K L AU S Vo N d r oV E C

Coinage of the Nezak

1 Cf. the contribution of Minoru Inaba in this volume.2 I will refer to numbers introduced by Göbl 1967 and subsequent supplementa by the term ‘type’; in English literature the abbreviation

‘NumH’ has been established which I will also use.3 “nyčky MLKʾ”; there have been several different readings, e.g. Göbl 1967: nspk; Harmatta 1969: 408 and Frye 1974: nyčky.4 Grenet, Nezak.5 Göbl 1967/I: 135: Bubalus arnee bubalis.

According to numismatic evidence, the Nezak Shahs are the fourth group of the Iranian Huns apart fromthe Kidarites, the Alkhan Huns and the Genuine Hephthalites. While the coin production of the other threegroups seems to come to a clear end at some point, it is the coinage of the Nezak that evolves into what iscalled Western Turkic. Literary evidence from the seventh century and thereafter, originating from Arabor Chinese sources, gives us some important glimpses into the Nezak and definitely needs to be taken intoconsideration.1 Matching it with numismatic data is not an easy task. Literary sources were compiled byadversaries of the Huns or the Nezak, for that matter, and only centuries after the events described occurred,but it is their coinage that has remained unaltered. It was conceived, produced and distributed by the veryauthorities under investigation and thus is primary evidence of the highest value. Yet the lack of detailedreports on coin finds or excavation results in general greatly limits the potential of present numismaticanalysis, so that in many cases only a relative chronology can by established. This needs to be cross-ref-erenced with all kind of available evidence from neighbouring disciplines, but as of now, this is often verymuch work in progress, so that we will encounter grave difficulties.

This article relies mainly on coinage for the greater goal of summing up all numismatic arguments anddisplaying the often quite complex strings of typology in a comprehensive way. In order to achieve furthercorrespondence with other disciplines in the future and to bring numismatic, literary sources as well as ar-chaeology or art history into line, the key arguments of numismatics shall be presented on the followingpages.2

The name Nezak has been read from their Pehlevi coin legends in the first place3, but is also attested inwritten accounts.4 From the numismatic point of view the Nezak coinage appears with some unique featuresfrom its very beginning that have no prototypes in other coinages. Unlike the Alkhan Huns, who only grad-ually built up an individual coinage, striking their first coins using altered Sasanian coin dies with the wordαλχαννο added to them, the Nezak coinage comes into being with an already fully developed typology ofits own. The most prominent feature is the buffalo’s head on top of their crowns, but also the ‘sun-wheels’above the heads of the attendants on the reverse are unprecedented. It seems noteworthy that it is a (black)buffalo5 and not a bull or a Zebu, for the horns are clearly of a ribbed appearance, as can be observed onall clear specimens.

Yet the buffalo’s head on a winged crown, together with the Pehlevi legend on the obverse, and a firealtar with two attendants with wheels above their heads on the reverse is one of the most frequently issuedcoin types, which we can observe for centuries well into the late seventh and early eight century. The earliestNezak coinage, however, comprises only four drachm types that were struck in huge numbers along witha number of obols.

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Grouping these early drachms has led to the observation that their coinage is divided into two differentgroups or mints6 that differ in style and also in the last letter of the obverse legend which can either be theletter š (šhin) or ā (āleph). Although this character is separated from the rest of the legend in the upper leftobverse field it is merely the last letter of MLKA, written in a different style or handwriting. Göbl 1967 hastentatively attributed the š-type to the mint of Ghazni and the ā-type to Kabul. Alram 2000 referred to themas group I and group II.

š – TYPE ā – TYPE

When the entire material from this ‘classical period’ is grouped one reaches the conclusion that the š-typestarted earlier than the ā-type.7 This can be claimed for stylistic reasons, but there is also a feature that dis-tinguishes them quite clearly. on the earliest issues of types 217 and 221, the snout of the bull points down-wards into the crescents. Thus far, I could not find any specimen that shows traces of a bridle. on the latertypes 222 (š) and 198 (ā), the bull is facing to the right and regularly wears a bridle. Because of this andthe very similar contour of the skulls, the issues of 222 and 198 are believed to be contemporaneous.

INITIAL dATE oF THE NEZAK

In order to establish the initial date of the coinage of the Nezak Shahs, numismatics offers several arguments.All of them suggest they started striking coins in the late fifth century. The main features of the buffalo’shead, the peculiar Pehlevi legend and the wheels above the heads of the attendants are unique inventionsof the Nezak Shahs. But some features were adopted from Sasanian coinage and thus indicate that they wereused by the Nezak at a somewhat later point (termini post quos) – although we do not know exactly howmuch later they appeared on the Nezak coinage. All the more consideration needs to be paid to every otherdetail that can be of use.

The reverse design of the Nezak drachms features the same Zoroastrian fire-altar with two attendantsas Sasanian drachms, only with wheels or rosettes above their heads. As a consequence, the attendants aremuch shorter. The attendants carry long barsom-bundles that are found only on Sasanian drachms untilYazdgerd II (438–457); on Peroz’ coins they are abandoned from the very beginning. In contrast to theirobvious Sasanian prototype they reach down to the base-line. The same is true for the crowns of the atten-dants which are composed of mural elements. These features are changed in the Sasanian coinage from thefirst crown of Peroz onwards. Instead of long bundles, the attendants are folding their arms or raising one

217 221 222 198

6 Göbl 1967/II: 71–89.7 Göbl 1967/I: 154 and Göbl 1967/II: 50 and 71ff.

170 Klaus Vondrovec

arm towards the flames; also their crowns are cap-like and touch the border of dots. So if the reverse of theNezak was created in the sixth century, we would definitely assume that the newer features were adoptedfrom the Sasanians.

The winged crown also has its iconographic roots in Sasanian coinage. Wings are frequently found onSasanian crowns: in our rough timeframe Wahram IV (388–399) and Peroz´ third crown (c. 474–484) areof immediate interest. on the crown of Wahram, the wings are attached to the diadem at both sides of thehead so that they overlap each other in the side view. It is curious that the same crown design is reproducedby the Kidarites on type 18 but only with a three-quarter frontal bust.8 Therefore, this type shows a crownwith a wing protruding at each side. There is also a single dinar type from Wahram IV in a three-quarterfront view.9

on Sasanian coins, the symmetrical depiction of the wings to the left and the right of the crown was firstused on Peroz´s third crown. This crown was adopted after he was defeated and taken prisoner by the Hep-hthalites in 474 CE.10 Additionally, he had to pay 30 mule-loads of drachms as ransom and leave his eldestson Kawad hostage in the Hephthalite court. It is not entirely clear how the wings are attached; they seemto be fixed somewhere at or above the crown-cap. In fact they are neither connected to the diadem nor fixedto a central point above the crown cap or the stand of the crescent on top, seen only as late as on Khusro’sII (591–628) crown.

on all of the Nezak coin-types, the wings are undoubtedly attached to the diadem. Therefore, robertGöbl11 had argued that they were not necessarily inspired by Peroz´ third crown and he consequently datedtype 217 earlier, at around 460 CE.12 Still, it stands to reason that the wings were adopted from Peroz’ thirdcrown as such with only just a different fastening to the crown. The Sasanians would not have copied themif they were a prominent feature of any Huna clan. So the wings in the Nezak crown provide the latest ter-minus post quem, which is only just 474 CE.

