Was there a death gesture during early iron age? A new meaning for

MUZEUL JUDEŢEAN TELEORMAN

BULETINUL MUZEULUI JUDEŢEAN TELEORMAN SERIA ARHEOLOGIE

4 - 2012

Editura Renaissance Bucureşti

2012

MUZEUL JUDEŢEAN TELEORMAN

BULETINUL MUZEULUI JUDEŢEAN TELEORMAN. SERIA ARHEOLOGIE 4 COLEGIUL DE REDACŢIE

Dr. Pavel Mirea, Muzeul Judeţean Teleorman - Redactor şef Dr. Ecaterina Ţânţăreanu, Muzeul Judeţean Teleorman - Secretar de redacţie

Dr. Radian R. Andreescu, Muzeul Naţional de Istorie a României Dr. Abraham van As, Leiden University Dr. Douglass W. Bailey, San Francisco State University Dr. Ioana Bogdan-Cătăniciu, Institutul de Arheologie ‘Vasile Pârvan’ Dr. Sabin Adrian Luca, Universitatea ‘Lucian Blaga’ din Sibiu, Muzeul Naţional Brukenthal Dr. Steve Mills, Cardiff University Dr. Cristian Schuster, Universitatea din Bucureşti, Institutul de Arheologie ‘Vasile Pârvan’ Dr. Laurens Thissen, Thissen Archaeological Ceramics Bureau, Amsterdam Tehnoredactare: Pavel Mirea, Pompilia Zaharia Corectura: Ecaterina Ţânţăreanu, Mădălina Dumitru Consultanţi: Steve Mills (limba engleză), Cristi Marin (limba franceză) Coperta: Ac de văl (sec. XVI - jumătatea sec. XVII) din tezaurul descoperit la Brânceni, colecţia Muzeului Judeţean Teleorman; desen Cătălina Dănilă, machetare Pompilia Zaharia Colegiul de redacţie nu răspunde de opiniile exprimate de către autori. Corespondenţa, manuscrisele, cărţile şi revistele pentru schimb se vor trimite Colegiului de redacţie, pe următoarea adresă: MUZEUL JUDEŢEAN TELEORMAN, str. 1848, nr. 1, cod poştal 140033, ALEXANDRIA, jud. Teleorman, ROMANIA sau prin email: [email protected]; [email protected]. Volum editat cu sprijinul Consiliului Judeţean Teleorman

Editura Renaissance 2012 www.editurarenaissance.ro

(Editură recunoscută C.N.C.S.I.S.) Editor: Sorin Alexandru ŞONTEA

Telefon/fax: 031.808.91.97/0744.652118 E-mail: [email protected]

Toate drepturile asupra acestei ediţii sunt rezervate editurii Renaissance şi Muzeului Judeţean Teleorman

ISSN 2065-5290

Tipar: ABSTRACT MEDIA SRL Tel/fax: 031.808.91.97

SUMAR CONTENTS

Laurens THISSEN Starčevo - Criş pottery from TELEOR 003, S Romania Ceramica Starčevo - Criş din TELEOR 003, sudul României …………………………………………………………

5

Radian ANDREESCU Reprezentări ornitomorfe descoperite în aşezarea de la Vităneşti ‘Măgurice’, jud. Teleorman Ornithomorphic Figurines from Vităneşti ‘Măgurice’, Teleorman County ………………………………………

47

Katia MOLDOVEANU Un capac cu mâner antropo-zoomorf descoperit la Vităneşti ‘Măgurice’, jud. Teleorman A Lid with an Anthropo-zoomorphic Handle from Vităneşti ‘Măgurice’, Teleorman County ………………

53

Ion TORCICĂ Piese de tipul ‘coarne de consecraţie’ descoperite în aşezările Vităneşti ‘Măgurice’ (jud. Teleorman) şi Surduleşti (jud. Argeş) ‘Horns of Consecration’ from Vităneşti ‘Măgurice’ (Teleorman County) and Surduleşti (Argeş County) ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

59

Cristian Eduard ŞTEFAN, Valentin DUMITRAŞCU, Monica MĂRGĂRIT Restitutiones Archaeologicae: aşezarea de tip tell de la Coşereni ‘Măgura de la Comana’, jud. Ialomiţa Restitutiones Archaeologicae: the Tell Settlement at Coşereni ‘Măgura de la Comana’, Ialomiţa County ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

