Angola Country Profile

Full name: The Republic of AngolaPopulation: 24.3 million (national census 2014)Capital: LuandaArea: 1.25m sq. km (481,354 sq. miles)Major languages: Portuguese (official), Umbundu, Kimbundu, KikongoMajor religion: ChristianityLife expectancy: 50 years (men), 53 years (women) (UN)Monetary unit: 1 kwanza = 100 lweiMain exports: Oil, diamonds, minerals, coffee, fish, timberGNI per capita: US $5,170 (World Bank, 2013)

H .E. José Eduardo dos Santos, President of the Republic of AngolaH.E. Manuel Domingos Vicente, Vice-President of the Republic of AngolaH.E. Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos, President of the National Assembly

One of Africa's major oil producers, Angola is nonetheless one of the world's poorest countries.

It is striving to tackle the physical, social and political legacy of a 27-year civil war that ravaged the country after independence.The governing Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the rebel group Unita were bitter rivals even before the country gained independence from Portugal in 1975.

The Soviet Union and Cuba supported the then-Marxist MPLA, while the US and white-ruled South Africa backed Unita as a bulwark against Soviet influence in Africa.

After 16 years of fighting that killed up to 300,000 people, a peace deal led to elections. But Unita rejected the outcome and resumed the war, in which hundreds of thousands more were killed. Another peace accord was signed in 1994 and the UN sent in peacekeepers.

But the fighting steadily worsened again and in 1999 the peacekeepers withdrew, leaving behind a country rich in natural resources but littered with landmines and the ruins of war.The connection between the civil war and the unregulated diamond trade - or "blood diamonds" - was a source of international concern. The UN froze bank accounts used in the gem trade.

HISTORY

The area was inhabited in prehistoric times, as attested by remains found in Luanda, Congo and the Namibe desert, but it was only thousands of years later, at the beginning of recorded history that more developed peoples arrived.

The first to settle were the Bushmen, great hunters, similar to pygmies in stature and with light brown skin. At the beginning of the sixth century AD, more advanced peoples with black skin, already in possession of metalworking technology began one of the greatest migrations in history. They were the Bantu, and they came from the north, probably from somewhere near the present day Republic of Cameroon. When they reached what is now Angola they encountered the Bushmen and other groups considerably less advanced than themselves, who they easily dominated with their superior knowledge of metalworking, ceramic and agriculture. The establishment of the Bantu took many centuries and gave rise to various groupings that took on different ethnic characteristics, some of which persist to this day.

The first large political entity in the area, known to history as the Kingdom of Congo, appeared in the thirteenth century and stretched from Gabon in the north to the river Kwanza in the south, and from the Atlantic in the west to the river Cuango in the east.

Their wealth came mainly from agriculture. Power was in the hands of the Mani, aristocrats who occupied key positions in the kingdom and who answered only to the all-powerful King of the Congo. Mbanza was the name given to a territorial unit administered and ruled by a Mani; Mbanza Congo, the capital, had a population of over fifty thousand in the sixteenth century.

The Kingdom of Congo was divided into six provinces and included some dependent kingdoms, such as Ndongo to the south. Trade was the main activity, based on highly productive agriculture and increasing exploitation of mineral wealth. In 1482, Portuguese caravels commanded by Diogo Cão arrived in the Congo. Other expeditions followed, and close relations were soon established between the two states. The Portuguese brought firearms and an interesting religion; in return, the King of the Congo could offer slaves, ivory, and minerals.

The King of the Congo was soon converted to Christianity, and adopted a similar political structure to the Europeans; he became a well-known figure in Europe, to the point of receiving missives from the Pope himself.

To the south of the Kingdom of the Congo, around the river Kwanza, there were various important states, of which the Kingdom of Ndongo, ruled by the Ngola (King), was the most significant. At the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, Ngola Kiluange was in power, and by maintaining a policy of alliances with neighboring states, managed to hold out against the foreigners for several decades. Eventually he was beheaded in Luanda. Years later, the Ndongo rose to prominence again when Jinga Mbandi, known as Queen Jinga, took power. A wily politician, she kept the Portuguese in check with carefully prepared agreements. After undertaking various journeys she succeeded in 1635 in forming a grand coalition with the states of Matamba and Ndongo, Congo, Kassanje, Dembos and Kissamas. At the head of this formidable alliance, she forced the Portuguese to retreat.

