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University of Strathclyde, United Kingdom and Development
Planning Unit, University College London, 34 Tavistock Square,
London WCIH 9EZ, United Kingdom.
openhouseinternational
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G u e s t E d i t o rA s h r a f M . S a l a m aP r o f e s s o
r o f A r c h i t e c t u r eU n i v e r s i t y o f S t r a t h c
l y d e
C o n t e s t e d S p a c e s
G a t e d C o m m u n i t i e s
H o u s i n g C h o i c e s
I n c l u s i v e U r b a n D e s i g n
M i g r a t i o n
P u b l i c I n v o l v e m e n t
T r a n s f o r m a t i o n s
U r b a n I d e n t i t y
U r b a n i s m
T H E M E I S S U E :U r b a n T r a n s f o r m a t i o n s i n
R a p i d l y G r o w i n g C o n t e x t s
In this issue:Abdulrahman, Aboukalloub, Al-Jarwan, Aljenaid,
Alsyouf, Awwaad, Barakat, Bravo, El-Kholei, Hurol, Ibrahim, Kadhem,
Khan, Maturana, McInneny, Mushtaha, Oktay, Omar, Rakhshanifar,
Remali, Salama, Salihoglu, Türkoglu, Ujang, Wiedmann.
open house internationalVol 44 No.4 2019 ISSN 0168-2601
a C I B e n c o u r a g e d j o u r n a l
C l a r i v a t e A n a l y t i c s I S I - S S C I
E B S C O p u b l i s h i n g
w w w . o p e n h o u s e - i n t . c o m
w w w . o p e n h o u s e - i n t . c o mC l a r i v a t e A n a
l y t i c s I S I - A H C I
E l s e v i e r S c o p u s
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BOARD OF EDITORS
The journal of an association of institutes concerned with the
quality of built environment.The publishing framework is shaped
around the forces which act on built environment,which maintain,
change and transform it. The content consists of articles which
deal withthese issues and in particular with responsive,
self-sustaining and re-usable environ-ments which have the capacity
to respond to change, provide user choice and value formoney.
w w w . o p e n h o u s e - i n t . c o m openhouse
openhouse
Dr.Iftekhar Ahmed, RMIT University, Australia.
Dr. Zainab F. Ali, University of Damman, SaudiArabia.
Dr. Robert Brown, University of Westminster,London, Great
Britain.
Prof.Marta Calzolaretti, Housing Lab, SapienzaUniversita di
Roma, Italy.
Dr. German T. Cruz, Ball State UniversityMuncie, USA.
Carla Corbin, Department of LandscapeArchitecture, Ball State
University, USA.
Ype Cuperus, Delft University of TechnologyDelft, The
Netherlands.
Dr. Ayona Datta, University of Leeds, UK.
Dr.Md Nasir Daud, University of Malaya,Malaysia.
Forbes Davidson, Institute of Housing & UrbanDevelopment
Studies, Rotterdam, TheNetherlands.
Diane Diacon, Building and Social HousingFoundation, Coalville,
Great Britain.
Prof. Yurdanur Dulgeroglu-Yuksel,Istanbul Technical University,
Istanbul, Turkey.
Prof. Jin-Ho Park, Inha University, Korea
Prof. Bruce Frankel, Ball State University, USA.
Prof. Avi Friedman, McGill University, Montreal,Canada.
Dr. Ahmed Abu Al Haija, PhiladelphiaUniversity, Eng. & Arch.
Dep.t, Jordan.
Prof. Keith Hilton, Mansle, France.
Dr. Karim Hadjri, University of Central lan-cashire, UK.
Prof. Nabeel Hamdi, Professor Emeritus,Oxford Brookes
University, UK.
Dr. Mahmud Mohd Jusan, Faculty of BuiltEnvironment, Universiti
Teknologi Malaysia(UTM).
Ripin Kalra, University of Westminster, and .(WSPimc),
London.
Dr. Stephen Kendall, Emeritus Prof. ofArchitecture, 220 West
Durand StreetPhiladelphia, PA., 19119
Prof. Bob Koester, Ball State UniversityMuncie, USA.
Prof. Roderick J. Lawrence, University ofGeneva, Geneva,
Switzerland.
Dr. Fuad Mallick, BRAC University, Bangladesh.
Prof. Andrea Martin-Chavez, UniversidadAutonoma Metropolitana,
Mexico.
Dr. Magda Mostafa, Associate Professor, TheAmerican University
in Cairo, Egypt
Babar Mumtaz, DPU, University CollegeLondon, London, UK.
Geoffery Payne, GPA Associates London, UK
Dr. Sule Tasli Pektas, Bilkent University, Turkey.
Prof. Gulsun Saglamer, Istanbul TechnicalUniversity, Istanbul,
Turkey.
Prof. Jia Beisi, University of Hong Kong.Dr. Mark Napier, Urban
LandMark, Pretoria,South Africa.
Dr. Masa Noguchi, University of Melbourne,Australia
Prof. Ibrahim Numan, Fatih Sultan MehmetUniversity, Turkey.
Dr. Yara Saifi, Al Quds University, Jerusalem,Palestine.
Prof. Paola Somma, University of Venice, Italy.
Dr. Peter Kellett, University of Newcastle uponTyne, Great
Britain.
Dr. Omar Khattab, University of Kuwait.
Dr. Levente Mályusz, Budapest University of Technology and
Economics (BME), Hungary.
Prof. Amos Rapoport, University of Wisconsinat Milwaukee,
USA.
Prof. Seiji Sawada, Meiji University, Tokyo,Japan.
Dr. Florian Steinberg, Asian DevelopmentBank, The
Philippines.
Dr. Quazi M Mahtab uz Zaman, Robert Gordon University, Aberdeen,
UK
Prof. H. J Visscher, OTB, Delft Univertsity ofTechnology, Delft,
The Netherlands.
Patrick Wakely, Professor Emeritus, UniversityCollege London,
UK.
Dr. Christine Wamsler, University ofManchester, UK and
University of Lund,Sweden.
: Esra Can, Emre Akbil, Eastern Mediterranean University Mersin
10 - Turkey. [email protected]: C. Punton, P.O Box 74,
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Aims
Open House International
The Open House International Association (OHIA) aimsto
communicate, disseminate and exchange housing andplanning
information. The focus of this exchange is ontools, methods and
processes which enable the variousprofessional disciplines to
understand the dynamics ofhousing and so contribute more
effectively to it.To achieve its aims, the OHIA organizes and
co-ordi-nates a number of activities which include the
publicationof a quarterly journal, and, in the near future, an
interna-tional seminar and an annual competition. TheAssociation
has the more general aim of seeking toimprove the quality of built
environment through encour-aging a greater sharing of
decision-making by ordinarypeople and to help develop the necessary
institutionalframeworks which will support the local initiatives of
peo-ple in the building process.
The journal of an association of institutes and
individualsconcerned with housing, design and development in
thebuilt environment. Theories, tools and practice with spe-cial
emphasis on the local scale.
Delft University of TechnologyDepartment of Housing Quality and
Process Innovation OTBResearch Institute of Housing, Urban and
Mobility StudiesJaffalaan 9, 2628 BX Delft, The Netherlands(Henk
Visscher) [email protected] www.otb.tudelft.nl
McGill UniversitySchool of Architecture, Macdonald Harrington
BuildingCentre for Minimum Cost Housing Studies, 815,
SherbrookStreet West. Montreal, PQ. Canada H3A 2K6.(Avi
Friedman)[email protected]
Ball State UniversityCollege of Architecture & Planning,
Muncie, Indiana, 47306,USA. (Stephen Kendall)
[email protected]/cap
HousingLabDipartimento di Architettura, Ateneo Federato delle
ScienzeUmane delle Arti e dell'Ambiente, SAPIENZA Università
diRoma, Roma, Italy. (Marta
Calzolaretti)[email protected]
http:w3.uniroma1.it/housinglab
The Glasgow School of ArtMackintosh School of Archirecture
MEARU, 176 RenfrewStreet Glasgow G3 6RQ. Great Britain(Masa
Noguchi) [email protected]
Budapest University of Technology & Econ. (BME)Faculty of
Architecture Budapest, Muegyetem rkp. 3.1111 Hungary. (Levente
Malyusz) [email protected]
Universiti Teknologi Malaysia (UTM)Resource Development
Division, Perpustakaan SultanahZanariah, Universiti Teknologi
Malaysia (UTM) 81310 SkudaiJohor, Malaysia. (Anuar Talib)
[email protected] http://portal.psz.utm.my/psz/
Philadelphia University,Engineering & Architecture
Department, Faculty ofEngineering, P.O Box 1, Jordan. (Ahmed Abu
Al-Haija)
[email protected]/content/view/448/590/
University of Malaya,Faculty of Built Environment, 50603 Kuala
Lumpur, Malaysia. (Md Nasir Daud)
[email protected]://www.fbe.um.edu.my
Ajman University of Science & TechnologyAjman, P. O. Box
346, UAE. United Arab Emirates(Jihad Awad)
[email protected]/austweb/index87ec.html?catid=46&langid=2
Qatar UniversityQatar University Library, Aquisitons
Department,Bldg# B13 /Office Room # B154P.O Box 2713, Doha, Qatar.