71

Theodor IGNAT, Vasile OPRIŞ, Mădălina VOICU, Radian ANDREESCU, Cătălin LAZĂR Ceramica din locuinţa nr.5 de la Sultana ‘Malu Roşu’. Analiză primară (I) The Pottery from House nr.5 at Sultana ‘Malu Roşu’. Preliminary Analysis (I) ………………………………

101

Alin FRÎNCULEASA Tradiţii şi contacte culturale în nordul Munteniei în epoca eneolitică: despre siturile de la Mălăieştii de Jos (jud. Prahova), Seciu (jud. Prahova) şi Coţatcu (jud. Buzău) Traditions and Cultural Contacts during the Northern Wallachia Eneolithic: the Sites from Mălăieştii de Jos, Seciu (Prahova County) and Coţatcu (Buzău County) ………………………………………………………

133

Daniel GARVĂN, Roxana MUNTEANU Un sceptru cruciform descoperit la Traian ‘Dealul Fântânilor’ (jud. Neamţ) An Eared-type Mace from Traian ‘Dealul Fântânilor’ (Neamţ County) ……………………………………………

167

Ion PĂTRAŞCU Restituiri: Emil Moscalu, Raport asupra săpăturilor arheologice de la Orbeasca de Sus, comuna Orbeasca, judeţul Teleorman Restitutions: Emil Moscalu, Report on the Excavations at Orbeasca de Sus, Orbeasca Commune, Teleorman County ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

175

Camelia - Mirela VINTILĂ, Despina MĂGUREANU Notă asupra descoperirilor de sec. II - I a. Chr. din situl arheologic ‘Băneasa - La Stejar’ Notes sur les découvertes du II - I siècle av. ne. sur le site archéologique ‘Băneasa - La Stejar’ ……

183

Bogdan CIUPERCĂ Locuințele așezărilor din Muntenia în secolele VIII-X Settlement Dwellings from the VIII-X Centuries in Walachia ………………………………………………………

197

Ecaterina ŢÂNŢĂREANU Tezaurul de la Brânceni, jud. Teleorman, un tezaur medieval cu monede şi podoabe The Medieval Coin and Adornment Hoard from Brânceni, Teleorman County …………………………………

227

Alexandra GHENGHEA Was there a death gesture during early iron age? A new meaning for the ‘Warrior from Capestrano’ Un gest al morţii în prima epocă a fierului? Un nou înţeles pentru ‘Războinicul din Capestrano’ ………

239

Prezentări de carte Book Rewiews …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

251

Ecaterina ŢÂNŢĂREANU Habitat medieval în sud-vestul Munteniei în sec. XIV-XVII. Temeiuri istorice şi arheologice, Publicaţiile Muzeului Judeţean Teleorman I, Editura Renaissance, Bucureşti, 2010, 259 pagini, 60 planşe, abrevieri, bibliografie, sursele ilustraţiilor, indice general, rezumat în limba franceză, ISBN 978-973-8922-80-8 (Ştefan NEDELCUŢĂ-APOPE) ……………………………………………………………………………………………………

251

Joanna R. SOFAER The Body as Material Culture: A Theorethical Osteoarchaeology, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2006, 188 pagini, 11 ilustratii, 3 tabele, ISBN 978-0-521-81822-3 (Mădălina VOICU) ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

253

Obituaria Obituary …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

255

Cătalin LAZĂR Amintiri despre un prieten Memories of a Friend ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

255

Colaboratori Contributors ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………

261

Buletinul Muzeului Judeţean Teleorman. Seria Arheologie 4, 2012: 239-249.

WAS THERE A DEATH GESTURE DURING EARLY IRON AGE?

A NEW MEANING FOR THE ‘WARRIOR FROM CAPESTRANO’

Alexandra GHENGHEA

Ich schwöre Stein und Bein (German saying)

Abstract: As one of the many examples of anthropomorphic stelae from the Early Iron Age,

the famous ‘warrior from Capestrano’ has initiated many questions in archaeological literature. Since its discovery, many theories have been formulated to explain its monumental construction. The typical gesture of this stela is analysed together with other similar examples from the Early Iron Age in a discussion which includes the dichotomy of right/left in an attempt to understand its funerary meaning. The recurrence of this gesture in anthropomorphic sculptures, mainly from Italy, is also discussed.