Meanwhile, Portugal had been occupied by Spain, and their overseas territories had taken second place. The Dutch took advantage of this situation and occupied Luanda in 1641. Jinga entered into an alliance with the Dutch, thereby strengthening her coalition and confining the Portuguese to Massangano, which they fortified strongly, sallying forth on occasion to capture slaves in the Kuata! Kuata! Wars. Slaves from Angola were essential to the development of the colony of Brazil, but the traffic had been interrupted by these events. In 1648 a large force from Brazil under the command of Salvador Correia de Sá retook Luanda, leading to the return of the Portuguese in large numbers.

Jinga’s coalition began to fall apart; the absence of their Dutch allies with their firearms, and the strong position of Correia de Sá, delivered a deadly blow to the

morale of the native forces. Jinga died in 1663; two years later, the King of the Congo committed all his forces to an attempt to capture the island of Luanda, occupied by Correia de Sá, but they were defeated and lost their independence. The Kingdom of Ndongo likewise submitted to the Portuguese Crown in 1671.

The Portuguese colony of Angola was founded in 1575 with the arrival of Novais with a hundred families of colonist and four hundred soldiers. Luanda was granted the status of city in 1605.

Trade was mostly with Brazil; Brazilian ships were the most numerous in the ports of Luanda and Benguela.

Angola, a Portuguese colony, was in fact a colony of Brazil, paradoxically another Portuguese colony. The Jesuits in religion and education also exercised a strong Brazilian influence. The philosophy of war gradually gave way to the philosophy of trade. The great trade routes and the agreements that made them possible were the driving force for activities between the different areas; warlike states become states ready to produce and to sell. In the Planalto (the high plains), the most important states were those of Bié and Bailundo, the latter being noted for its production so foodstuffs and rubber. However, the colonial power, becoming ever richer and more powerful, would not tolerate the development of these states and subjugated them one by one, so that by the beginning of this century the Portuguese had complete control over the area.

From 1764 onwards, there was a gradual change from a slave-based society to one based on production for domestic consumption. By 1850 Luanda was a great city, full of trading companies, exporting (together with Benguela) palm and peanut oil, wax, copal, timber, ivory, cotton, coffee, and cocoa, among other products. Maize, tobacco, dried meat and cassava flour also began to be produced locally. The Angolan bourgeoisie was born.Meanwhile, the slave trade was abolished in 1836, and in 1844 Angola’s ports were opened to foreign shipping.

The Berlin Conference compelled Portugal to move towards the immediate occupation of all its colonial territories. The territory of Cabinda, to the north of the river Zaire, was also ceded to Portugal on the legal basis of the Treat y of Simulambuko Protectorate, concluded between the Portuguese Crown and the princes of Cabinda in 1885. After a difficult and complicated process of implementation, the end of the nineteenth century saw the establishment of a colonial administration based directly on the territory and the people to be ruled.

With regard to the economy, colonial strategy was based on agriculture and the export of raw materials. Trade in rubber and ivory, together with the taxes imposed on the population, brought vast income to Lisbon.

Portuguese policy in Angola was modified by certain reforms introduced at the beginning of the twentieth century. The fall of the Portuguese monarchy and a favorable international climate led to reforms in administration, agriculture, and education. With the advent of the New State, extended to the colony, Angola becomes a province of Portugal (Ultramarine Province).

The situation appeared calm and stable. But in the second half of the twentieth century, this calm was disrupted by the appearance of the first nationalist movements. More overtly political organizations first appeared in the 1950s, and began to make organized demands for their rights, initiating diplomatic campaigns throughout the world in their fight for independence. The colonial power, meanwhile, refused to accede to the nationalist’s demands, thereby provoking the armed conflict that came to be known as the ‘Armed Struggle’.