The bust of the king is based on a vegetal element. This feature was initially developed on Sasanian seals.on Sasanian coins it can be observed on drachms of Wahram IV and Yazdgerd I, although it is of a verydifferent design. The actual wing or leaf-like shape is featured on coins of the Alkhan who adopt it fromtheir earliest stage of the issues of their so-called Anonymous Clan rulers onwards. In their classical phase

Yazdgerd II 217 Peroz’ 1st crown

8 Cf. the contribution of Joe Cribb in this volume, fig. 50.9 SNS III, type IV/3; A 68.10 Cf. SNS III/1: 414–419.11 Göbl 1967/I: 134 and Göbl 1967/II: 50, Emissionsschema 4.12 Errington and Curtis 2007: 99–100 and table 5.

171Coinage of the Nezak

it is strongly curved and gives the overall impression of wings rather than of leafs or branches. on the latercoins of the Alkhan, it becomes smaller; the two sides are merely segments of a circle with some verticalstrokes underneath. In a medium stage it can be seen on drachms of the Nezak. Its wing-shaped characteris still recognizable on both the š-type (217, 221 and 222) and the ā-type (198). on the group of the Alkhan-Nezak crossover (types 225–235), we can see this ornament in its latest stage.

Another numismatic peculiarity is the existence of a considerable number of obols. From the origin ofthis denomination in the classical Greek era in the sixth century BCE they are to be regarded as sixths ofdrachms. In Iran they were struck in the later Parthian and in the Sasanian period. It is the general opinionthat they were issued for special occasions. However, we have observed that this denomination shows agreater range of typological variety, but that is even truer for copper coins, because there was probably muchless regulation imposed on the latter. Just recently, two obols have come to light in the Aman ur rahmancollection that could be attributed to the Þαo αλχανo group of the Alkhan Huns.13 All other obols of theIranian Huns belong to the š-type of the Nezak Shah; in most cases the letter in the upper right obverse fieldis clearly legible.

only when one also takes the Sasanian obols into consideration do they become relevant for the initialdate of the Nezak Shah. There are a considerable number of Nezak obol types so it seems only logical thatthey were struck in some correspondence with or at least not long after the Sasanians stopped issuing thisdenomination. In Sasanian coinage, obols cease to be struck in the late phase of the reign of Kawad. Thelatest date that is clearly legible is the 30th regnal year, equal to 518/519 CE.14 Except for types 224A andprobably 224B, the Nezak obols match the style of the drachms closely. Types 218, 218B, 219 and 224 evenbelong to the earlier phase of the Nezak š-type, for the snout of the buffalo on the crown is pointing downinto the crescent; on types 219A, 220, 220A and 224A it is facing to the right side. So the entire phenomenonof Nezak obols might start even before 515 and must come to an end well before 560 CE in any case.

As an example for the range of typological variation mentioned above we may note the presence of hithertounknown symbols, namely S61 in some of its variants. This tamga will appear again much later, such as intype 245 of Sangolo / Pangul.15 There are also reverse types showing a fire altar with ribbons instead of at-tendants (type 218A or 219), another version with tamgas S61 instead (type 224). Type 220 shows the bustsof a braided woman and beardless young man with short hair facing each other, which is obviously a mar-riage topos.16 The types 224 and 224A have a cross-legged seated figure on the reverse, as it is commonlydepicted in wall paintings and metalwork etc. or even coinage.

218A 219 220 all x 1.5

13 Vondrovec 2008 with a complete inventory of all Nezak obol types.14 Schindel 2004/I, p. 486 gives the 30th anniversary of Kawad as a possible explanation for issuing obols.15 There are different readings of the name of the issuer: Humbach 1998 has read Pangul, Alram 1986 σανγoλo and Göbl 1967

πανoγoλo.16 Cf. the silver bowl from the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, S1987.105; Gunter and Jett 1992 No. 25, p. 125f.

172 Klaus Vondrovec

17 Cf. the contribution of Michael Alram and Matthias Pfisterer in this volume.18 Göbl too has established f 515 CE as the initial date for both the types 198 and 222.19 This phrase was coined by Grenet 2002: 205; Kuwayama 1998: 346–349 has proposed a strikingly different arrangement and a

much later chronology for the Nezak. From the numismatic point of view it is implausible that the first issuer of a buffalo’s headcrown had been Khingila and that he should be dated in the mid-sixth century.

20 Grenet, Nezak.21 Inaba 2005: 2.22 Kuwayama 1998: 344.23 Chavannes 1903: 131, note 4.24 Harmatta 1969: 395ff. and Harmatta 1996: 373ff.25 Kuwayama 1991: 332ff. and Kuwayama 1998: 336ff.

CoNCLUSIoN

It has been discussed that Peroz´ third crown, adopted in c. 474 CE, is the latest terminus post quem (t.p.q.)for the Nezak coin types. And yet a terminus post quem can only just give a date later than and does notnecessarily give any hints on how much time had passed for the events to take place. on the other hand, ifout of several relations to Sasanian coinage there are none later than 474 CE, we can simply rule out theidea that the Nezak started minting only in the mid-sixth century.

Considering a wider historic picture of Bactria it can only be assumed that the Nezak Shahs, althoughthey are definitely located south of the Hindukush, also started their own coin production as a consequenceor in the aftermath of the death of Peroz at the hands of the Genuine Hephthalites. Peroz’ third crown wascopied as the main coin type 287 by the Hephthalites very accurately, with only the four dots at the obverserim and the Bactrian ηβ in the right obverse field plus the mint signature of βαχλο (Balkh) on the reverse.17

And it would seem that in the very same manner, the Nezak were inspired by the wings of Peroz´s crown,although they created a more distinctive design than the Hephthalites. The Bactrian docu ment I from thearchives of rōb, dated in the year 260 (= 482/483 CE), is the earliest evidence of a Heph thalite tax, leviedeven when Peroz was still alive.