(Farook Ghori) [email protected]
BRAC University,Department of Architecture, Dhaka,
Bangladesh,(Fuad H Mallick) [email protected] www.bracu.ac.bd
Universidad Del Rosario, Calle 14 No. 6-25, Bogotá, Colombia.
(Janneth Espitia)[email protected] www.urosario.edu.co
Birzeit University Main LibraryRamallah, West Bank, P.O.Box:
"14", Birzeit, Palestine(Taghgreed Shihadeh)
[email protected]
Inha University, Department of Architecture, Inha
University,Incheon, Korea. (Jin-Ho Park) [email protected]
www.d-lab.k
Director & Editor-in-Chief
Nicholas Wilkinson, RIBA, RIBA,AA,Dipl.,
[email protected]
Collaborating Editor
Dr. Ashraf M. Salama,PhD. FRSA - FHEAHead of
ArchitectureUniversity of Strathclyde Email: [email protected]
Web Editor
Emmanuel Tibung ChenyiEastern Mediterranean Univ. Dept of Comp.
Via mersin 10.TREmail:[email protected]
International TechnicalEditor
Yonca Hurol, Eastern Mediterranean University, Department of
Architecture,Mersin 10 [email protected]
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Contents
EDITORIALYonca Hurol, Ashraf M. Salama
AN EXAMINATION Of URBAN VERTICAL GATED COMMUNITIES Of NAGPUR,
INDIA.
florian Wiedmann, Smita Khan
PRIORITISING SOCIABILITY ATTRIBUTES Of MAIN SHOPPING
STREETSTOWARDS AN INCLUSIVE URBAN DESIGN
Mahboubeh Rakhshanifar and Norsidah Ujang
URBAN TRANSfORMATIONS IN THE CULTURE Of SANTIAGO’S
BARRIOS.Beatriz Maturana, Anthony McInneny, Marcelo Bravo
URBAN TRANSfORMATION AND IDENTITY IN SAMSUN, TURKEY:A fUTURE
OUTLOOK.
Derya Oktay
DETERMINANTS Of RESIDENTIAL LOCATION CHOICE IN ISTANBUL:A
LONGITUDINAL STUDY.
Tayfun Salihoglu, Handan Türkoglu
MIGRATION AND URBANISM IN GLASGOW: THE SPATIAL IMPACT OfSOUTH
ASIAN COMMUNITIES.
Adel M. Remali, Ashraf M. Salama, florian Wiedmann
URBAN TRANSfORMATIONS AND CONTESTED SPACES IN THE KING-DOM Of
BAHRAIN
Ahmed O. El-Kholei, Sabah S. Aljenaid, Ghadeer M. Kadhem
APPRAISAL Of NATIONALS AND EXPATRIATES HOUSING CHOICES IN
METROPOLITAN DOHA .
Hatem Ibrahim, Bassma Aboukalloub, and Reem Awwaad
PUBLIC INVOLVEMENT IN THE DESIGN Of PUBLIC PROJECTS.Emad S.
Mushtaha, Omar Hassan Omar, Dua S. Barakat,
Hessa Al-Jarwan, Dima Abdulrahman, Imad Alsyouf
Open House International has been selected for coverage by EBSCO
Publishing, the ELSEVIER Bibliographic Database Scopus and all
products ofTHOMSON ISI index bases, SSCI, A&HCI,CC/S&BS and
CC/A&H The journal is also listed on the following
Architectural index lists: RIBA, ARCLIB,AVERY and EKISTICS. Open
House International is online for subscribers and gives limited
access for non-subscribers at www.openhouse-int.com
NEXT ISSUE: VOL. 45.NO.1 2020: OPEN ISSUE
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SPECIAL ISSUE :Transportation in Rapidly Growing Contexts
Guest Editors: Yonca Hurol, Ashraf M. Salama
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Previous Issues
Guest Editors: Paola SommaE-Mail: [email protected]
Guest Editors: Paola SommaE-Mail: [email protected]
Editorial:Paola Somma
Post-Conflict Syria: from Destruction to Reconstruction. Who’s
Involved and to Which Extent. Nura Ibold.
The Lateral Conflict of Urban Planning in DamascusEdwar Hanna
and Nour Harastani
Housing in Jerusalem: from A flourishing Hope to Slow
“Urbicide”Yara Saifi and Maha Samman
Sensory Perception Experience in Balata Refugee Camp. Shahd
Adnan M. Qzeih, Rafooneh Moktarshahi Sani.
Urban Development of Conflict Zones. The Case of Gaza
City.Yousef J. M. Abukashif and Müge Rıza.
Post-War Re-Settlements in Varosha: Paradise To Ghetto.Aysu
Arsoy, Hacer Basarir
The Landscape of War and the Transformations of Public
Sphere.Dijana Alic
Education in Conflict: Post-War School Buildings of Cyprus.Sevil
Aydınlık, Hıfsiye Pulhan.
Victoria Barracks of Disappearance: Contested Post-Military
Landscape in High-Density Urban Hong Kong.Jing Xiao, Charlie Q. L.
Xue.
Vol. 44 No. 3 2019OPEN HOUSE INTERNATIONALTHEME ISSUE: Wr and
Cities
Vol. 44 No. 2 2019OPEN HOUSE INTERNATIONALOPEN ISSUE:
Editorial:Paola Somma
Post-Conflict Syria: from Destruction to Reconstruction. Who’s
Involved and to Which Extent. Nura Ibold.
The Lateral Conflict of Urban Planning in DamascusEdwar Hanna
and Nour Harastani
Housing in Jerusalem: from A flourishing Hope to Slow
“Urbicide”Yara Saifi and Maha Samman
Sensory Perception Experience in Balata Refugee Camp. Shahd
Adnan M. Qzeih, Rafooneh Moktarshahi Sani.
Urban Development of Conflict Zones. The Case of Gaza
City.Yousef J. M. Abukashif and Müge Rıza.
Post-War Re-Settlements in Varosha: Paradise To Ghetto.Aysu
Arsoy, Hacer Basarir
The Landscape of War and the Transformations of Public
Sphere.Dijana Alic
Education in Conflict: Post-War School Buildings of Cyprus.Sevil
Aydınlık, Hıfsiye Pulhan.
Victoria Barracks of Disappearance: Contested Post-Military
Landscape in High-Density Urban Hong Kong.Jing Xiao, Charlie Q. L.
Xue.
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Previous IssuesVol. 44 No. 1 2019
OPEN HOUSE INTERNATIONALOPEN ISSUE:
Guest Editors: Ashraf M. Salama and David GriersonE-Mail:
[email protected] ,
[email protected]
Edited by Nicholas Wilkinson RIBA, Eastern Mediterranean
University, North Cyprus.DPU Associate, University College London,
UK.
[email protected]
Vol. 43 No. 4 2018OPEN HOUSE INTERNATIONAL
OPEN ISSUE:Editorial: Yonca Hurol
Multi-Criteria Decision Support System for Green Commercial
Space Design.
Hao-Cheng Huang, Yeng-Horng Perng.
“Western” Influence on Architectural Potential of Palace
Gardens.
Bekar, M. ‒ Var, M A Spatial Analysis of the Urban Public Space:
Case Study the Museum of Islamic Art Park, Doha.
Emine Malkoc True, Çigdem Kiliçaslan.
Post-Disaster Housing Construction:
Ugochukwu K. Elinwa, Nothando Moyo.
Built Environmental Variations Between Regular and Imax
Theatres.
Chen Wang, Heng Li
Neighbourhood Parks as a Potential Stress Reliever: Review on
Literature.
Syaidatul Azzreen Ishak, Hazreena Hussein, Adi Ainurzaman
Jamaludin
A Different Experience in the Build-Sell Process in Ankara.
Cilga Resuloglu.
Alvar Aalto: An Anthill Under the Undulating Sky: A Critical
View of finnish Networking.
Marco Bruno.
Increasing Ecological Capacity by Designing Ecological High-Rise
Buildings.
Talie Tohidi Moghadam, Mahmoud feizabadi
flash Card Set as Rehearse Tool for Architecture Students.
Editorial:Ashraf M. Salama, David Grierson
The Mirage of Smart Sustainable Cities in the Arab RegionAhmed
O. El-Kholei, Ghada Yassine.
Strategic Decision Support for Urban Service DesignNecmiye
Yaprak Öz, Halime Demirkan
Towards a Context Specific and Multidimensional Quality of Urban
Life Model.Laura MacLean, Ashraf M. Salama.
Measuring Qol in Doğanbey Urban Transformation Area in Bursa,
Turkey.Miray Gür, Yavuz Taneli, Neslihan Dostoğlu.