Rezumat: Fiind unul dintre multele exemple de stelae antropomorfe din prima epocă a fierului, binecunoscutul ‘războinic din Capestrano’ a condus la formularea multor întrebări în literatura arheologică. Încă de la descoperirea sa, multe teorii au fost elaborate pentru a explica monumentala sa construcţie. În acest studiu se analizează gestul său specific, alături de alte exemple similare din epocă, într-o discuţie ce include dihotomia dreapta/stânga. Atât scopul său funerar cât şi recurenţa acestuia sunt discutate în cadrul sculpturilor antropomorfe, în special în spaţiul italic.

Keywords: Early Iron Age; anthropomorphic stelae; mid-Adriatic writing; Capestrano; right and left; spear; stone.

Cuvinte cheie: Prima epocă a fierului; stelae antropomorfe; scriere medio-adriatică; Capestrano; dreapta şi stânga; lance; piatră.

Introduction Representing human bodies in stone is frequent throughout prehistory starting in the

Neolithic and continuing through the Bronze and Iron Ages. The distribution of these anthropomorphic sculptures is geographically spread over a large part of Europe and the Eurasian Steppe (for a comprehensive synthesis see Landau 1977). Bonenfant and Guillaumet (1998) highlight the wide geographical distribution in the Early Iron Age. Such a geographically diverse phenomenon requires an understanding of why people built these sculptures. What did this specific gesture of the Iron Age statue-stelae mean for the people who erected them? Many answers have been proposed to answer this first question. Further questions require more work. Why does the specific arm gesture recur across such a wide area? What is the connection between this gesture, burials and ultimately death?

My research has proposed a theoretical framework involving technology within social sciences and various approaches for understanding the Iron Age interest in raw-materials including iron, stone, glass, amber and ivory. I addition my research on stone technology focused on the ‘Warrior from Capestrano’ and its right and left gesture. This research can now be further developed in its own right. In this paper I discuss the meaning of this specific gesture using the well-known stela from Capestrano with discussions of related examples.

The ‘warrior from Capestrano’ The anthropomorphic sculpture known as the ‘warrior from Capestrano’ was discovered

fortuitously in 1934 in the Tirino River valley, Capo d’Acqua. The discovery was soon followed by an archaeological investigation during which the whole Iron Age necropolis was unearthed (Moretti 1937). The sculpture has been dated to the second half of the VIth century B.C. (Moretti 1937; Marinetti 2000).

The stela has been regarded as a warrior because of the presence of an entire battle outfit. As a consequence the term ‘Warrior from Capestrano’ has become familiar in the archaeological literature (Fig. 1.a). It is a life-size, erect, sculpture made of limestone and framed by two supports extending up to the shoulders cut from the same block as the statue. The surface of the sculpture is well preserved. The right arm is bent over the chest and the left one is held on the abdomen. The position of the arms is important for this study and will be termed a ‘gesture’ as defined by Armit and

Alexandra GHENGHEA

240

Grant (2008) for the mobile configuration of arms in contrast with the static pose of the sculpture depicted in the Hirschlanden example. The head of the Capestrano sculpture is covered with a mobile hat or helmet with a feathered crest. It has been argued that the face is covered by a mask. Around the neck is a decorated collar. Kardiophylakes discs are present on the front and the back of the torso. On the lower part of the torso there is a spatha and the machaira which are frequently represented in Italic and Picene weaponry (for further discussion concerning Picene weaponry see Cherici 2003 and Tagliamonte 2003). The abdomen is covered by a heart-shaped object and it is possible that the feet were covered by cnemidae. Spears are incised on the two supports and an inscription on the right support (Fig. 1.b). There is no indication of the gender of the figure. Preserved traces of red ochre indicate that the statue was coloured (Moretti 1937). It has not been possible to associate the statue with any of the tombs of the area.