In this struggle, the principal protagonist was the MPLA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola), founded in 1956, the FNLA (National Front for The Liberation of Angola), which appeared in 1961, and UNITA (National Union for the Total Independence of Angola), founded in 1966. After many years of conflict, the nation gained its independence on 11 November 1975.Add code here that should appear in the content block of all new pages

CULTURE

The sculpture known as Thinker is one of the most beautiful pieces of the Chokwe origin and represents all Angolans by symbolizing its national culture. The statue is seen bending down with both legs crossed and its hands placed on its head, which symbolizes the human thought. The Thinker is a charming piece that really leaves the audience thinking. The piece is also represented as the protector of the village of Chokwe and puts everybody in good-spirit. The statue can be seen as a man or a woman but however seen, it represent a strong sense of wisdom and knowledge and is seen with great respect. The Thinker is one of the oldest and well-known artifacts in Angola.

The cultural origins of Angola are tied to the traditions of the central Bantu peoples and the ancient kingdom of Kongo . Located on the southwestern coast of Africa, Angola became a key colony in the growing Portuguese empire after 1500, but for most of the years of its domination Portugal exerted little cultural influence, content to control the slave trade from forts along the coast.

Only after the mid-19th century did Portugal seek control of the entire territory, thus spawning a resistance that inspired much art and literature. Angola's struggle for

independence was long and violent, and life in the independent nation has also been marred by intense civil war. Such disorder has obstructed the development of Bantu customs and also destroyed the more Portuguese traditions of the coastal cities.

The largest ethno linguistic groups in Angola have distinct cultural profiles as well as different political loyalties. Most numerous are the Ovimbundu , who are located in the central and southern areas and speak Umbundu . The Mbundu are concentrated in the capital, Luanda, and in the central and northern areas and speak Kimbundu .

The Bakongo speak variants of the Kikongo language and also live in the north, spanning the borders with Congo and the Congo Republic. Other important groups include the Lunda, Chokwe, and Nganguela peoples, whose settlements are in the east. A small but important minority of mesticos (Portuguese-Africans) lives in larger cities, especially Luanda. Before 1975, Angola had one of the largest white minorities in Africa, many of whom had never seen Portugal, but most left at the threat of independence.

Portuguese is the country's official language, and the majority of Angolans are Roman Catholics. There are also smaller numbers of Protestants and people who practice traditional religions exclusively, though many Angolans combine some traditional beliefs with their Christianity.

The traditional arts of Angola have played an important part in cultural rituals marking such passages as birth or death, childhood to adulthood, and the harvest and hunting seasons. In producing masks and other items from bronze, ivory, wood, malachite, or ceramics, each ethno linguistic group has distinct styles. For example, the ritual masks created by the Lunda-Chokwe represent such figures from their mythology as Princess Lweji and Prince Tschibinda-Ilunga.

The use of these ceremonial masks is always accompanied with music and storytelling, both of which have developed in important ways. Angolans' literary roots in the oral tradition were overlaid during the 19th century with the writings of Portuguese-educated Portuguese-Africans in the cities.

Literature helped to focus anticolonial resistance and played an important role in the independence struggle. Angola's most famous poet, Antonio Agostinho Neto, was the leader of an important political movement. His works centered around themes of freedom and have been translated into many languages. Post-independence literature, however, has been limited by censorship and ongoing political strife.

Many buildings in Angola record the cultural contributions of the Portuguese. Some of the earliest landmarks are churches in the far north that served as bases for missionaries to the Kongo kingdom. One fine example of many is the Church of Se in the city of

Mbanza Kongo.The later construction of many coastal forts corresponds to the area's growing slave trade. Fort Sao Miguel in Luanda, built at the turn of the 17th century, is the most famous of these.

This massive fort was for many years a self-contained town protected by thick walls encrusted with cannons. The fort served as slave depot, administrative center, and residence for the Portuguese community. The Cathedral of Luanda, completed in 1628, is another impressive monument in the capital. Virtually every coastal city has a set of historic buildings that are broadly similar. The Church of Sao Tiago in the town of Namibe, for example, was built during the 19th century in a style very reminiscent of the 16th-century churches in more northern towns.