Exploring the Relationship Between Health and Walkability.Emre
Seles, Yasemin Afacan.
Walking to Occupational Activities Within Three Neighbourhoods
in Basra City.Qaaid Al-Saraify, David Grierson
Using Auto-Photography to Explore Young People’s Belonging and
Exclusion in Urban Spaces inAccra, Ghana.
Kristijn van riel, Ashraf M. Salama.The Social Construction of a
Neighbourhood Identity.
Leandro Madrazo.Interrogating the Characteristics of Residential
Neighbour- Hoods in the City of Tripoli / Libya.
Adel M. remali, Huyam AbudibiExploring Urban Open Spaces of
Regenerated Markets In Qatar.
Remah Y. Gharibfeatures of Design of Gardens And Parks with
Symbolic Meaning In Shymkent City—kazakhstan.
Akmaral Yussupova, Liu Songfu, Ardasher Namazbay, Ahad Nejad
Ebrahimi
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E: Transportation in Rapidly Growing Contexts
Editorial: Urban Transformations in Rapidly GrowingContexts
Cities have always been sources of inspiration forpoetry.
However, the modern western cities, which arethe origins of
secularity, have inspired poets in differentways. Charles
Baudelaire captured the poetic dimen-sions of modernity in Paris in
the 19th century. Hewrote about the night life of Paris which
became pos-sible after street lighting. He wrote about
corruption.Baudelaire also wrote about the changing character
ofcommercial places in cities and tried to grasp the feel-ings of
people as a ‘flaneur’: an individual stroller atcity streets. The
philosopher Walter Benjamin gotinspired by Baudelaire`s poems and
formed his phi-losophy, which relates poetics to modernity during
the20th century. Modern cities take an important role inhis
philosophy too, because Benjamin was making acollection of
political event news in the cities ofGermany. Then he had to leave
Germany because ofthe growth of fascism. He left his collection
behind.When he went to Paris he wrote about the passagesand the
poetic dimensions of modern city life. WhenNazi army came to
France, he had to leave Paris too.The poetry of Baudelaire and the
philosophy ofBenjamin are evidences for the poetic nature of
mod-ern city life. The relationship between the modern cityand the
free individual can easily be felt in their works.However, when you
read heir work, you can easilyunderstand that today`s Paris is not
the same Paris anymore. It is still poetic, but in another way.
A Turkish poet: Orhan Veli Kanık; wrotepoems about Istanbul
during the first half of the 20thcentury. The name of a very famous
poem of his is: Iam listening to Istanbul with my eyes closed. He
wasinterested in the haptic dimension of Istanbul in thispoem. The
poem contains the light wind blowing andshaking the leaves of
trees, never stopping back-ground voices of the street sellers, the
screaming seag-ulls, feet of a woman touching the water of
Bosphorus, the grand bazaar, courtyards full of pigeons,
hammersounds coming from the docks and the smell of sweat,the
drunkenness of the old worlds, a moss passingthrough a sidewalk,
songs and insults, a rose fallsdown from her hand, the warmth of
the forehead of alover, her heart beat and a white moon rising over
thepeanut trees. The poem represents a day in theIstanbul of
1940`s. Istanbul is not the same Istanbulany more too. Street
selling was banned long ago.Many trees were cut. People do not put
their feet intothe water of Bosphorus anymore. There are
changesbeyond the content of the poem and these changeseffect the
whole poetics of the new Istanbul.Population of Istanbul has
increased at least 20 timesmore and reached 15 millions. First
migrants camefrom the villages of Turkey since 1950`s and
latermigrants came from all over the world and especiallyfrom the
war-torn Syria. There are new districts, newpublic squares,
boulevards and avenues.Transportation has been changed several
times andmany cultural festivals have been organized. Istanbulis
still a poetic megacity, but it is certainly not theIstanbul of
Orhan Veli any more.
Academics continue to generate researchfindings on cities to
capture such changes. This latestissue of Open House International,
volume 44 – issue4, is also about cities and urban environments
wherenine articles are included to delineate the dynamicnature of
contemporary cities. They address the con-
texts in India, Malaysia, Chile, Turkey, Scotland,Bahrain,
Qatar, and United Arab Emirates. By map-ping the content of the
articles to the abovementionedpoems, we may grasp intrinsic
characteristics aboutthe nature of changes in the cities. Gated
communitiesof Nagpur- India, inclusivity of urban design,
urbantransformations and identity in Santiago and Samsun-Turkey,
impact of south Asian migrant communities inGlasgow, contested
spaces in Bahrain, expatriateshousing in metropolitan Doha, public
involvement inthe design of public projects. The cosmopolitan
natureof current cities, the segregation between differentgroups of
people, the demand of urban democracy,the affect of wars and
migration on the cities are heav-ily felt.
Today`s flaneur should be of another type.Maybe a tourist or a
retired person or an unemployedone… The speed of life is much
faster than it was inOrhan Veli Kanık`s Istanbul poem. Is it still
possible toslow down and listen to the sounds of a city? Canthese
sounds help us to understand the contemporarycities? Are there
still something haptic in the nature ofcities? Whatever… The
contemporary cities andmetropolises still keep on being inspiring
and poeticfor many people.
Yonca Hurol, Ashraf M. Salama
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Flor
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INTRODUCTION
A theoretical discourse on how our urban environ-ments are
produced by housing dynamics is best intro-duced via a framework
juxtaposing the three dimen-sions of space production and the
contemporaryunderstanding of sustainability. The main aim is
tounderstand all three realms of space production caus-ing the
contemporary urban condition and its underly-ing realities. The
following discussion on housingdynamics and urbanism in India is
thus rooted in thegeneral context of serving the overall
understandinghow urban spaces are evolving, which is the
precon-dition for improving and changing our urban realities.To
contextualise the contemporary urban condition inIndia and its fast
urban growth rates, there is a needto revisit a key historic
period, in which major theoriesregarding the production of our
cities were intro-duced.
The period during the 1960s and 1970s isoften referred to as the
“crisis of the city” due to thecommencing dissolution of cities
into fragmented andspreading urban entities (SCHMID, 2005, p.
46.).Manuel Castells’ la question urbaine (CASTELLS,1977) and David
Harvey’s Social Justice and the City(HARVEY, 1973) are only two
examples of the growingintellectual movement dealing with the city
as a pro-jection of a capitalist society with all its inherited
con-flicts rooted in social inequity. The previous approachof
analysing urban sociology in strict structures, of theChicago
School in the 1920s, was questioned by newdynamics and phenomena
requiring new analyticalframeworks and explanations (SALAMA et al.,
2016).
The dissatisfaction with previous models, which weremainly
reflecting developments rather than identifyingtheir roots, was
furthermore fuelled by a growing intel-lectual discourse inspired
by Henri Lefebvre identifyingurban spaces as a product of society
continuouslyinteracting with its surrounding realities
(LEFEBVRE,1991 & 2003).
During the 20th century, urban developmentbecame fundamentally
dominated by the potentialincrease of land prices, which defined
urban densitiesas well as the various land-uses (ALONSO,
1964).Particularly after World War II, urban planning wasoften
reduced to the calculation and implementationof physical plans that
enabled cities to become ratio-nalised entities accessible by car
as described by JaneJacobs in the Death and Life of American
Cities(JACOBS, 1961). The desire to own properties result-ed in a
large-scale cultural transformation and finallythe beginning of
postmodern consumerism of aWestern middle class (DEAR, 2000). In
general, it canbe stated that the doctrine of stimulating urban
growthled to enhanced waste and unsustainable structuresdue to
fragmentation and isolation. Modern infras-tructure and thus access
to economic growth perspec-tives can however only be developed and
maintainedin few places of the developing world, which havebecome
the gates for regional and international capi-tal flows (WIEDMANN
& SALAMA, 2019).
The emerging networks of globalisation led towell-established
hierarchies, in which Indian citiesmust enter a fierce competition
to attract investmentfrom the private sector. The established urban
centreshave led to a clear divide between the economic
Florian Wiedmann, Smita KhanAbstractThis paper explores a new
type of housing in India and resulting urban dynamics in Nagpur, a
Grade A city in theIndian state of Maharashtra. The accelerating
urban growth rate led to a dynamic housing market to accommodatethe
on-going migration. A new housing typology can be identified as
clusters of residential towers, developed as gatedcommunities and
marketed as first-class neighbourhoods for emerging higher income
groups. This research is a timelyeffort to address the occurring
challenges of future urban patterns produced by this housing
typology in India. Variousurban qualities are needed to foster
sustainable urbanism. Housing patterns have a major impact on how
urban envi-ronments work efficiently, how they accommodate
different user groups and how city images, perceptions and
thuslifestyles are affected. The paper investigates these new urban
sites in relation to their socio-spatial interactions and
theresulting production of urban qualities to foster a new
understanding of this particular housing typology and its impacton
urbanism in India. Analysing through the lens of three major urban
qualities of urban efficiency, diversity and identitythe study
identifies the complex socio-spatial dynamics fostered by vertical
gated communities in Nagpur city. Thepaper concludes with an
outlook on the distinctive roles of architects and urban designers
to develop synergiesbetween this urban typology and its
surroundings
Keywords: Gated communities, residential high-rise, India,
urbanism, urban qualities, housing.