The warrior’s inscription The interpretation of the text has changed with time and its meaning has been revised. On

the right support of the warrior a short inscription was incised (Fig. 1.b) which reads ma kuprí koram aninis rakinevíi pomp[–]í (Marinetti 2000). The object of the sentence koram (meaning ‘statue’) is a very important element for understanding the meaning of this sculpture. Koram is a Greek word/concept vital to Moretti’s long imposed idea of resemblance between the Capestrano warrior and Greek kouros sculptures (Moretti 1937: 107).

Other examples The Capestrano sculpture is part of the so-called ‘South-Picene’ corpus and, along with the

Novilara corpus, are the sources for an Italic written and spoken language attributed to ancient people named Piceni from Picenum (for a general view on ancient Piceni see Cianfarani 1976, Naso 2000). The inscriptions forming this corpus are dated between the VIth and the beginning of the IIIrd centuries B.C. They are located mainly in the south part of delle Marche, Abruzzo, in the counties of Macerata, Ascoli Piceno, Teramo, L’Aquila and Chieti. This area is circumscribed by the river Chienti in the north, the Sangro in the south, the Appennians mountains in the west and the Adriatic coast in the east (Marinetti 2000). The concept of ‘South-Picene’ has become more a geographical term than an ethnical one. The origin of the ‘medio-adriatica’ language used in the inscriptions is unsolved because it is difficult to attribute a specific writing to a named ethnic group. Furthermore, the content of the inscriptions is not entirely interpreted and questions remain. Some examples from this corpus are the inscriptions of Penna Sant’Andrea, and the stelae from Bellante, Loro Piceno, Belmonte and Mogliano, but there are also inscriptions written on a bronze helmet and even on a bracelet (for a whole synthesis regarding the middle-Adriatic inscriptions see Morandi 1974).

Similar gestures According to R. Hertz (1960), in North America, certain Native American groups are able to

have a conversation without saying a single word by communicating through the movement of head and arms with each movement having a meaning familiar to participants.

It has been argued that the rendering of the arms and hands in the case of the Hirschlanden ‘warrior’ (the left arm lies across the upper body, while the right one is held across the stomach) might represent a female quality (Armit and Grant 2008). I believe this gesture is much more common in the Early Iron age anthropomorphic stelae than previously thought; we must consider the well-known example of the so-called Capestrano warrior and also the stelae from the Italic and middle-Adriatic contexts (i.e., the inscription-stela from Bellante (Fig. 2) and the male torso from Atessa (Fig. 3)). The positioning of the arms in these two cases is closer to the Hirschlanden sculpture than to the Capestrano sculpture because the left arm is positioned across the upper body and the right one is pointing to the lower body. Important is the presence of a female torso found near the ‘warrior from Capestrano’ (Fig. 4). We must also consider the group of stelae from Lunigiana (La Spezzia and Massa Carrara counties) and specifically the two stelae Filetto I (Fig. 5) and Filetto II (Fig. 6) (after Ambrosi 1972) and the male torso from Nesactium, in Croatia (Mihovilić 2001). In these examples the gesture is different and the arms are represented alongside each other, possibly connected with the holding of weapons (i.e., spear and socket axe). Von Hase (2003) recognised a similar gesture in the bronze statuettes of Etruria and Picenum interpreted as expressing chastity in an Italic context. This type of gesture is also recognised in the so-called Scythian stelae from the Eurasian Steppe (Fig. 7) (see examples in Meliukova, 1989: 345).

Was there a death gesture during early iron age? A new meaning for the ‘Warrior from Capestrano’

241

Some interpretations There have been many interpretations of the general purpose of the Hirschlanden, Glauberg

and Italic examples of statue-stelae during the Iron Age including the iconic representation of a hero and the ritual of raising a monument above a tumulus.

I believe a more convincing theory was proposed during the 1950s. Holland (1956), following the well-known writings of Livy, suggested that the Romans had a so-called devotio institution during the time of the Republic. In times of war the devotus could offer himself as a sacrifice for victory. In cases when a devotus escaped death a large image of him had to be buried in the earth and an expiatory offering made. Holland links this Roman institution to the meaning of the warrior from Capestrano: “the weapons are disposed as if they were laid on a body in the grave (…) in an arrangement familiar from burials” (Holland 1956: 244). Holland’s theory also explains the presence of the mask whereby the warrior’s pose is similar to that of buried people. This interpretation may explain the purpose of the Capestrano sculpture but without discussing the warrior’s gesture. Holland’s observations contain elements leading to the idea that the warrior’s gesture is strongly connected with death.

