe duty of the elector is simplified

in another way ; he has only to castone ballot at a time . Local elections,for city or county councils, are neverheld on the same day as parliamentaryelections, and seldom in the same year.The parliamentary voter has only tochoose between two or three candidatesfor one job, that of being a Memberof Parliament. But that job has twoaspects.

First of all, the Member has torepresent his constituency like aCongressman . But he has also to actlike a Presidential elector, to help tochoose a Prime Minister. In fact,just as the American voter knows that

and a Representative a member of theDistrict, is only possible of applicationbecause the executive government ofthe United States is not necessarily oroften chosen from serving members ofCongress.

. less democratic, since it prevents theelectors of, say, Winnamac exercisingtheir free choice by electing a residentof Pelisipia.

But there is another reason for the

Stress Freedom of ElectorsSince being a Member of Parliament

is an indispensable qualification forbeing a member of the executivegovernment in Britain, the electormust be free to elect from as wide afield as possible—not merely from thelocal field provided by local residents.To an American who thinks ofdemocracy primarily in terms ofequality, this seems undemocratic ;to an Englishman who thinks primarilyin terms of the free choice of theelector both of a policy and of men to

by voting for Mr . X as presidential carry it out, the American system seemselector he is in fact voting to makeMr. Y President of the United States,the British voter knows that by voting .for Mr. X who belongs to Mr . X'sparty, he is ensuring that Mr . Y wflI, .':if his party wins, be Prime Minister'omparative indifference of the Britishand that a number of other leaders of - voter to local patriotism . His localthat party will be " the Government," Member is not sent to Parliament tothat is the Cabinet.

exercise an independent choice ofpolicies . He is sent to support a given

No "Locality Rule'' inllEn and

. group of men or one man and a_ , givenBecause he has this dtitible'fdnction, . policy . He is expected to be a rubber-

the Member of Parliament cannot be stamp . That is his primary duty ;simply a local representative and need to give, by his votes in Parliament,

not be a local resident . For the Prime that continuous legal support to theMinister is always a Member of the ; Cabinet which will ensure that, atHouse of Commons, and most of the ;''every moment, the Government hasCabinet are too ; a few are members adequate power to carry out its policy.of the House of Lords, a few may bepolitical outsiders who must at onceeither get elected to the House ofCommons or consent to pass into thedignified obscurity of the Lords.

The American " locality title " whichprovides that a Senator Must be aresident of the State which he ;represents

How Do the BritishChange a Government ?

HoW ,is a change of governmentbrought about ? In the older-fashionedtextbooks, by a vote of the House ofCommons overthrowing the Govern-

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i January; 1944

11

ment . In fact this hardly ever happens,for it would involve the revolt of the

majority against its own leaders—andit was to support those leaders that themajority was elected.

The normal mechanism of a changeof government is a general election.By the Parliament Act of 1911, the" life " of a Parliament is five years.But it is always open to the Governmentto dissolve Parliament, that is, theuncommon event of a revolt of theHouse of Commons to appeal to

the common sovereign, the people,against the majority of Parliament.

It is also open to a Governmentwhich is still supported by a majorityof the House of Commons to dissolveParliament, hoping for a renewal of its" mandate ." There is nothing of thefixed calendar of American elections.

There have been general elections in, 1918, 1922, 19233 1 924, 1929, 19313 1935—and none since because Parliamentpassed a special Act prolonging its ownlife when war broke out. By-elections

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12

caused by the death or resignation ofMembers have affected about a thirdof the membership of the House ofCommons since 1 935 .

If the House of Commons seldomrevolts and, when it does, if thedecision is transferred to the mass ofthe voters, it might be plausible to saythat the House of Commons was anelaborate and expensive way of doinga simple job. But the House ofCommons, though not an independentgoverning body, is, nevertheless, veryimportant . By public questions toMinisters and by private interviews,Members of Parliament can bringpressure to bear on ExecutiveDepartments.

