Weber 2007Merits and Motivations of an Ashéninka Leader

Tipit: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of LowlandSouth America

Volume 5 | Issue 1 Article 2

6-1-2007

Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka LeaderHanne VeberUniversity of Copenhagen, [email protected]

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Recommended CitationVeber, Hanne (2007) "Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader," Tipit: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of LowlandSouth America: Vol. 5: Iss. 1, Article 2.Available at: http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol5/iss1/2

Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader

AbstractRecent approaches to life history studies emphasize the power of biography in processes of socialconstruction, highlighting the individualstoryteller and social beingas creative and created in relation toothers. Situated in collective meaning systems and their dynamics, autobiographical narration is transformedinto agency as it provides definitions of situations and encodes models for action. This essay discussesalternative interpretations of the autobiographical narrative of an Ashninka leader, Miguel Camaiteri, inPeru's Upper Amazon, focusing on the exposition of his motivations for becoming an indigenous activist andcontemplating the way his self-presentation is contingent upon the political agenda he is pursuing in telling hisstory. Camaiteri's narrative permits an up close examination of the interplay between the personal and thecollective, and between given structures and visions of change, with the acting individual as the dynamic axisthat sets the story into motion and gives it direction. In presenting the details of his struggle, what initiallyappeared to be the celebration of a hero turns into an invocation of "groupness," as well as a recognition oftradition and indigenous identity. Even if linked with a verifiable past, the autobiographical narrative is clearlya product and a means of signification that is associated with the present.

Enfoques rccientes en estudios de historias de vida valoran el poder de la biografa en procesos deconstruccin social acentuando el individuode narrador y de ser socialcomo creador y creado enrelaciones con otros. Situado en sistemas de significado colectivo y sus dinmicos, la narracin, suministrandodefiniciones de situaciones y codificando modelos de actuacin, se transborda en agenda. La autora consideraunas alternativas de interpretacin de la narrativa autobiogrfica de un lder ashninka, Miguel Camaiteri, enla Alta Amazona peruana, enfocndose en su exposicin de sus propias motivaciones de hacerse activistaindgena y contemplando la manera en que su auto-presentacin queda condicionada de la agenda polticaseguida en contar su historia. Su narrativa permite una percepcin de cerca de la interaccin entre lo personaly lo colectivo y entre estructuras instituidas y visiones de cambio poniendo el indivduo actuador como el ejedinmico que pone la historia en marcha y la da direccin. En exponer las dificultades de su lucha, lo que alprincipio pareca la celebracin de un hroe se convierte en una invocacin de la colectividad yreconocimiento de la tradicin y la identidad indgena. La narrativa autobiogrfica, aunque vinculado a unpasado verificable, queda producto y medio de significacin asociado al presente.

Cover Page FootnoteAcknowledgments. This essay was written as part of a study entitled Between Two Worlds: AutobiographicalChronicles of Ashninka Leaders. The study included fieldwork carried out by the author in Perus SelvaCentral in the Fall of 2004 and the Fall of 2005. It was made possible through financial support from theDanish National Research Council for the Humanities

This article is available in Tipit: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America:http://digitalcommons.trinity.edu/tipiti/vol5/iss1/2

Tipit (2007) 5(1):931 2007 SALSA 9ISSN 1545-4703 Printed in USA

Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader

HANNE VEBERUniversity of [email protected]

INTRODUCTION

Life history studiesoften imagined as empirical doorways to theethos of specific cultureshave been a legitimate part of fieldworkmethodologyforaslongasanthropologyhasbeenanacademicprofession(LangnessandFrank2001).Otherdisciplines(includinghistory,sociology,cultural studies, and psychology) have embraced life history studies fortheir ownpurposes. Historianswere among the first to appreciate theimportanceofpersonalreminiscenceashistoricalevidence(Prins2001),andsocialscientistsfindthatautobiographicaland biographicalmethodsprovidea sophisticatedstockof interpretiveprocedures for relating thepersonalandthesocial(Chamberlayneetal.2000:2).Commonamongtherangeofapproachestolifehistoriesisanideathattheyofferprivilegedwindows intoculture,history, thehumanpsyche,or intotheconditionsofhumanaction. Nevertheless,PeacockandHollandfoundmorethanadecade ago that life history studieswere poorly integratedwith thelargerendeavorofdescription,analysis,andtheory, thuswarrantingtheir being reframed and theorized again (1993:367). They alsonotedthatmanystudieshave tendedtoseelifehistoriesascompletereflectionsofanexternalrealitywhethersituatedinthehumanpsyche,inculture,in society, or in historya reality that constituted the real object ofstudy.Seenasamediumforgraspingthisreality,thenarrativeitself,oritsrelationtothecontextofnarration,hasbeensecondary. Withtheantiessentialistturninlatetwentieth-centuryanthropology,this is changing. The bulk of more recent approachesvaried andcomplex as they aretend to go beyond the narrow and rather staticviewsofpreviousepistemologies.AsPeacockandHollandobserve,thesenewapproachessituatethelifestoryinprocessescrucialtohumanlife:collectivemeaningsystemsandtheirdynamics,self-othercommunicationand discovery, social relations and the formation of sociality, or self-formation (1993:373). Such approaches inwhichlife stories are notvaluedsolelyonthebasisofhowwell theymirrorsomerealityexternal