So I assume that the š-group started at 484/490 CE with type 217 and 221. The ā-group with type 198has to be placed somewhat later for stylistic reasons, and therefore, might have begun at 500/515 CE, atabout the same time as type 222.18

LITErArY EVIdENCE

In order to at least narrow down the initial date of the Nezak coinage, it seems that we must depend entirelyon numismatic evidence, as all the literary sources originate from a much later period and also deal withit. Their interpretation has again led to a markedly different picture.19 It seems commonly accepted that theNezak were a local dynasty in Kapisi in the seventh century who at times ruled over Gandhara.20

The period from 560 CE onwards would be that of the Western Turks, although it is not clear how andforemost when they gained power over Bactria and the Hindukush-region. Minoru Inaba states that “grad-ually having extended their power, they came to be independent ...”21 The Western Turks were in leaguewith the Sasanians in their combined victory over the Hephthalites in c. 560 CE and consequently gainedpower not only of Transoxiana, but also over Bactria. According to Xuanzhang, the Chinese pilgrim whovisited Kapisi in 629 CE, “.. the Turks have lived in the mountain area between Zabulistan and Kapisi”. Weshould keep this in mind when we consider that the T´ang Shu mentions that the ruler of Cao in Jibin(Kapisi) was wearing a ‘golden buffalo crown’ in 658 CE.22 At the time, parts of Bactria and also some re-gions south of the Hindukush had become a Chinese protectorate. It is further reported that at this point therule of the king Ho-hie-tche had lasted for 13 years and that he was the twelfth successor of the first kingHing-ye on the throne.23 This name has been translated as Xingil24 or Khingal.25

173Coinage of the Nezak

26 Kuwayama 1989; Kuwayama 1999; Grenet 2002; Grenet, Nezak.27 The overstrikes have been included in Alram 1996, No. 78 and 79; the entire ensemble from the hoard is published in Alram 2000.28 Göbl 1967/II: 70–71.29 According to the information provided by Harry Falk a possible reading would be śri Ehata or śri Ehato.30 Alram 2000: 129.

Now the conclusion does not necessarily have to be that the Alkhan Huns, with Khingila as their first kingwhom we know by name from his coins, had their capital in Kapisi for almost two centuries. Neither wasit Khingila who started or even maintained the production of the winged buffalo’s crown coinage. on thecontrary, it is nothing else but a terminus ante quem for the existence of the buffalo crown. This crown hadexisted long before the seventh century and most probably continued to be struck on coins for yet anotherperiod afterwards, as will briefly be shown in the course of this article. I also do not see the necessity thatthe Kabul-area shared the same history as Gandhara from the fifth century onwards. If the identification ofHing-ye with Khingila is correct, we can merely observe that some dynastic link existed between the rulersof Kapisi and the Alkhan in the middle of the seventh century. robert Göbl had established the theory thatat least a part of the Alkhan migrated back into the Kabul area in the late sixth century, which ultimatelyresulted in a group of coinage he labelled Alchon-Nezak-Mischgruppe, which I call “Alkhan-Nezak-crossover”. To refer to the issuers of the winged buffalo’s crown as Khingal-dynasty26 does not seem jus-tified to me; their coin legend clearly labels them as nycky MLKA – Nezak Shah.

THE HoArd oF KABUL

In the 1990s, a hoard consisting of a large number of copper drachms of type 150 came on the coin marketthat was reportedly found near Kabul. 447 specimens out of a once probably much bigger ensemble werebrought together by Peter Ilisch and published by Michael Alram.27 The type 150 was issued by a king ofthe Alkhan Huns referred to as Narana-Narendra who appears to have been a successor of Mihirakula.

Among the 447 pieces in the hoard, two overstruck coins have attracted a lot of attention. They werestruck on drachms of type 198 of the Nezak ā-type instead of blank flans. The clearest overstruck coin fromthe hoard has been presented to the Münzkabinett of the KHM and recently two more overstrikes of thesame type but of unknown provenance were donated to the collection.

In 528 or 532 CE Mihirakula, the king of the Alkhan Huns in Gandhara, suffered a major defeat by analliance of Indian principalities. Ultimately, the Alkhan lost their power over Gandhara; allegedly a part ofthem retreated to Kashmir under Mihirakula who must have died around 540. robert Göbl had postulatedthe idea that some decades later a part of the Alkhan migrated back over the Khyber-pass into the widerarea of Kapisi/Kabul or Ghazni under the successor of Mihirakula, by the name of Narana or Narendra.Göbl 1967/II: 70 dated his reign to c. 570/580–600 CE and assumed that he might have led back a part ofhis clan at the end of his reign.28 This would ultimately result in the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group. In thisgroup, the crown of type 150 is placed on the bust of a Nezak king.

(JAYATU) NArENdrA

Before we go into further detail it has to be stated that the attribution of type 150 to Narana is based mainlyon stylistic arguments. The basic design of the crown is clearly derived from the late phase of the Alkhancoinage in Gandhara.

There are three distinct variants of type 150. on the first variant, there is a Brahmi legend that is oftenunclear.29 It was read by Alram as śri sahi na.30 Most specimens with the legend are of copper and showtraces of a fire altar and two attendants at the reverse. only very recently, some rare clearer specimens oftype 150 have come to my attention that show a wheel or rather a circle above the heads of the attendantson the reverse; they all belong to the first variant. This was initially introduced by the Nezak and only occurson their coinage and those of the succeeding types, including type 223 of σηρo, see below.

174 Klaus Vondrovec

on all specimens known with this full legend, the king is holding a bunch of plants that consists of a kindof fruit or ear of some grain or crop, a straight leaf and yet another ear. on the second variant, the king isholding the same kind of plant. There are no traces of a reverse die and the legend is only śrī but mostlyno traces of it can be seen. on the third variant the king is holding a plant with only the straight leaf andone ear of grain.

on type 138 the Brahmi obverse legend jayatu – bharaṇa can be read quite clearly.31 The design is howeverdifferent from type 150. There is only one crescent attached to the diadem instead of two and the king iswearing a double-pearl earring instead of the ring-shaped version; we can still observe the same depictionof the ribbons. Type 150 stylistically follows this type, although on a later level. Alram 1996 published thehitherto unknown coin type 150B, where at one o’clock, the two minute Brahmi characters na ra can beread, although they are very tiny.32 Interestingly enough, there is a buffalo’s head on top of the crown whichmight suggest some relation to the Nezak. So at this point and without any further new information, thepossibility exists that type 150 was struck by a successor of jayatu bharaṇa.

Based merely on the coin legends combined with their typological evidence, it would not seem imper-ative that Narana is equal to Narendra.33 Those types with the Brahmi legend Jayatu Narendra show the por-trait of the king in the very same ‘Indianized’ style, with a different crown and an elongated earlobe (types171, 172, 173, 174A, 174B, 175 and 176). All of these are copper denominations and were struck on ratherthick flans. Stylistically, they loosely belong to the group of the successors of Mihirakula, referred to as ‘lo-cal rulers’ by Göbl.34

138 150B 150 var. 1 150 var. 2 150 var. 3

171 174A

31 I am referring to the reading provided by Harry Falk.32 Alram 1996: No. 59.33 Göbl 1967/II: 70 came to the opposite conclusion.34 ‘Unsichere Stadtfürsten’, Göbl 1967/I: 126ff. (Types 177–193) and Göbl 1967/II: 70.