Important Departments areRepresented in Commons

Every important Department isrepresented in the Commons, usuallyby its head, and everything it does isopen to critical questioning and, if thequestioner can get sufficient supportfrom other members, to debate. Thisis a real check on bureaucratic excessesand omissions.

Instead of the ,system of Congressional Committees dealing with onesubject or group of. subjects, there isa direct power of interrogation of theresponsible official head . And thatresponsible head knows that theMember who is harassing him isnormally doing so because voters feelangry or curious and, if enoughMembers badger him, it means that alot of voters feel that way—and generalelections are lost and Governmentsturned out of office when enoughvoters are annoyed.

The Voter is Always RightAgain, behind the Member and

before the Minister is the spectre ofthe sovereign voter, the customer whois always right. The House ofCommons is a permanent and personal

AB/IT TALKS

reporter of public opinion—as far as itaffects the voters. Just as a Congress-man has got to be a good judge ofwhat they are really sore at in his homecounty, so a Member of Parliament hasto be a good judge of what they aresaying and thinking in his constituency.

The House—a Testing-groundFor Future Cabinet Members

But the House of Commons fulfilsanother function. It is a continualtrial ground for would-be CabinetMinisters . To be a successful Minister,a politician may have this quality orthat, but one quality he must have, hemust, somehow or other, impress on

the House of Commons that he haswhat it takes.

The House may—and does—over-estimate speech-making ability, orparliamentary skill, but it does notgo solely by that. It knows that everyGovernment must have members withcourage and administrative ability aswell as parliamentary ability—and thatthe Prime Minister must be one ofthem.

It is by being the successful headof his party in the House of Commonsthat a politician becomes the inevitablePrime Minister when his party 'winsa general election. If a Prime Ministerretires or dies during the life of aParliament, there may be some littledoubt as to the successor.

No Officer like Vice-PresidentThere is no officer like the Vice-

President with a right to the succession.It is only in these circumstances thatthe King has any power of choice.

When the King asks a politician to" form a government," he is sanctioningthe transfer of his legal powers fromone politician to another, and thetransfer is usually made necessary bythe fact that the retiring Prime Minister

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Jaruarl 1$44

is

`THE ?)ECLiIRJI TJOjyof. INDEPENDENCE

" We hold these truths to be self-evident—that all

men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their

Creator with certain inalienable rights;

" That among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit

of happiness. . . .

"We, therefore, the representatives of the United

States of America in general Congress assembled, do,

in the name and by the authority of the good people of

these colonies, solemnly publish and declare that these

united colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and

independent States : . . ..

"And for the support of this Declaration, with

a firm reliance on the protection of Divine

Providence, we mutually pledge to each

other our lives,

our fortunes,' and

our. sacredhonor. "f~r

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14

AUDIT TALKS

has " lost the confidence of the Houseof Commons " which, again, usuallymeans that he has lost a generalelection . The King merely ratifies thepeople's choice.

Only once in modern times has theKing had a real choice . In 1923, thesudden fatal illness of Mr . Bonar Lawmade it necessary to choose betweenLord Curzon and Mr . Baldwin . KingGeorge V chose Mr. Baldwin.

The Powers of the King : Thisis not to say that the King performsno important functions . First of all,he does for Britain and the BritishCommonwealth what the Constitutionand such institutions as the SupremeCourt do for the American people, heprovides a center of emotional reverence.

Secondly, the King normally holdsoffice for life, and like any otherpermanent official he has considerableopportunities of influencing successivePrime Ministers if the suggestions hemakes are, in fact, the fruit of maturereflection on a long experience . Butit is purely a matter of influence andnot of power.

"Influence is Not Government "

" Influence is not government," saidGeorge Washington, and the successorsof George Washington in the WhiteHouse are not to he compared for amoment with the successors of GeorgeIII . The power of the President of theUnited States has grown about assteadily as the power of the King ofEngland has declined.