Hasta summa armorum et imperii est As Alföldi (1959) suggested, in Rome the spear symbolised imperial power and sovereignty.

The spear is also known as the symbol of power in Greek mythology as well as in early medieval Germany. This idea can be extrapolated to different cultural and mythological contexts. Evans-Pritchard (1974) identified an even deeper symbolic meaning of the spear within Nuer communities. For people living in Nuerland, the spear is a central element of life and vital in relation to ancestry. The spear is associated with the right hand and understood as an extension of the right hand and only used by men; it is considered an expression of manhood and strength. Furthermore, the spear (more specifically iron spears used in battle and for sacrifices) is not seen as a material object or as a simple weapon but as a necessary symbol for the continuity of clans and lineages and, alongside ceremonies, is central in community life (Evans-Pritchard 1974).

On each of the two supports on the right and left side of the statue of Capestrano there is a carving depicting a spear. On the left side there is also the inscription. The same weapon appears on the Filetto I (Fig. 5) and at Filetto II (Fig. 6) stelae. The Filetto I stela spears are associated with the left hand and held by it while the Filetto II stela spears are associated with the right hand and positioned superimposed on the hand. Although the size and shape of the spears are different for the Capestrano and Filetto I and II stelae similarities remain in all three cases. We might therefore conclude that the person represented in the three sculptures was of special significance for the community or that the sculpture itself (if it does not represent a particular person) was of specific importance for the community who erected it. The right and left gesture, although represented differently, is common to all three sculptures and connected with spears. Furthermore, in the case of the Capestrano warrior the inscription is incised on the right support close to the right spear but the left spear has no inscription.

The right side in the Aristotelian thought Several decades ago Lloyd (1962) suggested that Greek philosophy had particular

characteristics regarding the left and the right sides of the body. If it is maintained that the Capestrano sculpture has a Greek influence then Greek thought regarding the right-left opposition might be relevant. The oppositions right/left, male/female, light/dark, sky/earth are discussed by Homer and Hesiod. Later, in the eschatological myth of Aristotle the souls of the just travel towards the right, upwards, through the sky and carrying tokens of their judgment on their fronts while the souls of the unjust travel towards the left, downwards, into the earth and bearing their tokens on their backs. The locations of right, above and in front are known to be ἀρχαί and the starting-point for all principles, the motor of movement, and an ideal towards which the whole of nature should try to reach but only ever fulfilled by humans (following Lloyd 1962: 59-60, 64-66). The Nuer associate the right hand with the east and the direction of sun rise. Examples of this are frequent throughout history. This idea might be associated with the gesture of the ‘warrior from Capestrano’ and the other aforementioned sculptures. If we accept that the purpose of these stelae is funerary (based on archaeological context and Holland’s ideas) then the Aristotelian assertion may provide meaning for interpreting the gesture of these sculptures. The gesture may indicate with one hand the upwards direction and with the other hand the downwards direction. In the ‘Capestrano warrior’ the right arm

Alexandra GHENGHEA

242

is bent indicating what is upwards and the sky and the left arm indicates what is downwards and the earth or what is in the earth. In the case of the Hirschlanden sculpture the left arm is pointing upwards and the right arm downwards. This gesture may be interpreted as the symbol of death, of the moment of demise, with the impossibility of predicting the ending, the impossibility of knowing the direction towards which the soul might head after abandoning the body: upwards, to the sky, or downwards into the earth? Could the orientation of the right hand indicate the direction that the soul may start this journey honorably?

Discussions and Conclusion Interpreting the complex meaning of the Capestrano sculpture requires a consideration of

many different ideas. The dichotomised concepts of stone and spear, right and left, and male and female together offer a different and deeper meaning to a specific, compact and complete death gesture filled with many symbols carried over from the lifeworld.

It has been customary to associate the durability of stone with permanency and the passing of time and contrary to the ephemeral qualities of human life. The first connection between stone and death in written culture is within the epic of Gilgamesh. As mentioned in the tenth tablet, Gilgamesh destroyed the ‘stone things’ of Urshanabi’s boat (the ferryman) by smashing them into pieces. This act was critical in helping Urshanabi cross the Waters of Death towards the place of Utanapishtim. So what is the key that connects stone, death and time?