175Coinage of the Nezak

In Kalhaṇa’s rājataraṅgiṇī, the chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir, the name is given twice: I, 347 mentionsNarendrāditya with the second name of Khiṅkhila (as the son of Gokarṇa), the son of whom was Yudhiṣṭhira I.III, 383 mentions Narendrāditya with the second name of Laẖkhaṇa (as son of Yudhiṣṭhira II). In the past,the second names have led to various speculations about both Khingila and Laẖkhaṇa rather than on Naren-dra, because both can clearly be read from coins. Although the rājataraṅgiṇī was compiled much later, wemight consider that there were two kings by that name, since numismatics came to the same conclusion in-dependently.

So the conclusion at this point is that Narendra was a ruler in succession of Mihirakula who minted coinsprobably in Kashmir or maybe in Gandhara. He might have been king of the part of the Alkhan Huns thatstayed in Gandhara despite the defeat of Mihirakula. Narana on the other hand, a successor of Mihirakulatoo, was the king who led back another part of the Alkhan Huns over the Khyber-pass into the Kapisi /Kabul and/or the Ghazni area where type 150 might have been issued. For the purpose on hand, we will as-sume that type 150 was issued by Narana who was definitely a ruler of the Alkhan Huns, rooted in Gandhara.This type is probably the latest of the Alkhan coinage. Although this name is not attested on type 150, weshall call him by the name of Narana as a working hypothesis, for the lack of a better one.

oVErSTrIKES TYPE 150 oN 198

All three coins shown here have been overstruck by Narana’s type 150 of the third variant with the kingholding a plant with two leaves. other than on the specimen from the hoard of Kabul, the obverse of type198 was overstruck by the obverse of type 150 on the other two examples. The issue here is to establishwhere the overstrikes were minted and at about what time.

MK Gr 42.33735 MK Gr 43.240 MK Gr 43.2413,19g; 26,3mm 3.32g; 26,5mm 3.81g; 25,7mm

35 This coin has also been published as Inv.-No. MK Gr 3.384x.

176 Klaus Vondrovec

The phenomenon of overstrikes is quite rare and certainly was not the usual way of producing coins. In themonetary history of the Iranian Huns, coins of Tobazini36 (type 32 and its variants) were overstruck at times;the group that was overstruck most often is the copper type 152 of Mihirakula on type 120 of Toramana.There are other examples that may be of some interest. In 260 CE, the Sasanians seized the roman mintsof Antiochia and Samosata; obviously a number of drachms were struck on blank roman flans they cap-tured.37 Copper coins of Shapur II are known of that were struck on coins of Licinius I. (308–324) or Valens(364–378)38 which does not provide us with any conclusive picture. When the Alkhan Huns captured theeastern-most mint of the Sasanians, probably Kabul, during the reign of Shapur III (383–388)39 they tookover their equipment and continued minting with altered coin-dies that bear either the legend αλχανο orthe tamga S1 but they did not overstrike proper coins – at least none have come to light yet. To regard over-strikes entirely as an obvious way of superimposing an enemy seem to be an appalling idea, but the primaryreason for overstriking proper coins had always been an urgent demand for more money. obviously therewas not enough time to melt down enough metal in order to produce flans.

First of all, the overstruck coins seem to corroborate robert Göbl´s view on the return of at least a partof the Alkhan Huns from Gandhara into the wider region of Kapisi/Kabul.40 To me, all three coins used asflans seem to be of a very similar style of type 198. What we can deduct from these overstrikes in orderto ascertain an absolute date for the Nezak is in fact very little. It has been mentioned that both types werestruck in huge numbers over a considerable period of time. Both of them too are found in hoards that ex-clusively consist of the type in question.

The location of the so-called hoard of Kabul at this site might provide some clues for type 150. It seemsonly logical that a big hoard consisting only of one single coin-type was buried rather close to the mint. Soit should be taken into consideration that type 150 was already struck on the move of the Alkhan, probablysomewhere in the Kabul area and not in Gandhara.41 Those issues prior to type 150 were definitely struckin Gandhara and are part of the late Alkhan-series.

THE LATEr PHASE oF THE NEZAK SHAH

The question arises whether the overstrikes mark the end of production for type 198 or not. We cannot besure whether the re-migration of a part of the Alkhan Huns from Gandhara into the area of Kabul or Ghazniin the late sixth century42 was a peaceful event or if there was a major clash that has possibly brought anend to either the š- or the ā-group. robert Göbl assumed that the š-group which he had tentatively locatedin Ghazni fell under Sasanian control in 560 CE and consequently stopped its production of coins with thewinged crown with a buffalo’s head.43 The ā-group he believed continued to be struck well into the late sev-enth century, when this area had become a Chinese protectorate. Michael Alram too supposed that the issueof type 198 was merely interrupted by the re-migrating Alkhan and that it continued afterwards.44 As willalso be shown in the course of this article, there are several coin-types that seem to continue both groupsof the Nezak. However, then there is also the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group that combines the crown ofthe issuer of type 150 with the bust of a Nezak king.

Both the š-type 222 and the ā-type 198 are among the most numerously struck issues of the Iranian Huns.Yet they undergo different developments in later phases that shall be presented only along crude outlines. Boththe š- and the ā-type have a typological ‘afterlife’ and there is also the issue of the Alkhan-Nezak crossover.

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36 Cf. the contribution of Michael Alram and Matthias Pfisterer in this volume.37 SNS I: 85–87.38 SNS III, No. 49 and A10.39 Schindel 2004/I: 282ff. has considered that this mint was captured in late 384 or 385 CE.40 Cf. Alram 2000: 133.41 Alram 2000: 133.42 The date of this re-migration cannot be established properly, depending on the reign of the issuer of type 150 whom Göbl dated c.

570/580–600; cf. Göbl 1967/II: 70–71.43 Göbl 1967/II: 74.44 Alram 2000: 133.

222 (Late Style) 198 (copper flan)

45 Pfisterer (forthcoming).46 Grenet Nezak.

We can not establish an absolute date for the later stages of 222 and 198 properly or for the very end oftheir production, for that matter. There are no any new typological influences. So I can only assume bothtypes were struck unaltered at least until c. 560 CE when the allied forces of the Sasanians and the WesternTurks defeated the Genuine Hephthalites. We have no information on the immediate effects of this eventon the areas south of the Hindukush. during the late sixth century a part of the Alkhan Huns seems to havemigrated back from Gandhara into the area of Kabul or Ghazni.

In any case type 198, as well as the types 217, 221 and 222 of the š-type, started to be minted on flansof pure silver when they were introduced. The immediate stylistic successor of types 217 and 221 is type222 which is also the most numerous among them. Type 222 could further be divided into various sub-groups. robert Göbl had defined no fewer than six different groups, 222/I–222/VI, whereas I decided totake one step back again and just separate an early (222/I–III and 222/VI) from a late style (222/IV–V). Inthe late-style group the head of the king gradually becomes more oval. The alloy seems to be debasing toa certain degree, yet I do not know any specimen that seems to be made of copper.