AN EXAMINATION OF URBAN VERTICAL GATED COMMUNITIES OF NAGPUR,
INDIA.
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opportunities in few locations and the increasing strug-gles in
rural areas. The subsequent migration hasfuelled the fast growth of
Indian cities and in return ithas enabled emerging economies
entering globalmarkets. Thus, contemporary urbanism in India
needsto be studied as both a product of fast growth andnewly
configured urban landscapes. Housing hasplayed a key role in
shaping these new urban land-scapes and thus new socio-spatial
interactions respon-sible for future urban qualities and thus both
urbanliveability and sustainability.
HOUSING AND URBAN QUALITIES
The commonly used definition of sustainability wasmade at the
Brundtland Commission of the UnitedNations in 1987: “Sustainable
development is devel-opment that meets the needs of the present
withoutcompromising the ability of future generations to meettheir
own needs” (UNITED NATIONS, 1987).According to this definition,
human settlements mustprimarily be in balance with the environment
by reduc-ing the waste of natural resources and pollution. Thus,any
socioeconomic development must be balanced inrespect to
environmental concerns. This rather simpli-fied but abstract
conception of sustainability, however,is incapable of defining the
key factors within the pro-duction of spatial structures and their
qualities, whicheither enhance or endanger urban
sustainability.Therefore, core qualities of urban spaces and their
keycomponents must be identified in relation to social,economic and
environmental concerns.
At first, all constructed spaces need to obtainthe quality of
diversity to evolve and adjust to the var-ious environmental
challenges so that a communitycan sustain its livelihood. Rooted in
the diverse needsof human beings, any created space must
accommo-date the various requirements of a society settled in
aspecific location, from housing to markets and work-shops. Any
local economic development will lead toan increasingly complex
system of dependencies andthus spatial developments (JACOBS, 1969).
Thisdiversity is the precondition for any future growth
andsustenance of a city. The second quality is rooted inhuman
knowledge, which is accumulating due tointeraction and exchange and
which is focused onplanning more efficiently functioning places.
Theresulting quality of efficiency is needed to empowercommunities
to use fewer resources and thus reducetheir impact on the
environment. Finally, a third quali-ty, namely identity, needs to
be introduced, which is theresult of the subjective binding of any
community withits surrounding and evolving space.
The three urban qualities, introduced asdiversity, efficiency
and identity, have clear core link-ages to both the basic triad of
sustainability (balancebetween economic, environmental and social
con-cerns) and the triadic production of space (perceived,conceived
and lived space) as identified by HenriLefebvre (1991). This
triadic relationship is further-more rooted in human psychology,
which differentiatesinstinctive, mental and emotional factors
shaping thepersonality of each individual. Consequently, anyurban
space is the dialectical result of the instinctualneeds and mental
conceptions of a society resulting inemotional attachment or
rejection. This basic theory ofhow urban sustainability is the
product of three coreurban qualities can lead to further
differentiations and
a better understanding of the actual role of urbandesign
(WIEDMANN et. al., 2014; SOJA, 1989).
Housing occupies the largest share of the built envi-ronment of
our cities and as such, it is produced by thesame triadic
principles as any human-made space(SALAMA et. al., 2017b). The role
of housing hashowever transformed from being an essential and
usu-ally self-made shelter to a much more complex com-modity and as
such, an accumulation of individualaspirations but also capital and
debt. Housing there-fore reflects the dilemma of contemporary
urbanismand its core conflict: Quantities instead of
qualities.While housing markets for diverse luxury real-estatecan
still provide profitable returns, affordable housingopportunities
have been challenged, which resulted incontinuous sprawl, mass
housing with poor construc-tion and design qualities as well as
informal solutions(SALAMA el. Al., 2017a). The often cited doctrine
ofbuilding more housing units to lower costs and to pro-vide
diverse markets has often fuelled increasing landprices and
infrastructural deficits. While there aremany policies and
affordable housing schemes viapublic or semi-public holdings, the
essential crisis hasnever been solved, even in the most
advancedeconomies due to private land ownership rights andthe
inherited social inequity (GEORGE, 1905).
Based on the introduced theory and framework (Figure1), this
paper follows a particular methodologicalapproach to investigate
the role of high-rise neigh-bourhoods in producing urban qualities
in Nagpur,one of the fastest growing emerging cities in India:
How do vertical and gated neighbourhoods contributeto urban
efficiency?
• Overall urban density: A healthy density wouldenable a more
efficient supply of needed infras-tructure and general
connectivity.
• Grid: Needed access to public transit and gen-eral walkability
due to moderate block sizes.
• Land use integration: Social infrastructure andcommercial
activities are needed in proximity topromote short distances.
How do vertical and gated neighbourhoods contribute
Figure 1. The role of housing producing urban qualities(Source:
Wiedmann & Salama, 2019)
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nto urban diversity?• Social inclusion: Development in proximity
to
neighbourhoods accommodating lowerincome groups.
• Transportation: Stimulation of differing modesof transit.
• Local business networks: Services and neweconomies surrounding
the neighbourhoods tofoster local economic development.
How do vertical and gated neighbourhoods contributeto urban
identity?• Relationship to the immediate surroundings:
Gated and isolated or integrated parts of anevolving
district.
• Relationship within compounds: Introvertedand anonymous
environments or stimulatedsocial interactions.
• Relationship to the overall district and city: Therole of
landmarks.
This framework can be followed in the case of anyhousing
typology to investigate the impact on urbanqualities and thus
sustainable development. The mainobjective of this framework is to
integrate the dialecti-cal nature of socio-spatial interactions
within theurban environment. While spatial structures have topermit
efficient movements and accessibility, localmarkets have to be
engaged in supplying diverse com-munities and the forming
relationships between homesand residents are rooted in distinctive
perceptions of anew identity. Thus, the three dimensions promote
amore holistic understanding of space production viahousing
patterns, which have a very decisive andlong-lasting effect on our
cities.
VERTICAL GATED COMMUNITIES AND EVERYDAYURBANISM IN INDIA
As in other developing countries, residential high-riseshave
been developed for upper income real-estatemarkets in India. The
two main factors of this stillrather recent phenomenon need to be
summarisedfirst before two specific cases will be investigated
inNagpur. The first factor has to be seen in the fasturban growth
leading to high land prices in centralurban locations benefiting
from a good access toexisting infrastructural networks. The rapid
urbanisa-tion fuelled by industrial mega projects and morerecently
liberalised markets has failed to enable localgovernance to supply
emerging urban agglomerationswith sufficient infrastructure in all
urban areas (VID-YARTHI et al., 2017). Subsequently, urban
centresoften remained the main business hubs and thus
theconcentrations of key service sectors. The infrastruc-tural
deficits due to fast growth have thus promoted anecessity of higher
income groups to settle in proximityof main road grids enabling
easier access to workplaces.
The high land prices in these locations haveinevitably promoted
high-rise developments to securethe financial feasibility of these
projects. An entire con-struction industry has thus slowly shifted
from perceiv-ing high-rises as the only way to accommodate
afford-able housing for lower income groups towards luxuri-ous
tower projects catering an emerging group ofnew-rich Indian
families (GANGULY-SCRASE et al.,2008; DONNER, 2011 & BROSIUS,
1984), who havebeen benefiting from the fast economic growth
accompanying the urban expansion. Due to the neweconomic
situation and social status residential high-rises have been
perceived as a suitable alternative tothe previous model of wealthy
residential neighbour-hoods, in form of the postcolonial heritage
ofdetached bungalows (PATEL, 2017, p.456). Thechaotic everyday
reality of Indian inner city districts hasfurthermore fuelled the
second major factor in devel-oping vertical gated communities in
emerging Indiancities (KHAN & BELLE, 2016, p.82).
Due to the fast growth another phenomenon hascaused the escape
of higher income groups to settlein tower projects. Sprawling slums
have been occupy-ing large areas and the chaos created by the
everydaysurvival of lower income groups with limited resourceshas
led to a street use accommodating agricultural aswell as commercial
and even industrial activities in alldifferent scales and forms.
This complexity has led tohindered mobility and thus higher income
groupsavoiding those crowded and often polluted areas.India’s
everyday urbanism is dominated by overcrowd-ed spaces and resulting
chaos and congestion.Various vehicles and a substantial presence of
domes-ticated animals intermingle within the already
denseoccupation of the urban space (Figure 2). The physicalmilieu
of such spaces is subject to vagaries of its manyoccupants and
users. There is a superimposed layer ofthe informal sector
consisting of vendors with smallcarts and bicycles squatting on
pavements with theirwares, while street food is cooked in various
mannerscausing an urban image of complex and diverse com-mercial
interactions reflecting the economic strugglesof lower income
groups.