SUMMARY

The House of Commons holdspowers which in the United Statesare divided among the President,the Senate, the House of Representa-tives and the Supreme Court . Elec-tions in Great Britain are simpler

than in the United States . Membersof Parliament need not live in theirdistricts . Parliament normally iselected for five years, but a GeneralElection may be called at any timeby " the Government "—what, inthe United States, we would call" the Administration ." Most Britishpolitical leaders come from theHouse of Commons and the PrimeMinister is always a member.

Q. What is an outstandingdifference between the qualificationsof a Congressman and those of aMember of Parliament ?

Q. How is a change of Govern-ment (administration) brought about?

Q. What is the British equivalentof the American Congressional in-vestigating committee?

Party System Different

To make this picture of the Britishparliamentary system simple it hasbeen necessary to ignore one indis-pensable part of it, the party system.It is already evident that the Britishsystem is a very different way ofensuring democratic government fromthe American. It is more concernedwith getting a few decisive answers toa few artificially simple questions thanwith so distributing power that no oneregion, group or class will haveoverwhelming authority.

But both systems depend for theiractual working on a two-party system.Any two-party system in any countryhas to be artificial to produce thenecessary simplicity.

The American problem is to securethat an adequate majority of theAmerican people will vote for one manfor President. The British system aimsat making it easy for the British people

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5 January 1944

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to vote for around 350 men, a majorityof the House of Commons.

No Primary ElectionsUnder British System

Under this British form of govern-ment candidates who profess torepresent a party must accept the partyleadership in advance. This meansthat the headquarters of the party inLondon must have a voice in theselection of candidates, even if it onlytakes the form of strong recommenda-tion of X and vigorous criticism of Y.But the final choice is made by localassociations which represent only theactive, due-paying party members,often, especially in " ftfe " Conserva-tive districts, a small body indeed.

There are no primaries, direct orindirect.

If the average Member were expectedto exercise an independent role, thissystem would not work at all . But themajority of Members are not expected,even by themselves, ever to play adirect part in the framing of policy orthe carrying out of administration.

The seats that are always. won by theConservative or Labor parties tendto be given to safe persons whose chiefclaim, in the case of Conservative seats,is that they can pay their own expensesand, in the case of Labor seats, thatthey have, as trade union officials,served long and well . It is a generalcomplaint that the House of Commons,in modern times, gives less opportunityto bright young men than it has everdone before. But it still gives the newmember, including the new' youngmember, opportunities to use hisabilities.

British Form Has Weakness

The present Prime Minister becamea member of the Cabinet in 1908within eight years of entering Parlia-

went and he has thus had longerexperience of actual government thanwould have been possible in theAmerican system. But it is in theabsence of any general effective systemof ensuring that the candidates chosenby the parties represent any sizeablesection of the voters that the greatestweakness of the British political systemlies—from the democratic point ofview.

It is not very effective democracy tohave to choose between two candidatesneither of whom appeals to you in theleast . This would not matter a greatdeal if the parties themselves weretotally satisfactory instruments of thepeople's will. They are not, becausethey cannot be. A two-party system,or a three-party system, simplifies allissues too much ; it ignores shades ofdifference aad ignores the fact that avoter may want items one and threefrom one program and items two andfour from the rival program. But thisis as true of America as of Britain.

Where the party. systems differ is inthe greater uniformity of opinion insidethe British parties . American partiesare basically more regional and his-torical . In Georgia niearly all the votersare Democrats and innVermont nearlyall the voters are Republicans ;conflicts of interest; 'social and economicdifferences are i.epresented by factions.nside the

,dominant party, not by

contests between two or more parties.

British Parties Showttconomics of Regions

In Britain, this is not so. Someregions, Scotland, Wales, Cornwall," the Celtic fringe," are traditionallymore to the Left than England is, but,on the whole, poor districts voteLabor, no matter where they arelocated, and wealthy districts uniformlyvote Conservative no matter where they

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are located. In general, this partystrength is reflected in city and countyelections.