Type 198 gives a more uniform stylistic impression than type 222 but there is an almost total debasementof the silver content. Matthias Pfisterer has closely investigated a lot of 125 coins of type 198 of copperishappearance that seem to be part of a once much larger hoard. He has been able to separate in fact severalgroups of diverging style and has also conducted metal analyses; his results are forthcoming.45 obviouslyan enormous amount of this type has been produced, as is suggested by the total numbers of specimensknown – this is true even if we discard all hoard finds which naturally distort the absolute numbers. Nowwe could deduce that this was the result of an exceptionally long production period, although a rapid emis-sion of coins could also happen within in quite a short time, if for example a war demanded huge amountsof money and the resources of silver were running low.

The total numbers of known coins of the š-type seem to be smaller at present, but new hoard finds couldchange this picture dramatically in the future, and coins of copperish look are absent. This is an indicationthat its production ended earlier than that of 198. However, the Nezak groups show quite different stylisticdevelopments and likewise the end of their production is to be seen rather separately and not as a joint event.

Although there is no proof, the overstrikes nonetheless might hint that the Alkhan Huns seized the mintof type 198 and brought its production to an end. We do not know if or for how long those specific coinsof type 198 were in circulation before they were overstruck. And we can still not establish an accurate dateof the re-migration of the Alkhan which we can only approximately assume in c. 580 CE. But we can seeclearly both types 150 and 198 had reached an equal level of – almost total – metal debasement at the timeof the overstrikes. So it is not very likely that type 198, as was generally believed, was struck for some ad-ditional 80–100 years, until after 658 CE, after it had reached the bottom of its silver content.

NUMISMATIC rELATIoNS ALKHAN – NEZAK

Although the question whether the Nezak had gained control over parts of Gandhara46 at times is not settled,it shall be pointed out that there are several numismatic relations between them and the Alkhan. The vegetal

178 Klaus Vondrovec

element beneath the bust is not the only feature in the early types of the Nezak that directly relates themto the Alkhan. Although it has its roots in Sasanian sigillography, it was developed into that peculiar almostwing-like shape by the Alkhan Huns. It can be observed as early as the Anonymous Clan-rulers, so it wasshaped in the early fifth century as has already been pointed out here. other typological links refer to muchlater phases of the Alkhan coinage. It has been mentioned that on several coins of type 150 var. 1 there arewheels above the attendant’s heads; this was actually believed to be characteristic feature of the Nezak.

A buffalo’s head on top of the crown was in fact used on some later Alkhan coin types as well, althoughit is never in combination with wings and only just the head without any traces of the neck. Consideringthe arguments mentioned above, it is clear that it was adopted by the Alkhan from the Nezak and not theother way round.

Göbl 1967 already knew of type 76, only the images that were available at that time were not clear enoughto identify its crown properly. When type 150A was introduced Göbl expressed the idea that the Nezakmight have extended their influence over Gandhara.47 Ultimately, the Alkhan rule over Gandhara came toan end in the decades following the defeat of Mihirakula in c. 528/532 CE and they moved at least partlyback into the Kabul-Kapisi region afterwards. But we do not know for certain if the Alkhan buffalo’s headis to be understood as a sign of dominance or submission towards the Nezak, we could as well think of adynastic link between them and maybe a branch of the Nezak. However, it is only just a buffalo’s head withno traces of a neck; whether the horns are ribbed or not is unclear too. Although it is stylistically quite dif-ferent from the buffalo head on the Nezak Shah crowns, it is clear proof that there had been a longer lastingrelation of some kind before a part of the Alkhan finally left Gandhara for the Kapisi / Kabul area.

The motif of the king holding a flower or other objects is absent from the very uniform typology ofSasanian drachms. Merely the small bust in front of the face of Zamasp (496–499) is depicted with an armbelow the head holding a diadem. The type of the Hephthalite prince of type 287A holding a cup is to beexcluded from these considerations, for it shows the entire upper torso of the figure. The peculiar form wefind on the drachms under investigation here shows the bust of the king in very much the same size as usual,only beneath the bust there is a somewhat down-scaled arm; the hand is depicted very lifelike so that wecan see exactly how the fingers clutch whatever object they are holding.

76 150B 76B 150A

47 Göbl 1981: 181; Alram 2000 published type 150B. 76B is so far unpublished.

179Coinage of the Nezak

62 75A 76B 150 234

255

48 Göbl 1981.

This topos seems to have been developed by the Alkhan on type 62. This coin-type is inscribed μηo in Bac-trian and there is good reason to believe that the intended form was μηιαμo and that Mehama is its Brahmiequivalent. The king is holding a jewel or, judging from the curved stem, a flower. The issuer of type 150is holding a plant or maybe some kind of fruit or crop, and finally the king on type 234 is clearly holdinga flower. Therefore, in this case, a feature is found on classical Alkhan coins, again on those of Narana andon the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group as well. Although the object varies, the depiction of the arm and thehand is of a very similar fashion. Finally, the ruler on type 255 is also holding some kind of object; this typebelongs to a later timeframe. However insignificant this detail might seem, it is definitely a genuine Hunnicfeature that can be found on several different groups of Huna coinage.

There is another unique feature that was developed by the late Alkhan and that is exclusively found there:the ring-shaped pearl earring. It appears on a number of types, 76–78, 82, 308 and finally on 150A48, 150and its variants as well as on 151. It is a peculiar feature of those coin types of the group that overlaps withthe Nezak at its very end. All those types with the buffalo’s head also have it, but it does not show up in theAlkhan-Nezak crossover or later. So it is yet another small piece in the jigsaw-puzzle of the Alkhan as wellas the Nezak chronology that indicates some relation between them. We can only hypothesize some mar-riages or dynastic connections.

180 Klaus Vondrovec

49 Stark 2008: 15ff. Zhoushu 27, 454 (Annals of the Northern Zhou dynasty).50 Schippmann 1990: 57–59; the date given for this event range from 557–561 CE.51 Grenet 2002: 214 “ .. the Turks took a long time, in fact more than a century, before crossing the border of the Hindukush.”52 Göbl 1967/I: 25 and Göbl 1967/II: 74ff.; Schippmann 1990: 58–59; cf. also Gyselen in this volume.53 Among other series a considerable number of these two types are found in modern Uzbekistan, as will be published by Baratowa.54 Cf. Kuwayama 2010.55 Grenet 2002: 214.56 Inaba 2005: 2.57 This issue is frequently countermarked. The most numerous among them is countermark 59A with Bactrian φορο and a yet unla-

belled form showing a head in a Bashlyk facing left; I am continuing the nomenclature of Göbl 1967 who is himself continuing thatof Walker 1941.Mochiri 1983: 122–124 has identified the mint-signature SMr as Samarkand on coins of Peroz which is not attested in SNS III,but also of ohrmazd IV and Khusro II which would imply a much wider area of Sasanian influence.