The public exposure of the stelae can be interpreted in many ways; as one of the few forms of images created by people available to communities. Images are ubiquitous in modern society available through the Internet, TV and social media. During the Early Iron Age, however, images were less prevalent and therefore special. As Robb (2009: 179) states: “People formed stelae and installed them in the landscape to act as presences in special places, places in which the dead and the past were invoked or encountered. The salient element was probably the presence of the ‘people of stone’ themselves in the place, their solidity, fixity and materiality”. I believe this disparity between the present abundance of images and the Iron Age scarcity is the first key item to bear in mind when considering statue-stelae. The uncommon, large and impressive image of stone carvings and their abilities to cross the Waters of Death is what made Gilgamesh destroy the ‘stone things’.

The ‘Capestrano warrior’ was not alone before its discovery in the 20th century; a few metres away there was a mutilated female torso with the right arm missing. It has a surprisingly similar gesture to the warrior’s except that the left arm is bent rather than the right arm. Could we see in this contradiction the existence of a similar but opposite gesture posed strictly by women? Was the bending of the right arm a privilege for men and that of the left arm for women? Furthermore, this example may illustrate and strengthen the recurring idea that the left arm is associated with the female domain and the right arm with the male domain.

All these elements suggest that the Capestrano sculpture indicates the preeminence of the right hand over the left hand or of the right part of the body over the left part. There is still one significant detail to consider. It is important to note that the heart which is located in the left part of the body is protected by the kardiophylakes disc, also present on the Guardiagrele stela (Fig. 8). The most vital element of the body is located on the left side for which a specific material object, the kardiophylakes, was created to protect. Aristotle discussed this contradiction in the context of the meaning of the right side of the body in opposition to the left side attempting to explain why the pulse of life is located clearly on the left side (following Lloyd 1962). This suggests that the difference between right and left had a particular significance within the imagery of the community which erected these sculptures. It is reasonable to think that these familiar structures had a meaning for the people who lived in the Capestrano area during Iron Age and that the opposites of male/female and right/left alongside the symbolism of stone, spear, time and death were deeply connected. I therefore conclude that all these elements combined suggest the gesture is a symbol of death, of the delivering process, a first sign for an imagined afterlife, and as a gesture pointing in the direction that the soul might head after death.

Acknowledgements I am grateful to Professor Alexandru Vulpe for bringing to my attention the related

bibliography concerning the concept of the spear. I thank Cătălin Pavel for his fruitful comments on a previous version of this paper and Monica Constantin and Christine Markussen for providing help with language.


243

References Alföldi, A. (1959) ‘Hasta-Summa Imperii. The Spear as Embodiment of Sovereignity in Rome’,

American Journal of Archaeology 63: 1-27. Ambrosi, A. (1972) Corpus delle statue-stele lunigianesi, Collana Storica della Liguria Orientale, VI,

Bordighera, Istituto Internazionale di Studi Liguri. Armit, I., Grant, P. (2008) ‘Gesture politics and the art of ambiguity: the Iron Age statue from

Hirschlanden’, Antiquity 82: 409-22. Bonenfant, P.-P., Guillaumet, J.-P. (1998) ‘La statuaire anhropomorphe du Premier Age du Fer’,

Annales litteraires de l’Université de Franche-Comte, 667, Série Archéologie et Préhistoire 43.

Cherici, A. (2003) ‘Armi e società nel Piceno, con una premessa di metodo e una nota sul guerriero di Capestrano’, in I piceni e l’Italia medio-adriatica. Atti del XXII convegno di studi etruschi ed italici, pp. 521-33, Roma: Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali.

Cianfarani, V. (1976) ‘Culture arcaiche dell’Italia medio-adriatica’, in Popoli e Civiltà dell’italia antica, 5, pp. 10-106, Roma.

Colonna, G. (2000) ‘La scultura in pietra’, in Piceni. Popolo d’Europa, pp. 104-9, Roma: Ed. De Luca. Epic of Gilgamesh, http://www.ancienttexts.org/library/mesopotamian/gilgamesh/,10th tablet. Șerbănescu, V., Dima, Al., (tr.) (1961) Epopeea lui Ghilgameș, București: Ed. pentru literatură

universală. Evans-Pritchard, E.E. (1974) ‘Nuer Spear Symbolism’, in R. Needham (ed), Right and left. Essays on

Dual Symbolic Classification, pp. 92-108, Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press.