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tothenarrative,areconducivetoamultidimensionalappreciationofthepowerofbiographicalandautobiographicalnarrative indiverseprocessesofsocialconstruction.Lifehistoryallowsforaperceptionoftheindividualsubjectsstorytellersandsocialbeingsasbothcreativeandcreated intheirrelationstoothers. In this vein, the process of telling life stories is widely recognizedfor its therapeutic value, as ismost clearly apparent in institutionalizedsettings (e.g., at Alcoholics Anonymous, group psychotherapy sessions,etc.). Storytelling helps to reclaim a sense that the protagonists havesomesayinthewaytheirlivesunfold.Forthenarratorinsuchsettings,asMichael Jacksonphrases it, storytelling isavitalhumanstrategyforsustainingasenseofagencyinthefaceofdisempoweringcircumstances(2002:15). Taking inspiration from Hannah Arendt, Jackson stressesstorytelling as an important bridge between private and public realms,andbetweentheindividualandthecollectivity.Inthisway,hehighlightsthe double-sidedness of autobiographical storytelling as both a sortof confession and a social act inwhich stories are shared and come tocarrymeaning beyond the personal. Yet, with such a strong focus onthe therapeutics in storytelling that enables themarginalizedto createnecessary illusionswithoutwhich lifebecomes insupportable ( Jackson2002:26), this approach fails to account for the power of storytellingwhenpositionsotherthanthatof thevictimarevoicedbythenarrator.In empowered contexts, autobiographical narratives indeed turn intomeans,oreveneffects,ofstrategicpositioning.Theyprovidedefinitionsof situations and encodemodels for action rather than supply illusionsto live by. Storytelling thushelps to establish agency, creating itself asimaginableandeffective.Empirically,acleardistinctionbetweenstoriesasillusionsofempowermentandasmodelsforactionmaybehardtodraw,but,forpurposesofanalysis,thedifferencemaybehelpful. One additional obstacle may impede anthropological work on lifehistory narratives frommoving beyond a focus on their role in copingwith positions of disempowerment. Centering on the individual, lifehistorywork inanthropologyconvergeson,buttriestodifferentiateitselffrom,thepopularbiographygenrethatfocusesonheadsofstate,greatmen or women, superstars, and common celebritieswhether they areheroesorvillains,royaltyorspin-doctoredpoliticians,oreventhehumanproductsofcommercialbrandingstrategies.Thismodelisnotwheremostanthropologistslookforthesubjectsoftheirinformantbiographiesandlifehistories.Rather,anthropologiststendtoshyawayfromheromakingandfromindividualizationofsubjectsintheirwritings.Whilethisisnormallyahealthydispositiononthepartoftheethnographer,itdoestendtoignore

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Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka Leader 11