58 Stark 2008: 16.59 Cf. Also Vondrovec 2008.

THE PErIod oF THE WESTErN TUrKS

Chinese sources mention a Turk Qaγanat for the first time in 542 CE; in 551, after a revolt against therouran in modern Mongolia, the Turks became the predominant power in the central Asian steppes.49 Inc. 560 CE, the Western Turks were the allies of the Sasanians under Khusro I (531–579) in the ultimate de-feat of the Genuine Hephthalites.50

We do at this point still know only little about the political consequences of the defeat of the Hephthalitesin c. 560 CE, but in the end their former territories were taken over by the Turks.51 The Western Turksmight have seized Bactria while the Sasanians, according to Göbl, seized the area of Ghazni.52 A Hephthalitesuccessor-state or -confederation probably continued striking coins of type 288 and 289 north of the riveroxus.53 Probably some other remnants dwelled also south of the Hindukush. The Chinese pilgrim Xu-anzhang who visited Kāpiśī / Begram in 629 CE and provides us with an invaluable picture of this site54,witnessed a nomad population in Badakhsan which he called Ximotalo – this was understood as Heph-thalites.55 However, the Western Turks must have gradually gained control over vast areas both north andsouth of the Hindukush in the sixth and seventh century.56

Bactria might have partially become under Sasanian control at least for some time. during the reign ofohrmazd IV (579–591) the Sasanians seem to have opened a mint in Balkh; there are a number of drachmswith the signature bhl.57 Most of them are from the eleventh regnal year (589/590 CE), but this type seemsto have become immobilized, for there is considerable stylistic debasement. A major part of these drachmsare countermarked. So once again it is not entirely clear who was in control of Balkh or south of the Hin-dukush during the seventh century. As I will attempt to show, the production of coins featuring the wingedbuffalo’s crown was continued until the seventh century.

In AH 31 (651 CE) Yazdgerd III (632–651) was killed in Merw, which effectively ended Sasanian rule;its empire was replaced by the rule of a new super-power, the Muslim Caliphate. The advance of Islamicforces both into Tokharistan in the north and into Zabulistan farther south was opposed by local rulers ofprobably Western Turkish identity.

In the end it took longer than a century for the Arabs to cross the oxus and finally settle their positionagainst Tang China in the battle of Talas in 751 CE. China, at the other end of Central Asia, managed tobring the Western branch of the Qaγanate58 under Tang supremacy in 658 CE and consequently establisheda protectorate in Bactria which also extended south of the Hindukush.

Among the coinage that is now generally labelled ‘Western Turkish’ there are several independent linesof typological development.59 Some of them have their roots in the coinage of the Nezak and evolve withoutany obvious breaks, so it is often impossible to draw a clear line between Nezak and Western Turks. I willfocus on the major numismatic developments that have their origins in the winged buffalo’s head crown.Several other numismatic groups such as that of Phromo Kesoro are therefore not covered by this article.

181Coinage of the Nezak

ALKHAN-NEZAK CroSSoVEr

It is in any case certain that the Alkhan mixed with or overlapped a part of the Nezak-Shahs. This happenedin the late sixth or the early seventh century. The entire group NumH 225–235 shows the crown of the latestAlkhan type 150 on the bust of a Nezak king along with a corrupted version of the same Pehlevi legend;in the upper left field there is always a small tamga S 1 or a similar variant. Göbl labelled it RückwanderndeAlchon (‘returning Alchon’) or Alchon-Nezak Mischgruppe. I would suggest the more neutral term Alkhan-Nezak-crossover group.

The question whether the š-type or the ā-type of the Nezak was transformed into the crossover group cannotbe answered with certainty. It has been outlined that the metal debasement of type 222 did not reach thesame degree as type 198. This has been a main argument next to the reverse design for robert Göbl to as-sume that the š-type had been abandoned. He has further assumed that the Sasanians had gained control ofGhazni for some decades until the re-migration of the Alkhan and the start of the Alkhan-Nezak crossoverat this location.

As remains to be shown, there are coin types that indicate that both the š- and the ā-type had further de-velopments. Type 217 is followed by the Sero group (see below) which was struck at an undetermined pointprobably in the seventh century and type 198 is followed by type 200. Again we cannot be certain whetherthat is the result of a strictly linear typology or maybe of a simultaneous development. So at this point wehave to consider the possibility that during the seventh century there were three major mints in the area ofGhazni – Kapisi/Kabul or even Bamiyan.

It is peculiar that the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group is accompanied by a number of small copper issues;some of them seem to be quite numerous. There are no copper coins that can be associated with the ‘classical’Nezak coin-types. Type 231 should be labelled as half-drachm. Although it is obviously made of copper,it is struck on very thin flans and has an average weight of 2.87 gram. This denomination too is not knownfrom either the Alkhan or the classical Nezak coinage.

Klaus Vondrovec182

150 198

225

222

Coinage of the Nezak 183

SrI SHAHI

The type 225 of the Alkhan-Nezak crossover seems to have served as the model for another group of coin-types. There is a set of types with the Bactrian legend σριο Þαυιο60, and yet another one with Brahmi śrīṣāhi.61 despite the different scripts they form a stylistically uniform group. Along with the group 200–205robert Göbl has attributed them to a ruler bearing the title Shahi Tegin and has suggested a date of c. 700CE.62 This person can probably be identified with Tegin whom we know from Chinese and Arab Sources.He was the son of Barha Tegin who successfully fought the Arabs in AH 46 (666 CE) whom he succeededfrom c. 61 AH (680 CE) to AH 121 (738 CE).63 He was succeeded by his son who called himself PhromoKesaro (Caesar of rome) and is also well attested from coins (Types 247–251).

60 Types 236, 237 (drachms) and 238, 239 (copper).61 Type 252 (drachm), 257 (half-drachm) and 253, 258 (copper).62 Cf. Göbl 1967/II: 85.63 Gyselen 2009: 144; Kuwayama 1999: 65.

225 227 231 234

225 236 252

Klaus Vondrovec184

Both groups with Bactrian and Brahmi legends are accompanied by a number of small copper types, likethe Alkhan-Nezak crossover. I cannot provide any new information regarding their absolute date at thispoint. Yet this group cannot be dated earlier than the second half of the seventh century.

SUCCESSIoN oF THE ā-TYPE

There is a consistent line of coin types that retain both the winged crown with the buffalo’s head and thePehlevi legend, especially the last letter ā. Type 200 is obviously a successor of 198, only with a much largerface of the king, but also the flans are considerably bigger. Many of the some 50 specimens known to meare of good silver, but there are also some pieces of a debased alloy and even of pure copperish appearance.The stylistic difference – the crescent in the crown is much bigger now – suggests that type 200 was mintedafter type 198. However, we cannot determine an accurate date, it might have been struck at a considerablylater time. In his Emissionsschema64 Göbl arranged these types, including 202 and 205, after 700CE, whenhe believed the Chinese protectorate over the Kapisi / Kabul region had ended.

despite some stylistic differences, this group seems to have succeeded the ā-type. Considering that type198 had debased into copper there had obviously been a major restoration or monetary reform, probablythe production of type 198 had been interrupted for some time too. It is curious that on some types, thesnout of the buffalo is pointing downwards into the crescent – this feature is only attested on the earlier is-sues 217 and 221 of the š-type. The crescent of type 200 is much bigger, and on type 205, there is an addi-tional globe therein and the wings are attached to the outer end of the diadem. Nonetheless, all this givesus only a relative terminus post quem. There is no hard evidence to assign an absolute date to this group soI can only tentatively assume type 200 started after c. 600 CE.