Structure of Government

Angola is multi-party Presidential structure comprising the Executive, Legislative and the Judiciary.

a. The Executive

The Chief Executive Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces is the President. The President exercises full executive power and is assisted by a Vice-President and appointed Ministers.

b. The Legislature

Angola operates a unicameral legislative parliament with each member elected for a four-year term. The legislative arm of Angolan Government is called the National Assembly, consisting of 223 Constituency Seats, elected by proportional representation. Election into Angolan National Assembly comes in tripartite level from national, provincial and the diaspora. Out of 223 Seats, 130 members are elected from the national list, 90 from the provincial level on equal basis of 5 members from each of the 18 provinces and 3 elected from Angolans in diaspora. The September 2008 National Assembly election saw MPLA securing majority seat in the parliament with 81.6% of the Seats compared to UNITA’s 10.4%, which translates to 191 Seats for MPLA and 16 Seats UNITA and total of 207 for both parties.

c. The Judiciary

The Judiciary arm of Angola government is made up of the Courts; the Constitutional Court, Court of Auditors, Supreme Military Court and the Supreme Court.

i. The Constitutional Court is responsible for the administration of justice in legal and constitutional matters, under the terms of the Constitution and the law. It derives its power from the Organic Law of the Constitutional Court. It assess the constitutionality of any rules, law and ratified international treaties and considers appeals emanating from decisions of other Courts where the interpretation of constitutional issues and clauses are in question. The Constitutional Court is composed of Bench of 11 members appointed from amongst Jurists and Judges. Four (4) Judges are nominated by the President including the President of the Court while 4 others are elected by the National Assembly by a two-thirds majority. Two (2) out of the remaining 3 comes from the Supreme Judicial Council and 1 is elected by competition through experience and credibility.

ii. The Supreme Court is the senior body in common jurisdiction. Its Bench is appointed by the President on the recommendation of the High Council of the Judicial Powers and includes a President and the Vice-President with a seven-year non-renewable tenure of office.

iii. Supreme Military Court is the highest body in the hierarchy of the military courts. Its’ Bench is appointed by the President and it derives its powers from the constitution.

iv. The Court of Auditors oversees the legality of public finances and such other accounts as the law may require to be submitted to it. Its’ Bench is appointed by the President for a seven-year tenure of office. Each year, it has to produce a report to be submitted to the national Assembly.

ECOMONY

Angola’s economy is overwhelmingly driven by its oil sector. Oil production and its supporting activities contribute about 50% of GDP, more than 70% of government revenue, and more than 90% of the country’s exports. Diamonds contribute an additional 5% to exports. Subsistence agriculture provides the main livelihood for most of the people, but half of the country's food is still imported. Increased oil production supported growth averaging more than 17% per year from 2004 to 2008.

A postwar reconstruction boom and resettlement of displaced persons has led to high rates of growth in construction and agriculture as well. Some of the country's infrastructure is still damaged or undeveloped from the 27-year-long civil war. However, the government since 2005 has used billions of dollars in credit lines from China, Brazil, Portugal, Germany, Spain, and the EU to help rebuild Angola's public infrastructure. Land mines left from the war still mar the countryside, and as a result, the national military, international partners, and private Angolan firms all continue to remove them. The global recession that started in 2008 stalled economic growth.

In particular, lower prices for oil and diamonds during the global recession slowed GDP growth to 2.4% in 2009, and many construction projects stopped because Luanda accrued $9 billion in arrears to foreign construction companies when government revenue fell in 2008 and 2009. Angola formally abandoned its currency peg in 2009, and in November 2009 signed onto an IMF Stand-By Arrangement loan of $1.4 billion to rebuild international reserves. Consumer inflation declined from 325% in 2000 to less than 9% in 2014. Falling oil prices and slower than expected growth in non-oil GDP have reduced growth prospects for 2015. Angola has responded by reducing government subsidies and by proposing import quotas and a more restrictive licensing regime. Corruption, especially in the extractive sectors, is a major long-term challenge.

GEOGRAPHY

Located on the West coast of Southern Africa, Angola was under colonial rule until November 11, 1975, date on which it became an independent nation. It extends over an area of 1,246,700 Km2.

The country is divided into 18 provinces, being Luanda the capital. With a total of 4,837 Km long borderline, Angola is bordered with Congo-Brazzaville at the Northern province

of Cabinda, the Democratic Republic of Congo (former Zaïre) to the North and East, Zambia to the East, and Namibia to the South.