The resulting chaos requires patience of anyvisitor to withstand
these urban realities of Indiancities. Needed urban infrastructure
is either in adegenerated state or is missing all together. Every
littleaccess and connectivity are used to the biggest
extentpossible to establish those informal market places.Indian
cities have thus remained direct expressions ofbottom-up economic
activities, dictated by a lack ofresources and rather detached from
any policies.Tower projects have thus been marketed as
exclusiveislands, on which these everyday realities can beescaped
(PATEL, 2017, p.474). While low-rise gatedcommunities might still
be in touch with actual wallsand thus a rather small distance to
the urban realitiesof most inhabitants, life in towers appeals to
an
Figure 2. Cows on the road in front of a gated communityin
Nagpur (Source: Authors)
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increasing need for security and exclusivity. Within thegated
community, is a cosmopolitan place, whereshared interests can be
nurtured and interaction cantake place in a designer ambiance.
Herein is ahomogenous community that has as basis economicstanding
of its members. These are thus distinct depar-tures from the more
tradition bound communities ofthe city, which have caste, regional
culture or religionas its basis. (CHACKO & VARGHESE, 2009)
In summary, the increasing land prices inwell-connected areas
and the desire to escape in safeand detached environments have led
to this emerginghousing typology. All exclusive tower projects
share incommon that the ground floor areas are highly pro-tected
from their surroundings via walls and often ele-vated decks to
accommodate car parking in first floors(KAUSHIK, 2016). Shared
guards control the accessof labourers visiting these gated
communities to supplytheir services. Integrated facilities, such as
gyms andeven smaller supermarkets or restaurants in
biggerdevelopments foster the perception of these megagated
communities as detached cruise ships appeal-ing to a mobile
community aspiring international livingstandards rather than any
compromises with Indianurban realities. Thus, despite the vertical
aspect andthe opportunity to observe surrounding urban life
frombalconies, most projects appear to be rather introvert-ed. To
revisit the allegory of a cruise ship: The sur-rounding ocean is
only perceived as an anonymousbackdrop and remains a mystery, while
a protectedcommunity can rest and consume without being tooexposed
to forces and elements. This tendency ofengineered enclaves can be
observed worldwide(ATKINSON & BLANDY, 2005).
THE CASE OF NAGPUR
The city of Nagpur is located in the geographic centerof the
Indian subcontinent and due to this location itevolved into a major
railway junction and transit hub.Today, more than 2.8 million
inhabitants reside in the13th largest city of India (INDIA
POPULATION 2019).In colonial times Nagpur was the capital of the
CentralProvinces and as such it was a major administrativecenter.
The British settlement with its administrativeoffices was separated
via the built train lines from theindigenous settlement, known as
Mahal. On the out-skirts of the Mahal precincts, the industrial
zone wasdeveloped to benefit from both the existing connectiv-ity
and local labor. In 1874, Tata made its first entryinto
manufacturing and industry, when it launched theCentral India
Spinning, Weaving and ManufacturingCompany in Victoria Mills,
later renamed EmpressMill. This industrial heritage has formed
the characterof Nagpur, which is currently listed as one of the
topten cities in India following the official Smart CityMission
(MINISTRY OF HOUSING AND URBANAFFAIRS, 2019). According to a recent
investigation,Nagpur is expected to rise to one of the fastest
grow-ing cities worldwide between 2019 and 2035, fol-lowed by an
anticipated GDP increase fourfold(GUPTA, 2018).
While vertical gated communities havealready formed entire urban
landscapes in Mumbaiand New Delhi, this housing typology has only
recentlybeen developed in Nagpur. The most prominentexamples can be
found in the case of three distinctiveprojects: Empress City,
Anandam-Godrej City andCapitol Heights. Similar to cases in Mumbai,
the end
of industrial mills and their replacement often markedthe first
major exclusive mega projects after the turn ofthe centuries. One
of Nagpur’s major real estatedevelopment was conceived and built
upon a part ofland, which was released in 2002. The Empress
Cityincluded the Empress mall, ten residential towers andan
adjoining IT park facing the Shukrawari Lake(Figure 3). Due to the
bankruptcy of the developer themall was finished with low
construction standards andat least four of the residential towers
remained incom-plete. On the other side of the lake, but still on
land ofthe auctioned mill land, Anandam-Godrej City wasdeveloped
more recently. This gated community con-sists of residential towers
built in a contemporaryexpression. Further South from this gated
community,another industrial land was redeveloped to houseTata’s
new project, known as Capitol Heights. Despiteits smaller size, it
illustrates a rather similar trend ofintegrating amenities and a
mall on adjacent land.
The following investigations focus on the twomost recently
developed projects, Anandam-GodrejCity and Capitol Heights. By
following the introducedresearch framework and its key questions on
the roleof these projects in producing urban qualities,
variouswalking tours were carried out to observe both thespatial
configurations as well as the resulting socio-spatial
interactions:
Urban Efficiency:The overall urban structure of the Mahal
district lacksany consistent planning and is the result of both
case-by-case decisions regarding infrastructural develop-ment and
fast growth. Thus, most urban areas havebeen developed unregulated
and are usually low indensity and do not display any distinctive
form orarchitectural character. Furthermore, most areas alongthe
main streets are deeply mixed use accommodatingsmall industries as
well as typical informal economies,such as street vendors,
workshops and street food. Thelack of regulations can be found in
the district’s statusas being ‘gowthan’, which classifies the areas
as beinga historic township that has only recently been addedunder
the jurisdiction of the municipal authorities.Both ‘Anandam-Godrej’
as well as ‘Capitol Heights’are examples of a new wave of
developments follow-
Figure 3. . The three vertical gated communities in the
dis-trict of Mahal in Nagpur (Source: Google Earth)
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ing individual master plans. These gated communitiesare
redefining urban densities by linking both projectsto the global
street grid rather than their direct districtsurroundings (Table
1):
The high densities reflect the rather smallshare of open spaces
and rather efficient use of theavailable land. These densities of
higher incomegroups could contribute to an enhanced future
urbanefficiency by enabling both transit-oriented develop-ment as
well as land-use integration, such as the con-struction of
commercial developments in direct prox-imity. The recently launched
shopping mall at CapitolHeights reflects a clear trend of
integrating servicesand facilities to benefit from the everyday
needs of thissocial group. While these new malls add new workplaces
in low service sectors, they undoubtedly con-tribute to less
interactions of higher groups with localbusinesses. The same
observations can be made inthe case of social infrastructure. Since
higher incomegroups usually prefer private schools, the impact
onlocal public schools and their performance has beenminor.
In addition to the still rather limited land-useintegration
despite major development potentials, theroad grid and especially
block sizes have hardly beendesigned to cater walkable
surroundings. A grid ofsuitable block sizes is however crucial to
enable anefficient access to adjacent district areas (WIEDMANNet
al., 2019). The main reason of an underdevelopedurban grid and
block structure can be found in thelack of public funds and the
complex challenge ofredeveloping informal urban areas surrounding
bothproject sites. This basic dilemma has led to the privatesector
being mainly focused on development sites witha clear access to the
global road grid, which in returnhas attracted most investment
attention includingmodern utilities. Thus, despite of the new
densitypotentials and the relocation of higher income groupsin
central urban areas, the contribution to urban effi-ciency is
rather compromised since the new housingtypology has not been
enforcing a new grid structureyet.
Urban Diversity:The urban quality of diversity is mainly a
product of ahigh level of social inclusion, bottom-up
economicactivities and various new modes of how inhabitantscan
reach their daily destinations. It is thus the com-plete opposite
of island development patterns, inwhich mono-functional and
socially segregated urbanspaces are being produced. Both projects
cater higherincome groups and due to missing development
initia-tives on a district scale their residents have beencatered
in a rather protected and detached environ-ment. Despite these
isolation tendencies of gatedcommunities, a certain synergy with
the surrounding
local economies has been maintained. For instance,the concept of
widespread supermarkets has notappeared in Indian cities yet. In
Nagpur, even upperincome groups still depend upon the local green
gro-cer, the grain store and other service suppliers. Inaddition,
seasonal festivals lead to social interactionsbeyond the realms of
gated communities. In manyways, urban diversity is one of the main
characteristicsof an Indian city, just simply because of the
immensedensity of commercial activities in crowded places andthe
still existing spatial proximity between gated com-munities and
informal settlements. Both projects aresurrounded by slums (Figure
4) and thus social segre-gation can be mainly defined by actual
gates ratherthan a macro-spatial segregation on an urban scale.
The residents of both gated communities cur-rently depend upon
their own mode of transport,mainly cars and motorcycles or
scooters, which areperceived as the most suitable form of
transportationby younger generations (Figure 5). The existing
businfrastructure mainly caters lower income groups tooccasionally
leave district sites, but hardly caters high-er income groups to
commute to work places or ser-vices. While there are current plans
to develop ametro system, Nagpur city is still relying on a
macroroad grid, which is continuously extended on a globalscale.