There are a number of copper coins featuring the winged buffalo crown of the old Nezak-type that mightbe of interest. I have also labelled them as half drachms, for they are quite carefully executed and are struckon rather big flans of c. 21mm compared to their average weight of about 2.5 grams. A few specimens aremade of billon while the majority seems to be of copper.

64 Göbl 1967/II: 50.

198 200 202 205

on these types we find a large variety of new reverse designs. They all share the tamga S61 with a roundbulge. It either replaced the attendants next to the fire altar or is combined with the moufflon ram of type267 or on the rear of the bull of type 270. on this type, there is actually a bull or a cebu, with plain curvedhorns and a hump.

Type 271 has the Bactrian legend ζoναδo on the central spot of the reverse, instead of a fire-altar, be-tween two tamgas. The Pehlevi legend on the obverse is corrupted, but the crown is still very clear. Wecould possibly assume that this is merely a reference to the god Zhun, also because this is certainly not theproper spot for the name of an issuer. We are, however, reminded of Zhulād of Gōzgān, from whom weknow a number of silver drachms of large diameter with Arabic, Pehlevi and Bactrian legends. The Bactrianlegend in the right obverse field, ζoλooo // γωζoγoνo, identifies him issuer as Zhulād of Gōzgān.65

This group was clearly intended to circulate together with Arab-Sasanian drachms. The basic type wascopied from Khusro II; next to the Bactrian legend there is also the additional border of dots in the reversewhich indicates a terminus post quem of AH 63 (= 682 CE).

Type 272 bears the year 39, the other issues bear the years 66 (NumH 273, 274), 68 (types 275–279) and69 (types 280, 281). Now the question arises what era was used here. If we assume that the Higri era wasemployed – which seems unlikely for these coins were struck by the adversaries of the Arab Governors –this would result in a time frame from 658/659 CE to 688/689 CE. If the Post-Yazdgerd era were to be used,the resulting dates would range from 690/691 CE until 720/721 CE. All types have the Bactrian ομβιρο inthe reverse in common. This indicates they were minted in Amber (= Sar-e Pul, the capital of Gūzgān66).

Coinage of the Nezak 185

65 Sims-Williams 2008; cf. the contribution of rika Gyselen in this volume.66 This was suggested by Minoru Inaba.

203 266A 267 270 271

281

SUCCESSIoN oF THE š-TYPE: SEro

Another very consistent typological string leads to the Bactrian inscribed σηρo-types. The title σηρoτορκο– ser of the Turks – is attested in a Bactrian document S, dated in the year 470 (= 692/693 CE). We may as-sume a Western Turkic identity of the issuers of this group.

only very recently, the two hitherto unrecorded coin-types 223 and 223A have surfaced that link thisgroup even closer to the š-type of the Nezak.67 In fact, this series shows in an exemplary way how coin-types are constantly changing in quite the same way as evolution works on living beings.

robert Göbl believed that the production of the š-type 222, which he had located in Ghazni, was broughtto an end by the Sasanians. In his opinion, the Alkhan Huns moved into this area only some decades laterat around 600 CE and struck the Alkhan-Nezak crossover group (Types 225–235) at this place.68 However,the entire Sero coin-group has its numismatic roots in type 222. The newly published types 223 and 223Acast a new light on this matter because they link these groups even closer together.

The issue here is whether the production in the mint of type 222 went on without interruption or was itonly resumed after a probably considerable amount of time? The stylistic difference between 223 and 223A,on the one hand, and 222, on the other, is arguable. The contour of the head is different and the lapels ofthe draping are fitted with a double pearl rim. Type 223 bears a tamga S61e which I consider to have evolvedinto S104 which is always combined with the Bactrian legend σηρo. only in the next phase (types 241, 242and 312) were the letter š and the buffalo’s head in the crown abandoned. The crown is decorated by a bigcrescent with a jewel inside. The wings and the bust remain unchanged until from type 243 onwards, theribbons at the back of the bust are transformed into snakes that also appear under the crescent where theyemerge from a knot.

In the hoard of Gharwal, a place in the modern Wardak-province of Afghanistan some 50 kilometerseast of Ghazni, there are six drachms of type 242 and one of type 252 with the Brahmi legend śrī ṣāhi, to-gether with a drachm of Peroz’ second crown, a gilded imitation of a Peroz drachm with his third crownplus four gold bracteates.69 This evidence was only collected from trade; there might have been more ob-

222 early 223 223A241

(+ 242, 312) 243B

67 Type 223 was published in Göbl 1993/2 and 223A in Vondrovec 2008.68 Göbl 1967/I: 156 and Göbl 1967/II: 50 (Emissionsschema 4) and pp. 73ff.69 Vondrovec 2007. This hoard was probably a stupa deposit; one of the bracteates was probably manufactured over a coin of type 253

which is a small copper denomination accompanying type 252.

186 Klaus Vondrovec

70 That goes also for type 243A which was published by Göbl 1981; it shows the new tamga S 168 that has the shape of a lily.71 Lee and Sims-Williams 2003.

jects. Leaving aside the bracteates for our purpose, the oldest coin of this ensemble was struck before 474CE but the other two types can only tentatively be dated into the seventh century. That would in any caseindicate a time-span of roughly 200 years for so small an ensemble of a total of seven coins. The types 242and 252 from this find appear to be struck on billon or rather copper flans; moreover they show the verysame kind of patina thus we can assume that they circulated in the same area during the same time.

Virtually all specimens of Type 243 known to me show a double-struck reverse.70 There is a completelynew reverse in what I call type 243B; this variant first came to light in the deposit from Tang-i Safedak.71

In the right reverse field there is the Bactrian legend ραμινο (ramin) which is most probably the name ofa yet unidentified mint. In the left field there is Pehlevi (year) one. The only evidence that can be linkedwith at least some absolute chronological data is the word σηρo of the legend, attested in the year 470 (=692/693 CE). This is only a single fragment of information and not necessarily a proper terminus post quem,but rather a terminus ante quem, because we might assume that this title was also used well before the endof the seventh century. It is however noteworthy, that also in the Sri Shahi group the Pehlevi script was aban-doned in favour of Bactrian.