Angola has an Atlantic Ocean coastline of 1,650 Km long. The country’s major ports include Luanda, Lobito, and Namibe. The country’s highest peak is Mount Moco, 2,620 m high, located in Huambo province. With a privileged continental hydrographic system, Angola’s main rivers are Kwanza, Záire, Cunene, and Cubango. Kwanza (Kz) is national currency.

Statistics

Population: 11,177,537 (July 1999 est.)Hope of Life: Men 45 years; Women 48 yearsAge structure: 0-14 years: 45% (male 2,545,006; female 2,473,732)

15-64 years: 52% (male 2,938,178; female 2,909,844)65 years and over: 3% (male 143,074; female 167,703) (1999 est.)

Population growth rate: 2.84% (1999 est.)Birth rate: 43.11 births/1,000 Population (1999 est.)Death rate: 16.35 deaths/1,000 Population (1999 est.)

Net migration rate: 1.6 migrants)/1,000 Population (1999 est.)

FOREIGN POLICY

The Angolan government’s foreign policy since independence has been crafted primarily as a response to various domestic and international pressures that threaten its existence. Specifically, Angola’s foreign policy aims to enhance the regime’s ability to win the civil war that started on the eve of independence. To achieve this basic foreign policy objective, Angola has sought, first and foremost, to create a favorable regional environment.

The domestic, regional and international dimensions of Angola’s foreign policy are worth examining in an attempt to determine the many dimensions of this policy. In particular, Angola’s foreign policy should be seen as a reflection of the unique circumstances under which the country emerged as an independent state and the strategic choices made by the new regime upon gaining independence. Although Angola’s post-colonial circumstances required pragmatic foreign policies to ensure survival, the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) regime is yet to achieve its major domestic goals. Specifically, Angola’s civil war continues to threaten the country with internal collapse and international irrelevance

Angola’s current domestic condition and its international position are particularly regrettable, since the country was expected to achieve a measure of international relevance when it attained independence in 1975 after a 14-year anti-colonial struggle. This expectation was neither unfounded nor unrealistic given Angola’s considerable natural resource endowment, including vast deposits of oil and diamonds. Unfortunately, such expectations were shattered in the process of decolonization. This process was precipitated by a military coup that deposed the regime of Marcelo Caetano in Portugal on 25 April 1974. The coup leaders were mostly military officers who opposed the old regime’s colonial policies. Therefore, one of their main objectives was to end costly colonial wars quickly. Thus, Portugal placed its colonies on the fast track to political independence. The former colonies of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde, São Tomé and Principe, and Mozambique were granted independence without major problems. This was facilitated by the unity within their respective liberation movements. Angola’s situation — where three armed liberation movements representing different ethnic and ideological constituencies were unable to find agreement on a common approach to decolonization and beyond — was considerably more complex. Predictably, Angola’s decolonization process quickly degenerated into civil war as the three liberation movements attempted to grab power — forcefully and individually — from the departing colonial authorities.

Each of the three liberation movements attempted to grab power with the help of foreign allies. Consequently, Zaïrian troops invaded Angola from the north in support of the Frente Nacional de Libertação de Angola (FNLA) while South African troops invaded from the south in support of the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (UNITA). However, only the MPLA — given its ethnic powerbase around the capital city of Luanda — succeeded in seizing and maintaining itself in power with the help of Cuban troops. Since the outcome of the Angolan conflict was expected to have significant geostrategic implications for Southern Africa, Angola quickly became an important Cold War battleground. Both the United States and the former Soviet Union used ties developed with the FNLA and MPLA during the anti-colonial war to intervene in the civil war. However, compared to Soviet and Cuban support, American support to the FNLA was at best ineffective. In the aftermath of the Vietnam debacle, the US was averse to major foreign military interventions. However, as will be discussed below, the US and South Africa continued to pursue destabilization strategies — carried out mainly through UNITA — aimed at toppling the young Marxist-Leninist regime that took power in Angola once Portugal departed.