thefactthatincertainsituationsspecificinformantsmayactuallyratetheheroismtheyclaim(ordonotclaim,asthecasemaybe).Mycommentsarenotmeanttoadvocateashifttocontemporarycelebritymemoirsortotheheroictextsofnineteenth-centuryhistorians.Rather,Iwanttocreateaninformedunderstandingoftheroleoftalentedleadersandthepowerofautobiographicalstorytellinginethnography.Bothareunderstoodbymetobeapartofapoliticsofliberation.Myfocusisthewaysuchleadersactpoliticallyacrossconflictingculturalformsandpoliticalsystems,effectingintheprocessavisionofethicalandpracticalethnographictexts. Workingfromanontologicalassumptionthat individualscanmakeadifferenceandthattheymaybeeffectiveagents,lifehistory(andmorepreciselytheautobiographicalnarrative)needstobeseenasalignedwithhistory, authenticityand reflection. Itmustalsobeconcernedwith thepresent,withsubjectivity,invention,representation,andfabrication.Iusethetermautobiographicalnarrativeheretorefertoaccountsthatdonotcoverapersonsentirelife,aslifehistoriesdo,butcovershorterepisodeswithinthisspan.1Autobiographicalnarratives,evenifindissolublylinkedwithanactualverifiablepast,aretheproductsofsignifyingprocessesthatare associated with the present, with hopes and dreams, and with theproductionofmeaning.Inthissense,theautobiographicalnarrativeisacomplexproductinvolvingboththerepresentationoflivedexperienceandthe ability of the storyteller to seize the opportunity for transformativeimpulse. In this essay I discuss some possible interpretations of an auto-biographicalnarrativeIcollectedin1987fromMiguelCamaiteri,amanwhowasashrewdorganizerandunusuallytalentedleader. Iwantedtodeterminehowheunderstoodhisownpolitical roleamong thePajonalAshninka, an indigenous population in one of Perus more isolatedAmazon regions.2 A central theme in the personal story he presentedin 1987, a theme to which he returned time and again, concerned hismotivationsforbecominganactivist. Miguels1987accountself-consciouslypaintsapictureofanidealistic,goal-oriented person,whowitnessed recurrent injustices as a child anddecidedasanadultthathewouldreturntoliberatehispeople.Hisstoryisepisodic. It recountsanumberofhis featsoforganizingthePajonalAshninka.Miguelalsoexplains someofthepersonalsacrificeshemadetoattainthisgoal.Itisthecareerstoryofahero.Toanoutsiderand,undoubtedly,toMiguelhimself,thenarrativeappearsplausibleandtrueatfirstglance.Yet,uponcloserscrutinyitbecomesapparentthatthedetailsdonotsupportapictureofideal-drivenheroism.Rather,thestoryrevealsan energetic and pragmatic person, with a talent for opportunistically

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respondingtoandinfluencingunfoldingeventsbeyondhismaking.Whatheroismexistsemergesas anexpostfactorationalization,asdoesthegoalitself.Thismaybethecasewithallheroesandheroism.However,readingMiguelCamaiteris narrative in concertwith information abouthis lifeandhisactionsderivedfromothersources,includingmyownfieldnotes,andmyknowledgeofhimasapersonalternativeinterpretationsemerge.ThesealternativeinterpretationsareprobablynomorenorlesstruethantheheroicversionofthestoryastoldbyMiguel.However,takentogetherthey offer a different perspective on Miguels accomplishments andmotivations. Theyalsooffer anunderstandingofhowhispresentationofhimselfdependsonhisownpolitical agendaat the timehe tells thestory. Suchacontextualized interpretationmayrevealhisactions tobecrucialtotheimprovementofthelotofhispeople.Hisnarrativeexpresseshissenseofagency,notasasolitarymanstandingalone,butassomeonewhoenvisions and emphasizes collectivegoals. Through this emphasisonthecollective,Miguelsnarrativechallengesnotionsoftheimpendingbreakdownofindigenoussolidarityinthefaceofmodernization.Assuch,the narrative forges self-confident indigenous identity while speakingtruthtopower.

THE PAJONAL ASHNINKA AND THE SETTLERS

Approximately 6,000 Pajonal Ashninka live in small settlementsscatteredover3,600squarekilometersofdenserainforestandgrasslandsknownastheGranPajonal,amontaaregionbetweentheUcayaliriverand the far eastern slopesof theAndes. They forma subgroupof thelargerArawakanpopulationformerlyknownintheethnographicliteratureasCampa and today referred toby their autodenominationsAshninkaandAshninka(HvalkofandVeber2005).Numberingmorethan80,000peopleintheUpperAmazonofcentralPeru,knownasLa Selva Central,these populations find themselves in varying degrees of socioeconomicinvolvement with national society. The Pajonal Ashninka are on thelesserintegratedendofthecontinuum. TheGranPajonalisadifficultregiontoaccess.ItwasbroughtunderthepurviewofthePeruviangovernmentonlyinthelate1930s,whentheFranciscanMissionsetupthesmallcolonycalledOventeniinthecenterofGranPajonalregion.Fromthenon,theAshninkawhohunt,gather,andengageinhorticulturegraduallyfoundtheirbestlandstakenoverbysettlerswhoweremostlyimmigrantsfromtheAndeanhighlands.AlongwithsettlerscamelethalepidemicsthattookaheavytollontheAshninka