SUMMArY

I have tried to show that the coin-type of the Nezak Shah, a winged crown with a buffalo’s head on top, wascreated in the late fifth century. during the entire sixth and well into the seventh century we are left witha number of coin types that can only be arranged according to their numismatic typology and their style,and consequently deliver only very preliminary results. A number of ascertained find-spots or coins fromexcavations would desperately be needed. Naturally, all this only provides us with a very unsatisfying rel-ative chronology. Linking numismatic data, which is not very accurate in these respects, with literary sourcesis still more work in progress. Fragments from various sources so disparate leave many questions unan-swered and can be interpreted differently.

The š- and the ā-group of the ‘classical’ Nezak came to an end at some point in the late sixth century.From this time on, the Western Turks have gradually extended their power over Central Asia. obviouslythey continued the production of coins in the same style as it used to be. In the case of the sero group thevery first issue with the Turkic title σηρo – ser – still has the winged crown with the buffalo’s head. So wecan be sure that the buffalo’s head was used on coins well into the seventh or, regarding the half drachms,possibly even until the early eight century.

There are several independent numismatic groups in that period, succeeding the š- and the ā-type as wellas the Alkhan-Nezak crossover and, maybe resulting from the latter, the Sri Shahi-group. during this phasein the seventh century, Pehlevi is gradually abandoned in favour of Bactrian or, in the case of the Sri Shahicoinage, of Brahmi.

187Coinage of the Nezak

72 This nomenclature was maintained and gradually enlarged by various additions by robert Göbl, Michael Alram and myself.

ILLUSTrATIoNS

This is a list of all the coins used for illustration with their technical data and information regarding theirlocation. In the text there is either a reference number or their type-number according to the system estab-lished by Göbl 196772. They are arranged according to their appearance in this article.

Type / ref. Issuer, denomInaTIon, TechnIcal daTa locaTIon

217 Nezak-Shah: š-type, drachm, 3,48g, 3h, 27,2mm Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.124221 Nezak-Shah: š-type, drachm, 3,73g, 3h, 27,2mm Bern: ex Coll. Göbl, 68.1281 222 (Early Style) Nezak-Shah: š-type, drachm, 3,45g, 3h, 27,3mm Paris: ex Coll. Widemann, 1979.143.20 198 Nezak-Shah: ā-type, drachm, 3,06g, 4h, 26,4mm Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.354 SNS III, Ib1/2c Yazdgerd II, drachm, 3,98g, 3h, 29mm Wien KHM: MK or 6498SNS III, I/1a Peroz, drachm, 3,65g, 3h, 27mm Wien KHM: MK or 6477218A Nezak-Shah: š-type (Ghazni ?), obol, 0,55g, 3h, 14,9mm Aman ur rahman, 714219 Nezak-Shah: š-type (Ghazni ?), obol, 0,53g, 3h, 15mm London BM: 1922.4.24.4642220 Nezak-Shah: š-type (Ghazni ?), obol, 0,68g, 1h, 12mm Aman ur rahman, 125138 Narana-Narendra, drachm, 3,36g, 11h, 23,3mm London BM: 1894.5.6.265150B (= 76A) Narana-Narendra, drachm, 3,72g, 3h, 25,7mm Paris: 1974.443150 var. 1 Narana-Narendra, drachm, 3,54g, 10h, 27,9mm Wien KHM: MK Gr 42719150 var. 2 Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,35g, ?h, 26,4mm Wien KHM: MK Gr 42339150 var. 3 Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 4,23g, ?h, 25,7mm Wien KHM: MK Gr 42338171 Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,14g, 12h, 23,7mm London BM: 1933.3.15.1174A Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,47g, 1h, 20,5mm London BM: Col. Lafont 71150 var. 2 Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,19g, ?h, 26,3mm Wien KHM: MK Gr 42337150 var. 3 Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,32g, ?h, 26,5mm Wien KHM: MK Gr 43240 150 var. 3 Narana-Narendra, drachm (AE), 3,81g, ?h, 25,7mm Wien KHM: MK Gr 43241 222 Late Style Nezak-Shah: š-type, drachm, 2,37g, 2h, 24,7mm Aman ur rahman, 541 198 copper flan Nezak-Shah: ā-type, drachm (AE), 3,43g, 2h, 27,8mm London BM: 1894.5.6.122576 Khingila, drachm, 3,04g, 2h, 26,5mm Aman ur rahman, 52776B Alkhans, drachm, 2,17g, ?h, 25,3mm Jean-Pierre righetti, 108150A Narana-Narendra (?), drachm (Base silver), 3,73g, 9h, 26,2mm Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.5762 Mehama Shahi, drachm, 3,51g, 3h, 28,9mm London BM: 1894.5.6.116575A Khingila, drachm, 2,36g, 3h, 27,5mm Aman ur rahman, 473234 Alkhan-Nezak, drachm, 3,31g, 3h, 28,1mm Jean-Pierre righetti, 251255 Shahi-Tigin (?), drachm (AE), 2,94g, 4h, 30mm Aman ur rahman, 930225 Alkhan-Nezak, drachm, 3,39g, ?h, 28,1mm Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.179227 Alkhan-Nezak, AE, 4,28g, 2h, 19,1mm London BM: 2386231 Alkhan-Nezak, drachm (AE), 4,73g, 2h, 24,3mm London BM: 1922.1.16.36236 Alkhan-Nezak, drachm, 3,35g, 3h, 29mm Paris: 1986.161252 Alkhan-Nezak, drachm, 3,37g, 2h, 29,7mm Berlin, ex Coll. Guthrie200 Shahi Tigin (?), drachm, 3,30g, 3h, 29,9mm Jean-Pierre righetti, 174202 Shahi Tigin (?), drachm (AE), 3,24g, 3h, 25,9mm Jean-Pierre righetti, 193205 Shahi Tigin (?), drachm, 2,64g, 3h, 28,9mm London BM: , 1894.5.6.315203 Shahi Tigin (?), drachm, 3,05g, 3h, 22,4mm Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.182266A Shahi Tigin (?), drachm (AE), 3,86g, 3h, 24,4mm Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.309267 Shahi Tigin (?), drachm (AE), 2,96g, 12h, 22,4mm Kabul-Museum: 264270 Shahi Tigin (?), drachm (Base silver), 2,72g, 12h, 22,1mm Bern: ex Coll. Williams, 93.332271 Zhulād, drachm (AE), 3,04g, 3h, 21,3mm Paris: ex Coll. Widemann, 1979.143.18 281 Zhulād, drachm, 3,66g, 6h, 33,7mm Aman ur rahman, 322 223 Nezak-šah: š-type, drachm, 3,03g, 2h, 26,2mm Jean-Pierre righetti, 227 223A Sero, drachm, 2,92g, 2h, 26,9mm Aman ur rahman, 917241 Sero, drachm, 3,30g, 9h, 25,7mm Aman ur rahman, 170243B Sero, drachm (Base silver), 2,92g, 12h, 30,1mm Jean-Pierre righetti, 275

188 Klaus Vondrovec

BIBLIoGrAPHY

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