Hertz, R. [1909] 1960 Death and the right hand, R. and C. Needham (tr.), Glencoe, Illinois. Holland, L.A. (1956) ‘The purpose of the warrior image from Capestrano’, American Journal of

Archaeology 60 (3): 243-7. Landau, J. (1977) Les représentations anthropomorphes mégalithiques de la région méditerranéenne

(3-e au 1-e millénaire), Centre de Recherches Archéologiques. Mémoires. Publications de l’U.R.A. nr. 7, Archéologie de l’Orient Septentrional, vol. 1, Paris.

Lloyd, G.E.R. (1962) ‘Right and left in Greek Philosophy’, Journal of Hellenic Studies 82: 56-66. Marinetti, A. (2000) ‘Le iscrizioni sudpicene’, in Piceni. Popolo d’Europa, pp. 134-9, Roma: Ed. De

Luca. Meliukova, A.I. (1989) Stepi evropeiskoi iasti SSSP v Skifo-sarmatskoe vremi, Moscva, p. 345. Mihovilić, K. (2001) Nezakcij. Prapovijesni nalazi 1900-1953. Nesactium. Prehistoric finds 1900-1953.

- Monografije i Katalozi, 11, Pula: Arheološki muzej Istre. Morandi, A. (1974) Le iscrizioni medio-adriatiche, Istituto di Studi Etruschi ed Italici, Biblioteca di

«Studi Etruschi», Firenze. Moretti, G. (1937) ‘Il guerriero italico e la necropoli di Capestrano’, Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana

XV (nuova serie-I): 94-112, 7 pl. Naso, A. (2000) Piceni. Storia e archeologia delle Marche in epoca preromana, Milano: Longanesi. Robb, J. (2009) ‘People of Stone: Stelae, Personhood, and Society in Prehistoric Europe’, Journal of

Archaeological Method and Theory 16: 162-83. Stary, P. (1997) Anthropoide Stelen im früheisenzeitlichen Grabkult, Kleine Schriften aus dem

Vorgeschichtlichen Seminar der Plilipps-Universität Marburg, 47, Marburg. Tagliamonte, G. (2003) ‘La terribile bellezza del guerriero’, in I piceni e l’Italia medio-adriatica. Atti del

XXII convegno di studi etruschi ed italici, pp. 530-55, Roma: Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali.

von Hase, F-W. (2003) ‘Il guerriero di Hirschlanden. La problematica della genesi della statue-stele alla luce di vecchie e recenti scoperte’, in I piceni e l’Italia medio-adriatica. Atti del XXII convegno di studi etruschi ed italici, pp. 361-78, Roma: Istituti editoriali e poligrafici internazionali.

Alexandra GHENGHEA

244

a b

Figure 1. The ‘warrior from Capestrano’ (after Moretti 1937: V, VI).

‘Războinicul din Capestrano’ (după Moretti 1937: V, VI).


245

Figure 2. The Bellante Stela (after Morandi 1974: tav.X).

Stela Belante (după Morandi 1974: fig.X).

Figure 3. The male torso from Atessa (after Cianfarani 1976).

Bustul masculin din Atessa (după Cianfarani 1976).

Alexandra GHENGHEA

246

Figure 4. The female torso from Capestrano (after Cianfarani 1976).

Bustul feminin din Capestrano (după Cianfarani 1976).


247

Figure 5. The Filetto I Stela (after Ambrosi 1972: no.14).

Stela Filetto I (după Ambrosi 1972: nr.14).

Figure 6. The Filetto II Stela (after Ambrosi 1972: no.15).

Stela Filetto II (după Ambrosi 1972: nr.15).

Alexandra GHENGHEA

248

Figure 7. The Scythian stelae (after Meliukova 1989: 345).

Stele scitice (după Meliukova 1989: 345).


249

Figure 8. The Guardiagrele Stela (after Cianfarani 1976).

Stela Guardiagrele (după Cianfarani 1976).

Documents

Was there a death gesture during early iron age? A new meaning for