The currently existing modes of transit separateincome groups
rather than enable opportunities fordaily socio-spatial
interactions. Future metro stationsmight initiate these social
encounters and thus newdynamics of local economic development.
Today, ver-tical gated communities have to be seen as rather
lim-ited contributors to urban diversity rooted in vibrantmarket
interactions between differing income groups,but the potential
supply with metro stations and the stillexisting proximity to lower
income neighborhoodscould establish rather diverse and integrated
urbanspaces in future.
Urban Identity:Both gated communities have had a major impact
onthe image of the Mahal district, which was suddenlyperceived and
experienced as an upcoming centralhub for higher income groups and
thus new develop-ment potentials. While these high-rise clusters
can be
Table 1. Housing units and average urban densities(Source:
Authors)
Figure 4. Informal settlements in proximity to CapitolHeights
(Source: Google Earth)
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a. seen from far distances as modern landmarks of a newurban
transformation, closer observations on a neigh-borhood scale can
reveal a rather differentiatedimpression. The access to these new
developmentsleads through areas, which have hardly witnessed
anyupgrading or change, which is creating an experienceof
disconnected and unrelated urban spaces (Figure6). In close
quarters, walls and gates are partially cov-ered in lush greenery
but can hardly deny their role asexisting barriers between the
newly arrived communi-ties and the existing urban surroundings.
Guards andcameras protect the entrances of both projects (Figure7).
By creating these strong images of an exclusiveand protected
environment, these measures haveequally contributed to the
impression of an immenseurgency to be protected from socially and
economi-cally failing surroundings.
Inside both projects a similar pattern can beobserved. After the
transition from car parking zonesto the lobbies of residential
towers, green and well-maintained courtyards integrate shared
facilities, suchas playgrounds or gyms (Figure 8 and 9). These
areasare used to socialize with neighbors and due to
theirintroverted configuration they create the overallimpression of
being detached sanctuaries from theeveryday struggles in the city.
Cultural aspects arecatered by the common practice to use the
sharedareas to celebrate seasonal festivals and to accommo-date
small temples. The idea and tradition of Indiancities being a
closely knitted framework of small mar-ket places and thus a
continuous exchange betweensocial groups is however consciously
terminated. Inmany ways, the gap between income groups hasreached a
scale, in which lower income groups haveto move in dense and
increasingly competitive marketspaces, while higher income groups
are catered bymajor suppliers. Thus, the individual impression of
aglobal lifestyle is clearly advertised as well as experi-enced in
these new gated communities. This new iden-tity can however foster
rather complex dynamics ofsocial separation, isolation and
alienation in theIndian urban context.
CONCLUSION
The study was carried out with focus upon three prima-ry urban
qualities: urban efficiency, diversity and iden-tity. Vertical
gated communities of Nagpur city wereexamined for each of these
qualities and their impor-tant parameters. The new gated
communities understudy are redefining urban patterns, such as
densities.Yet despite the new potential of integrating higherincome
housing in such a central urban area, the newtypology has only
contributed to a better accessibilityon a macro city scale rather
than to a redefinition of alocal grid. Regarding urban diversity,
it is observedthat a certain synergy with surrounding
localeconomies is still maintained. Interaction between var-ious
economic levels of the communities in the Mahalarea occur over
daily needs and social integration isobserved beyond realms of
gated communities duringseasonal festivals. The last and third
parameter ofurban identity sees these housing projects as
beingoften perceived as an image of future progress andgrowth. This
can be seen as rather controversial, sincethe gated communities
simultaneously project animage of exclusion, protection and
segregation fromits surrounding urban fabric.
This circle made of the perception of cities asinvestment
opportunities rather than as homes forcommunities led to a
shrinking identification betweenmost inhabitants and their actual
districts. The result-ing experience of spatial realities as
oppressive but
Figure 5. A typical road scene at Capitol Hills
(Source:Authors).
Figure 6. The access road to the Anandam-Godrej devel-opment
(Source: Authors)
Figure 7. The guarded entrance of Capitol Hills
(Source:Authors)
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needed shells rather than as representations of sharedvalues has
led to a fragile foundation of many cities inIndia. While the new
form of city making offers variousopportunities, the pressure of
future growth is prevent-ing the economic integration of all social
groups. Theaccelerated globalisation has enabled the transfer
ofgoods and services worldwide, but its main drivers andshapers
cannot be simply identified in the form of freemarket places.
Instead, the main force of enablingcomplex networks with shrinking
boundaries and clearhierarchies must be seen in the accumulation
ofinvestments in few locations, such as these islands ofvertical
gated communities, and the associated spec-ulative tendencies.
In this context, the role of urban designerscan be regarded as
rather unique in transformingplaces into possible starting points
for resilient com-munities in Indian cities. While designing spaces
can-not resolve fundamental social imbalances, it cancontribute to
more attractive environments stimulatingsocial engagement and
enabling small businesses and
their networks to evolve. Housing is the key element ofurbanism
and thus its urban design needs enhancedattention. Introducing a
balanced local grid as well astransit-oriented development and
attractive pedestrianareas are the first important steps towards
spatial,social and economic integration. This spatial
transfor-mation cannot only be achieved by top-down guide-lines;
their implementation will highly depend on anenhanced awareness of
developers and investorsregarding the long-term damage of recent
dynamics.One possible solution is the introduction of
districtarchitects engaged in municipalities or city councils,who
are responsible for a more extensive coordinationand communication
of planning and design interven-tions. Any advancement in housing
and neighbour-hood design on a larger scale will be a first
indicatorof a healing and aware urban society in India.
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Figure 9. Playgrounds and public parks in both projects(Source:
Authors)
Figure 8. Playgrounds and public parks in both projects(Source:
Authors)
http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/66978406.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppsthttp://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/66978406.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppsthttp://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/66978406.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppsthttps://indiapopulation2019.com/population-of-nagpur-2019.htmlhttps://indiapopulation2019.com/population-of-nagpur-2019.html
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VIDYARTHI, S., MATHUR, S. and AGRAWAL, S. (2017)Understanding
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(2019) New Housing Patterns and Spatial Fragmentation inGulf
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Authors
Dr Florian WiedmannUniversity of
Nottingham,[email protected]
Dr Smita KhanVisvesvaraya National Institute of Technology,
[email protected]
http://smartcities.gov.in/content/https://www.academia.edu/31309662/The_Everyday_Urban_Environment_of_Migrant_Labourers_in_Gulf_Cities_The_Case_of_the_Old_Centre_of_Doha_Qatar_Ashraf_M._Salama_Simona_Azzali_and_Florian_Wiedmann_2017https://www.academia.edu/31309662/The_Everyday_Urban_Environment_of_Migrant_Labourers_in_Gulf_Cities_The_Case_of_the_Old_Centre_of_Doha_Qatar_Ashraf_M._Salama_Simona_Azzali_and_Florian_Wiedmann_2017https://www.academia.edu/31309662/The_Everyday_Urban_Environment_of_Migrant_Labourers_in_Gulf_Cities_The_Case_of_the_Old_Centre_of_Doha_Qatar_Ashraf_M._Salama_Simona_Azzali_and_Florian_Wiedmann_2017https://cityterritoryarchitecture.springeropen.com/articles/10.1186/s40410-017-0061-5http://www.academia.edu/35519972/Lifestyle_Trends_and_Housing_Typologies_in_Emerging_Multicultural_Cities_Ashraf_M._Salama_Florian_Wiedmann_Hatem_G._Ibrahim_2017http://www.academia.edu/35519972/Lifestyle_Trends_and_Housing_Typologies_in_Emerging_Multicultural_Cities_Ashraf_M._Salama_Florian_Wiedmann_Hatem_G._Ibrahim_2017https://doi.org/10.3846/20297955.2017.1415773https://www.academia.edu/24780887/Knowledge_Economy_as_an_Initiator_of_Sustainable_Urbanism_in_Emerging_Metropolises_The_Case_of_Doha_Qatar_Ashraf_M._Salama_Florian_Wiedmann_Alain_Thierstein_and_Wafa_Al_Ghatam_2016https://www.academia.edu/24780887/Knowledge_Economy_as_an_Initiator_of_Sustainable_Urbanism_in_Emerging_Metropolises_The_Case_of_Doha_Qatar_Ashraf_M._Salama_Florian_Wiedmann_Alain_Thierstein_and_Wafa_Al_Ghatam_2016http://dx.doi.org/10.26687/archnet-ijar.v10i1.927https://www.researchgate.net/institution/Visvesvaraya_National_Institute_of_Technology
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Mah
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INTRODUCTION
streets are vital spaces in cities and towns. they arethe
primary realms in which the public and privatespheres are
physically connected. Many researchersadvocated that the street
should be regarded as asocial place rather than as a channel for
movement(Jacobs, 1961; aPPleyard et al., 1981; gehl,2011; Mehta,
2013). the streets act as the constitu-tion of social interaction
and activities (Jacobs,1993). thus, the street must be viewed as a
social fab-ric of the city where social activities thrive. streets
tra-ditionally served for mobility, commerce and socialinteraction
(u n habitat, 2013). however, as a resultof car-oriented city
planning and unregulated devel-opment, the significance of streets
as social spaceshas been diluted (ab rahMan et al., 2017). this
sce-nario is reflected in the street design that does not givea
priority to pedestrian needs for human interaction.