Angola’s foreign policy, then, can be best understood in terms of the MPLA regime’s survival strategies since gaining power. For example, while its ideological background predisposed the new regime to intervene in the liberation wars against settler minority rule in Southern Africa, these struggles were understood to be directly connected to the regime’s own long-term survival. In other words, support for the liberation of Zimbabwe, Namibia, and South Africa constituted an overt attempt to influence Angola’s regional environment by supporting revolutionary change in neighboring states that exhibited

hostile intentions and/or provided support and sanctuary for UNITA and the FNLA. The expectation was that, once liberated, these countries would provide the necessary military, economic and diplomatic assistance to enable the MPLA to solve its domestic problems.

The domestic problems that have conspired to weaken the MPLA regime have not been confined to the military domain. Although the civil war frustrated the new regime’s state building project, economic mismanagement also seriously weakened the Angolan state. The new regime did not have the resources to fill the administrative void left by departing colonial administrators. The mass departure of the settler community also hastened the breakdown of the Angolan economy. It was therefore not surprising that the post-colonial state in Angola never really had the capacity or competence to exercise authority beyond the capital city and provincial capitals. International non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and, more recently, the United Nations have been carrying out most tasks commonly associated with the state, especially in rural areas affected by the war. The rudimentary bureaucracy functions on a quasi-voluntary basis partly because the state is not able to provide full remuneration to its employees. Consequently, bureaucrats resort to extorting bribes and/or joining the informal sector to survive. The collapse of key sectors like health care, education, transport, communications and banking has accompanied the breakdown of the rule of law.

Given this domestic context, characterized by war and other forms of decay, a dynamic foreign policy was seen as an important tool to help the new regime to create the necessary security environment to solve its myriad of domestic problems. For the new Angolan regime, an improved security environment entailed fundamental changes in Southern Africa.

At the international level, Angola became an important battleground of the Cold War. As a Soviet and Cuban ally, Angola was regarded by most Western powers, especially the US, as an unfriendly state. It is worth recalling that one of the major US foreign policy goals during the Cold War was to contain the spread of communism around the world. Since the Angolan government was perceived to be communist, the US was willing to support UNITA in its attempt to overthrow the regime.

Beginning in the early 1980s, the US pursued a clear and unambiguous policy to overthrow the MPLA regime and bring UNITA to power either through ballots or bullets. The Reagan Doctrine, conceived as a global strategy to provide overt American support for anti-communist guerrilla movements around the world had an almost immediate impact on the Angolan civil war as UNITA became a major recipient of sophisticated American weaponry, including Stinger anti-aircraft missiles that upset the air supremacy once enjoyed by the MPLA government. Consequently, all major military offensives

mounted by the MPLA/Cuban/Soviet forces to dislodge the Angolan rebels from their bases in southern Angola ended in failure. Eventually, the involvement of external forces on the side of the MPLA and UNITA created a military stalemate on the ground that facilitated the search for political solutions to the conflict. Thus, in May 1991, the MPLA and UNITA signed the Bicesse peace accord to end the civil war. The accord, however, ended only the proxy war stage of the conflict. In November 1992, in the aftermath of a failed electoral process, the MPLA and UNITA initiated another round of fighting, this time using mostly domestic resources — oil and diamonds — under their respective control.

In combination, the domestic, regional and international environments severely restricted Angola’s foreign policy options during the 1970s and 1980s. However, important changes at the international and regional levels — brought about by the end of the Cold War and the dismantling of the apartheid regime in South Africa — were expected to improve Angola’s foreign policy environment. Angola attempted to reap important dividends by taking advantage of new, more favorable regional and international environments to redirect its foreign policy toward enhancing the regime’s ability to make peace at home. Ironically, South Africa, Zaïre and the US would feature prominently in international efforts to achieve peace for Angola.

The human and material losses incurred during Angola’s civil war will continue to affect the viability of the state for decades to come. Therefore, Angola’s foreign policy must be redesigned as a tool to help the state reconstitute itself as a first step to an eventual and relevant participation in both regional and international affairs. For Angola, this process of reconstitution can best be achieved through greater diplomatic and economic involvement at the regional level. In particular, Angola must learn from the experience of other countries in the region — like South Africa and Mozambique — that have found ways to overcome the legacy of many years of internal conflict.