City and county government, inBritain, matters much less in nationalpolitics than it does in the United States.Although there has been an over-whelming Conservative majority inthe House of Commons since 1931, fornearly all that period the two largestcities, London and Glasgow, have hadLabor administrations.

SUMMARY

The realities of the British

political system are easily stated.A Cabinet exercising a combinedlegislative and executive power,

unlimited by States Rights orjudicial review by the Courts, holds

office as long as it commands amajority in the House of Commons.

And that, normally, means as longas the electors, men and women, vote

its ticket.

A rough, though not entirely

accurate comparison with theAmerican system may be made by

saying that the Cabinet has powerssimilar to the legislative power of

Congress and the executive authorityof the President, combined, but

without a Supreme Court to rule onthe constitutionality of any action itmay take.

An official publication of theUnited States War Department

makes this comment on the Britishpolitical system :

" Within this apparently old-fashioned framework, the Britishenjoy a practical working twentiethcentury democracy which is, in someways, even more flexible and sensi-

rive to the will of the people than our

The rights of minorities are safe-

guarded by custom, not by law—andcustom is affected by the fact thatthe minority will, sooner or later, be

the majority—and an excessive useof temporary power by the majority

will be rebuked by the voters, not bythe Courts.

But this unified and reasonably directsystem of government has an orna-mental exterior, robes and ceremonies,recalling the days of a feudal monarchywhen the legal language was French,when the King of England ruled inBordeaux but not in Scotland or Ulster,when America was still undiscoveredand India, Africa and the Orient werethe fabled realms of Marco Polo andPrester John.

" Lloyd's " Does the Same Thing

Why should this highly integratedgovernment work through old andobsolete formulas ? Partly, becauseEngland is a country which likesconservative appearances, which can beillustrated from another old and famousEnglish institution, the great allianceof insurance brokers called " Lloyd ' s."The contracts made there are, in form,what they were 250 years ago. Buteach contract has a schedule that dealswith the current insurance business.Lloyd ' s has always opposed modern-izing the formal contract because itwould at once begin to be out of datein this rapidly changing world.

A totally obsolete form, an extremelyup to date interpretation of the form,that is the method of Lloyd 's and of theHouse of Commons . To use ancientforms for very modern purposes, is, sothe English believe, real politicalefficiency .

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January 1944

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PreparationNE of the best ways to know and really to understand our own Government

and how our political system works is to compare them with the

Governments and political systems of other countries . We have a very

good opportunity for this comparison while we are in England . For several

reasons we should be doing just this . In the first place, our form of Government

and political life has much in common with that of England and the British

Commonwealth. We have borrowed and adopted more from England than

from any other country. In the second place, we are here where we can

observe day by day the workings of the British system . We can note how very

much it appears to differ from ours in form, and how very much it is like ours

in the way it works . Or, is it ?

BUT there is a much more important reason why we should know as much

as possible about and try to understand the British Political System andhow

it works . This reason is the necessity that Britain and America understand each

other and work together in the years ahead, if there is to be a lasting peace.

Yes, we must know and understand China and Russia, too, as well as Latin

America and the countries of Europe. But if America and the British

Commonwealth of Nations can see that our " bread is buttered on the same side, "

the first big step will be taken toward " What We Are Fighting For ." Related

to this very important reason for knowing and understanding our British Allies

is the basic problem of knowing and understanding ourselves . What is the

American Way of Life ? What is it that causes us to cross the seven seas to

join hands with the United Nations in fighting the Axis Powers until

" Unconditional Surrender " ? If we had the answer to this question we should

have the answer to many others that we are asking ourselves these days.