with the advent of motorized transportation,the street
environments in the context of Malaysiancities are less
accommodating for pedestrians. inaddition, the emergence of mega
shopping mallssince the 1980s leads to the undervaluing of
streetsocial life (uJang et al., 2018) and change the waypeople
interact in their transactions. the changing ofplace character and
social function are considerablyreduced by the change in the use of
the street from thestatic (stationary, lingering, and sustained) to
thedynamic (walking) (Mehta, 2013). the diversity ofstreet
activities, which once shaped the social charac-ter of the streets,
has been decreased due to theincrease in centralised activities
within shopping malls.in the context of asian cities, the meaning
of streets asa melting pot for cultural and tradition is
slowlyreplaced by spaces dictated by pedestrian and vehic-
ular mobility. the traditional function of streets isdefined by
the significance of the streets as a locus oftransaction and
socio-cultural interaction has beenaltered. despite the change, the
multi-cultural contextposes a complex set of human behaviours and
inter-actions that could influence streets’ sociability.
theanalysis of the paper is set to prioritize the
sociabilityattributes to better facilitate the streets as
inclusivesocial spaces.
Sociability and street activitiessociability is associated with
the ability of publicspaces to provide attractive zones for people
to estab-lish contact and socialize (rafeh, 2014). social
envi-ronments denote the interaction of people and cul-tures within
physical surroundings (barnett &casPer, 2001). the design of
spaces can create pos-sibilities for other forms of social contacts
as well suchas meeting, seeing, and hearing people (gehl,1996).
research on social sustainability highlights theimportance of
public spaces as social integrators instrengthening affiliation and
belonging to a place, inaddition to the development of strong
social cohesion(francis et al., 2012).
in the field of urban design, sociability isdefined as the
social function of the street to be con-ducive for pedestrian
static activities (syedMahdZar, 2008). static activities refer to
stationaryand lingering activities, retaining pedestrians longer
inpublic spaces such as sitting, waiting, and standing.Pedestrians
who are walking also can do social activ-ities when they are
talking to one another or watchingothers. hence, sociability is the
social function of thestreet according to static activities but in
this study thisdefinition is extended to cover all pedestrian’s
optionalor social activities whether they are happening dynam-
Mahboubeh Rakhshanifar, Norsidah Ujang*Abstractin the context of
asian cities, streets define the diversity and vibrancy of public
spaces despite facing a constant threatof losing the spaces to
motorized vehicles and large-scale development. the social life of
streets is eroded as a resultof new developments that are exclusive
and privately regulated. this paper discusses the attributes that
influence thesociability of shopping streets based on the street
users’ assessment. a questionnaire survey was conducted
involving332 respondents in four main shopping streets in the Kuala
lumpur city centre, Malaysia. identification of the
sociabilityattributes using analytic network Process (anP) was
applied to determine the sociability factors based on the order
ofpriority. the study found that users tended to participate in
social activities while visiting the shopping streets.
however,their social behaviour indicated that the actual engagement
in optional and informal activities was not regular.Perceived
safety and spatial accessibility mainly influenced the users’ level
of engagement with the streets’ activities. toretain streets as
inclusive social spaces, urban designers could prioritise
mixed-land uses, positive pedestrian experi-ence and good
accessibility in boosting sociability of urban places.
Keywords: sociability; urban design; shopping street; analytic
network Process (anP)
PRIORITISING SOCIABILITY ATTRIBUTES OF MAINSHOPPING STREETS
TOWARDS AN INCLUSIVE URBANDESIGN.
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ically or statically. streets should be designed toaccommodate
diverse types of activities (Mehta,2007). despite the continuous
movement within thestreets, stationary and sustained activities
such as sit-ting, standing, and eating generate the street’s
vitality.numerous studies emphasized the importance ofsocial
activities in shaping liveliness of urban spaces.however,
researchers have paid less attention to sta-tionary activities in
comparison to dynamic activities(Mehta, 2013). it is essential to
explore the nature ofpedestrian activities, in order to focus on
people-based aspect of sociability (gehl, 1987). the firstgroup is
the necessary activity that occurs because ofthe pedestrians’
purpose and needs regardless of thephysical environment. second,
there are the optionalactivities which are caused mostly by the
environmen-tal aspect of street liveability. this type of
pedestrianactivity occurs by pedestrian choice and could be
per-formed through users’ perception of the surroundingbuilt
environment finally, social activities occur whennecessary and
optional activities exist in a space.Pedestrian activities in urban
streets can be catego-rized as either ‘dynamic’ in nature (e.g.
walking andmoving), or ‘static’ (like sitting, standing, reading,
talk-ing, etc.) (fauZi & aditianata, 2018).
the question raised is how human canchange the socio-physical
properties of urban street,which accommodate pedestrian activity,
to supportand change their social behaviours. sociability
studiesallow for the built and non-built environmental factorsto be
explored in an integrated manner, where humanand setting are viewed
as an interrelated entity of aplace.
STREET SOCIABILITY INFLUENCING ATTRIBUTES
this paper examines specific built environment factorsthat shape
street sociability. based on the literature,the five main
attributes are accessibility, diversity, seat-ing, comfort and
experiential qualities. these qualitiesinfluence the users’ level
of engagement and comfortof using the spaces. one of the
fundamental indica-tors of sociability and the most effective
factor toincrease utilization of and achievement in social
inter-action in the streets, is accessibility (oldenburg,1989). the
absence of accessibility could also be adeterrent to social
interaction. economic access is akey issue in the success of
shopping street and anymarket place for that matter. in addition to
economicaccessibility, substantial scholarly work haveaddressed the
role of spatial accessibility in sustainingpeople’s lives and
boosting livability (Kwan &weber, 2008; MoniruZZaMan et al.,
2017). asplace is defined as connecting to other places and acity,
its public use is very much related to linkages.therefore,
accessibility could be said to be the mostnecessary quality of
public setting in offering well-usedspaces that increase social
interactions (shahideh,2013). street diversity brings more
activities and con-sequently boosts vitality and safety in public
spaces(Jacobs, 1961). Place diversity is also considered asa
determinant for liveliness of public realms and placeattachment
(uJang et al., 2018). diversity is mostlyachieved by mixing a
variety of primary land uses,including residential, mixed use
commercial, andretail & mixed housing, in close proximity to
eachother in the urban streets, (gehl, 1987; Jacobs,1993;
MontgoMery, 1998). diversity in the formof building, street, and
land use elements has been
introduced as the indicators of street sociability (syedMahdZar,
2008; 2013).
experiential quality has become increasinglyassociated with
place experience rather than simplythe use of space or the
admiration of its beauty(llewelyn-davies, 2000). Pleasantness and
thesense of welcoming are indicated as sociability char-acteristics
as examined by oldenburg (1981) in dif-ferent fields related to the
built environment such associology, psychology and the health
sciences. thesense of perceived safety is affected by the
character-istics of the environment, which affects the use
andsuccess of that environment (Mehta, 2013). Privacy,security, and
territoriality are significant requirementsof promoting static
activities in a space (husseiny &husseiny, 2012). accordingly,
streets that accommo-date pedestrian activity are expected to bring
bothphysical and psychological safety to the city (Jacobs,1993;
stevens & salMon, 2015). shopping streetsprovide opportunities
to represent the urban culture bythe way of shopping activities
performed (rudofsKy,1969). by considering shopping activity as a
pedestri-an necessary activity (gehl, 1987), it can be arguedthat
besides shopping, there are many other optionalactivities that are
also taking place. therefore, shop-ping streets can act in
multi-functional ways by provid-ing social, leisure, and economic
needs of the streetusers. the value of pedestrian environment lies
in themaintenance of the sense of security in the streets bythe
presence of other people like pedestrians, shopowners, restaurant
customers, etc. acting as “eyes onthe streets” (Jacobs, 1961). the
idea of self-conges-tion is considered as important for pedestrians
toattract other people to be present in urban space andthey in turn
promote street activities (whyte, 1980).