Permanent Mission of the Republic of Angola to the United Nations

The Angolan Mission to the United Nations in New York is one of our three posts (along with our diplomatic missions in Geneva and Vienna) representing Angola's interests in the United Nations system.Our Ambassador and Permanent Representative, Mr. Ismael Gaspar Martins, heads the Angolan Mission, which comprises of a team of diplomats and experts. The Mission provides the nucleus of Angolan delegations to UN conferences and meetings in New York, including regular and special sessions of the General Assembly.In January 2003, Angola acceded to the Security Council as a Non-Permanent Member and its mandate expired in December 2004. In November 2003, the Republic of Angola presided over the Security Council and also participated in the ongoing work of the other organs of the UN, such as the General Assembly, Ecosoc, and the Trusteeship Council etc. and continues to monitor the activities of the UN's specialized agencies and programs. Yet, as far as the ECOSOC is concerned, on October 2005, Angola was elected as a member of the Council with a majority of 186 votes. For the first time in the history of the United Nations and as a peace-loving country, on May 12, 2006, Angola guaranteed its seat on the newly established Peace building Commission. Subsequent to that, on June 23, 2006, Angolan ambassador to UN, Ismael Gaspar Martins, was elected by acclamation for a one-year term as Chairman of the Peace building Commission, tasked with ensuring post-conflict peace.Angola is firmly committed to the UN system. As an African nation, emerging from almost 30 years of civil war, Angola has substantial interest to having effective mechanisms for multilateral cooperation that complement our bilateral and regional relationships.The UN's importance to Angola can be seen in core areas, such as international peace and security (including arms control and disarmament) and the development of international legal instruments and norms. It is also found in the work of the UN's programs and technical agencies, which deal with issues such as the provision of humanitarian assistance, assistance to vulnerable groups such as women and children, and protection of the environment and sustainable development.One of Angola's main priorities in the UN's agenda over the past years has been the question of peace in the world, Africa, and particularly in sub-Sahara region. Angola has actively supported the UN popular consultation process at the UN Security Council level, to restore order and stability around the globe.TerrorismTerrorism has become increasingly an international issue, and close cooperation between governments has proved to be crucial. The UN plays a key role in the fight against the terrorist threat by providing a forum for the negotiation of international conventions. The existing conventions adopted by the UN impose a duty on parties either to extradite or

prosecute an alleged terrorist found in their territory. The aim of these conventions is to limit the countries where terrorists may find safe haven.Angola is a key element of this international system of cooperation against terrorism.Disarmament and International SecurityAngola sees global disarmament efforts as central to international peace and security. As a member of the United Nations Angola is working hard to maintain progress on a range of issues such as arms and control initiatives. At the Security Council, Angola played a valuable role in enhancing the effectiveness of the international nuclear nonproliferation regime in the coming future.Angola is also focused on expanding the international arms control agenda to address the proliferation of small arms and light weapons. Angola also played a constructive role and has taken a tough stance on matters related to Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All its Aspects, which has resulted in the adoption of an international program of action addressing areas such as management of weapons stockpiles, export controls and transparency.Angola is a long-standing supporter of the UN's role in peacekeeping. Emerging from some three decades of civil war Angola has largely contributed to the promotion of policies enabling peace and security around the globe.EnvironmentThe UN's agenda on global environment issues is also a high priority for the Angolan Government. Angola is a signatory to a number of conventions on environmental protection and conservation.International LawAnother important area for Angola in the UN system is the development and strengthening of international legal instruments and norms. Angola has been at the forefront of efforts to create an International Criminal Court (ICC) to address serious crimes of concern to the international community. On October 7 1998, Angola signed the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, as a clear sign of our commitment to justice as well as strengthens the international legal system.Human RightsAngola also sees an important role for the UN in the promotion and protection of human rights. We are committed to the effective functioning of the UN's human rights system, which includes a suite of treaties and declarations, bodies such as the Human Rights Council, and a range of mechanisms for monitoring and advising States on human rights issues. Angola is a party to all major human rights treaties.UN ReformThe Republic of Angola has been a strong proponent of revitalizing the UN for some time - not for reform's sake itself, but to make the system more efficient and effective, and more accountable to its Member States. Angola has for some time held the view that the Security Council should be enlarged to better reflect contemporary global political realities