THE best soldier is a soldier who knows what he is fighting for, and loves

that which he knows . : Confidence in command, pride in service, and a deep

sense of personal participation and responsibility for the successful conclusion

of this war are necessary for victory over the enemy. The German soldier has

these qualities . The Tommy and the Yank have these qualities, too, and withmuch better reasons. Let's look at the reasons why the British soldier in the

Eighth Army believes that his Government and political system is worth morethan life itself.

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Begin the session with a few questions such as these :a. What are the essential differences between the British democratic form of

government and the American ?b. What are the similarities ?c. What does the American Government owe to the British in its Constitution

and development ?

OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENTa. What advantages would there be in England's retaining traditions whose

origins and usefulness have been outgrown or outmoded ? (p . 4).b. Does the King of England still rule ? Has he power ? Influence ? Prestige ?

Is he still popular ? If so, how can this be accounted for ? (p . 6)c. What is the meaning of the Royal Veto ? The Royal Assent ? (pp . 5-6)

THE FUNCTIONS OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS AND THE HOUSE OFCOMMONS

a. What are the powers of the House of Lords, and how do they use them ?What constitutes membership of the House of Lords ? (pp . 6-8)

b. How are the members of the Commons elected ?c. How does the election system work ? (When making a comparison with our

own, let us remember that Texas is three times the size of England, and that aParliamentary election in England might be compared with one in one of our ownStates .)

THE PARLIAMENTARY SYSTEMa. What are the main differences between a parliamentary election and a

congressional election ?b. What power does the House of Commons exercise ? (pp . 12-13)c. How are the Cabinet ministers tried out ? And what qualifications must

they fulfil ? (p. iz)d. How does a new Prime Minister achieve office ? What part does the King

play in the choice ? (pp. Io-II)

The following titles are suggested for the use of Discussion Leaders :A History of England . .

G. M. Trevelyan.The British Government

. . G . M. Young (Britain in Picture Series).The Spirit of English History . . A . L . Rowse.Roberts' Rules of Order . .

. . (revised).

This is a particularly good topic on which to invite a British officer or civilian to givea talk, to be followed by a discussion period as a continuation of your informal discussionwith the men. Again your attention is directed to the resources made available to usthrough the 23 Regional Committee Secretaries of the Central Advisory Council forAdult Education in H.M. Forces, whose names, addresses, and telephone numberswere listed in the issue of ARMY TALKS for 15 December, 1 943 .

It is urgently recommended that discussion leaders make constant reference toVol . I, No . I, ofARMY TALKS, the " Handbook for Discussion Leaders . " Requestsfor additional copies of future issues of ARMY TALKS should be made to the StationSpecial Service Officer.

Printed by Kewnes S Pearson I'rintirg Co., Ltd ., Exmoor Street . N. Kensington, I cordon . W .ro.

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5 January -1944

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CIRCIJLATYNG LIBRARIES - AVAILABLETO U.S. TROOPS

THE American soldier who wishes to extend his opportunities for readinggood books should know that there are four main circulating libraries

based in London, and a fifth in Edinburgh, all of which circulate the latestbooks on the following bases :

i . Prepaid subscriptions may be made for three or moremonths, which entitle the borrower to one or more books at a time.

2. Facilities are provided for the changing of books as often asrequired.

3. Books can be chosen from the library shelves or book listscan be sent on request.

4. Tbsx are different grades of subscription rates for newer orolder tons.

s. Some libraries oar special terms for group subscriptions.

Following is a list of the circ=ulating libraries :

Boots Booldovers' Library (Branches throughout the countryat Boots Cash Chemists .)

-

Harrod's Library, Knightsbridge, London, S,W .i.

W. H. Smith & Son, Ltd . (Branches throughout> the country .)

The Times Book Club, 42 Wigmore Street, London, W .I.

Douglas & Foulis, 9 Castle Street, Edinburgh.

The next issue of ARMY TALKS, entitled " Two Years of War," willconsist of abstracts from the report of Gen. George C. Marshall,Chief of Staff, to the Secretary of War covering the period from

July 1st, 1941, to June 30th, 1943.

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