Malaysian cities reflect multi-cultural prac-tices and beliefs.
in certain spaces, it was observedthat religious institutions such
as mosques, templesand churches within the city also function as
commu-nity gathering places. thus, religious and culturalpractices
and related events are considered meaning-ful activities. a good
level of sociability of spaceshould have focal points for people to
gather andaccommodate a variety of activities, which can in
turn,encourage longer engagement with the places.however, in the
case of traditional street environmentin the context of
multi-cultural cities, the culturalattributes could be jeopardized
by the increase in thecentralised indoor activities within modern
megamalls. thus, there is a need to bring back shoppingstreet
vitality and diversity in view of streets as a socialfabric in the
city.
this paper discusses street attributes thataffect incidences of
social activities from urban designperspectives. the study applied
the verification of thepriority order (shou & lin, 2018) by
assigningweighting to the attributes in determining to whatextent
each particular attribute contributed to streetsociability. then,
the analytic network Process (anP)developed by saaty (1996) was
used to measure theweighing of the sociability attributes in terms
of priorityorders. the method relatively estimates likelihood
andpriorities and is appropriate for both quantitative
andqualitative data types to facilitate a more systematicanalysis
(luo, et al., 2010).
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Mah
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METHODS
Analytic Network Process (ANP)to solve this decision-making
problem, relevant deci-sion makers need to be engaged (shou &
lin,2018). in this case, a Multi-criteria decision-Makingapproach
can be adopted for this purpose. analyticnetwork Process (anP) was
applied to prioritize thestreet-level (sl) characteristics of
sociability (devel-oped by saaty, 1996). the anP matches this
multi-criteria decision making of street sociability
priorityattributes. the following steps are required to
solvecomplex decision-making problems in an anP model.
network construction - developing a net-work representing the
problem: firstly, identification ofthe goal followed by the
evaluation dimensions toreach this goal based on existing
literature. this is fol-lowed by determination of the same type of
influencecriteria under each dimension and finally, constructinga
network structure diagram. the most important cri-teria and
sub-criteria for sociability (as inputs to theanP model) has been
listed through reviewing differ-ent literatures and validation
carried out by consultingwith the urban designers (table 1). the
selected crite-ria include diversity, accessibility, experiential
Qualityand seating comfort and nine sub-criteria deter-mined.
Pairwise comparison and estimation of localpriority vectors -
the second step involves designingthe questionnaire survey
according to the networkstructure diagram provided in the previous
step. on-site questionnaire survey was chosen as the quantita-tive
strategy of inquiry to collect and analyse data(creswell, 2008).
thus, the questionnaire wasdesigned accordingly as each effective
element shouldbe compared with all remaining elements in a
pair-wise basis. anP uses 1- 9 ratio scales to analyse set
ofpairwise comparisons. the used scale is referred to as9-point
scale from 1= not important to 9= extremelyimportant. these nine
sub-criteria were ranked andprioritized according to the importance
of each char-acteristic in supporting social activities from
respon-dents’ point of view using a comparative pair-wisedscale
(index values from 1 to 9). for this purpose, aPairwise comparison
Matrix and group decisionsintegration were constructed. in order to
integrate thejudgement of all respondents (street users)
regardingsociability requirements saaty (1996), recommendedusing
the geometric mean method which was appliedin this analysis.
super-matrix formation - unweighted super-matrix,normalized
comparison matrix, Priority vector andeigenvector have been
developed accordingly.
this study utilized the super decisionssoftware version 2.8.0
(www.superdecisions.com) toanalyse the pairwise comparison data
(saaty, 1996).the anP ranking results generated a weightage foreach
element; the higher the score, the more impor-tant is the element.
the unit of measurement for theranking result would be between a
value of 0 and 1for each sl attributes. the cumulative value of the
allnine-ranked result is almost equal 1. to ensure thevalidity of
the results, the data are keyed into sPssprogram and analysed by
calculating the geometricmean value. the measure of cronbach’s
alpha is avalue above 0.80, which is valid for the purpose ofthis
study. the reliability of the individual sociabilitylevel subscale
was .81 for its 7 items, and .83 for the9 items sl sociability
subscale.
Operationalizing the Survey Itemsa questionnaire survey was
carried out using a set ofitems designed based on the established
theoreticalbasis (table 2) illustrates survey structure
containingthe items, sub-items and measuring units.
The Survey Procedurethe survey was conducted along Jalan bukit
bintang(Jbb), Jalan tuanku abdul rahman (Jtar), JalanMasjid india
(JMi), and Jalan Petaling (JP). these areamong the popular shopping
streets in the Kualalumpur city centre. as the main shopping
streets in thecity, they are popular with shoppers, receiving
thehighest number of shoppers and tourists (dbKl,2004). all four
shopping streets have a combinationof small independently owned
local businesses andmultinational chain department stores. Major
transitstops (e.g. bus and taxi stops, lrt, KtM or
monorailstations) are found on or adjacent to these streets.Jtar,
JMi, and JP are also the cultural hubs of the cityand have been
earmarked for urban revitalisation.these streets are historic
streets comprised mostly ofold buildings mixed with some new ones
introduced inrecent years (uJang & shaMsudin, 2012). Jbb,
on
table 2. street-level sociability survey structure
(source:authors)
table 1. operationalized street level sociabilitycharacteristics
(source: authors).
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the other hand, is a modern shopping street with most-ly new
mega shopping and office complexes. theviews of the streets are
shown in figure 1 below.
the respondents were randomly selectedbased on time interval
technique. the sample size wasbased on the accuracy required for
the sample as wellas the extent of the variations that existed in
the pop-ulation selected. a total of 332 respondents was
therequired sample size and was calculated based on themaximum
acceptable error (5.5% sampling error) at95% confidence level.
Quota sampling was used toensure that the samples accurately
reflect relevantsub-groups in a target population. for example,
dueto the multi-cultural nature of the street users in thestudy
area and to ensure accuracy of the results, therandom selection of
the respondent should corre-spond to the dominant multi-cultural
nature of eachstreet as a quota.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSIONS
Socio-demographic Characteristics and IndividualSociability
Levela total of 332 respondents took part in the survey and45.9 %
were male while 53.8% were female. theyrepresented the key users of
the places: office workers,street vendors, shoppers, visitors,
students and resi-dents. almost 85% of the respondents
wereMalaysians and the remaining 15% were non-Malaysian which were
mostly tourists (n=48). themajority of the non-Malaysian
respondents was fromsouth east asia and followed by
Middle-easternrespondents. based on the preliminary observation,the
respondents’ nationalities in Jbb were more
diverse compared to the other streets. in term of eth-nicity,
the majority (85.5%) of the respondents wereMalaysians; Malays
(51.1%), chinese (26.1%), andindians (17.2%). the remaining (5.6%)
was from otherraces.
the majority of respondents (78%) were in theeconomically active
group aged between 21 and 55years old. Meanwhile the majority came
from house-holds of between 2-5 peoples. the Malaysian
nationalaverage household is 5. Most of the respondents(82.7%) had
tertiary education. however, slightly morethan half (55.5%) was
employed while the rest werestudents, housewives, and the elderly
(possiblyretirees). of those employed, they included
full-time/part-time workers, workers in the private/governmentor
involved in businesses. the majority (68%) of thosewho participated
had less than rM5000 monthlyincome. the street users’ attitudes and
tendenciestowards engaging in social activities are one of
thenon-built environmental factors associated with
streetsociability. table 3 shows that respondents tend to
par-ticipate in social activities in the shopping streets(mean=3.5
of 5). however, their social attitudes indi-cate that they are less
active in social activities (Mean≤ 3). this might be caused by
several reasons such aslack of time, poor weather condition, and
unsatisfac-tory conditions of the shopping streets.
the following is a description of the findings relatingto the
individual sociability level as presented in (table3).
Street Users Travel Patternthe study found that shopping is the
main purpose ofthe majority of the respondents in all four streets.
thehighest score was JMi (87.8%) followed by socialgathering and
leisure activities (35.5% and 33.3% inJP and Jbb, respectively).
going to office and workinghad the lowest scores compared to other
trip purpose.to better focus on respondents’ travel
experiences,they were asked to select their reasons for not
willingto spend more time in these streets. Personal or
familyproblems, weather condition, unsatisfactory conditionof
streets, lack of time and individual’s negative atti-tude toward
being in the public were recorded.respondents (72%) in all four
shopping streetsclaimed that lack of time is the major reason that
theycould not spend more time in the shopping street.
the respondents stated the most identifiableproblems existing in
the shopping street. some of theproblems highlighted by the
respondents are: lack ofpublic transport/ feeling inconvenient,
inadequate orunattractive street activities, Poor quality of
walkwaysand street facilities, poor amenities, inadequate seat-
figure 1. views of JMi (top left), Jtar (top right), JP (bot-tom
left) and Jbb (bottom right) (source: field survey,authors)
table 3. descriptive statistics of the street users'
individualsociability level (source: authors)
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ng*ing spaces in the street and also the lack of safety from
crime and traffic. respondents in all four shoppingstreets
studied pointed to the lack of safety as the mostidentifiable
problem, and poor accessibility and park-ing provision as the
second most identifiable problemexisting in the streets (figure
2).
the
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