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population. Yet, the decline was soon reversed thanks to vaccinationcampaignsinitiatedinthe1970sbyAmericanmissionariesoftheSummerInstituteofLinguistics(SIL)whoworkedinthearea.Fromanestimatedlowof1,500personsin1969(Bodley1971),thepopulationhadmultipliedtoapproximately4,000by1985 (Hvalkof1989). By the 1970s, serious conflicts had developed between settlers andthenativeAshninka.TheAshninkaneededtheirlandforsubsistenceandforthedevelopmentofcashcrops,whileambitioussettlerswantedtoexpand the cattle-ranching schemes inwhich theyhad investedmoneyandeffort.3Thesesettlershadnointentionoflettingafewragtagnativesstopthemfrommakingtheirdreamsofwealthcometrue. Yet, settlersdepended onAshninka labor for clearingfields and planting pastures,andtheywereaccustomedtosecuringthislaboratverylowcosts.4 TheAshninkawereawarethatalongwithland,educationwascentraltotheirhopeforabetterfuture.WiththeirlimitedknowledgeofSpanish,andwithouttheabilitytoread,write,orperformsimplearithmetic,theywould never be able to secure control of the territories on which theysubsisted.Intheabsenceofsuchskills,theywouldneverreceivefairpricesforthecropstheywantedtomarket. Over the years, Oventeni settlers had actively resisted Ashninkaefforts to improve their lot. By the early 1980s, the Ashninka werebecomingawarethattheyneededtoactcollectivelytochangethesituation.WithsupportfromSILmissionaries,5somelocalheadmenmanagedtosetupbilingualschoolsinafewlocalsettlements.Theyhadalsostartedtoorganizethemselvesintocomunidades nativas (nativecommunities),legalentities that byPeruvian law allow groups ofAmazonian natives to beformally recognizedas separatepopulationswith rights to territoryandthemanagementof theirowninternalaffairs.ThisorganizationalprocesswasanongoingconcernfortheAshninkawhenIarrivedinOventeniinNovember1985todoethnographicfieldwork.6 To learn about indigenous life and relations between settlers andAshninka,myhusbandandIstayedindifferentAshninkasettlementsand in Oventeni, observing interactions between the two groups andlisteningtocomplaintsfromindigenouspersonsthattheywerenotbeing paidforworktheyhaddoneforsettlers,thattheircropswerecutdownandtheirfieldstakenoverbysettlers,andthattheywerebeingthreatenedand abused by settlers by being evicted from their homes and cheatedwhentheysoldtheirharvestofcoffeetosettlerbuyers.IbecameawarethattheircomplaintsreflectedarecentconsciousnessawakeningamongtheAshninka that the ill-treatment theywereexperiencingwaswrongandunlawful,andthatindigenouspeopleactuallyhadrightstoterritory,

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education,healthservices,andtoformcommunitiesoftheirownwithameasureofautonomyingoverningthemselves. The news that Indians had rights seemed miraculous to manyAshninka.Theyhadbeenleadtobelievethat thepowertocommandandcontrolnativepersonsbelongedtononnativenationals,betheyAndeansettlers or mestizos from other parts of the country. This news hadspreadoverthevastGranPajonalregionfroma seriesofmeetingswhereMiguelCamaiteriandotherleadershadlecturedonPeruvianlegislation.Settlers only became aware of thesemeetings as theAshninkawhomtheyemployedstartedtomakedemandsforbetterpaymentandwrittencontractsonthetermsofwork.Evenmorethreateningtothesettlers,theAshninkanowevenclaimedrightsofownershiptocropsandland.AssettlersstartedtorealizethecentralroleplayedbyMiguelCamaiteri inspreadinginformationaboutindigenousrights,someofthemaccusedhimofbeingacommunistagitatorandreportedhimtothepoliceinSatipo,theprovincialcapital.TheydenouncedhimasacriminalandasubversiveandaccusedhimofplanninganIndianuprising.ThisonlymadeMiguelevenmoredeterminedtocontinuewhathehadstarted. ByApril 1987, I had been in theGran Pajonal for some eighteenmonths,andwasgraduallybecomingawareofthesubtleinfluenceofthisoneman.However,hisexactrolewasnotentirelycleartome.Iknewofthe frequentgatheringsofmanyAshninkainthelargecompoundofhisolderbrotherNico,whohadbeen living inOventeni foryearsworkingforsettlers.IhadwatchedMiguelexplainindigenousrightstoacrowdofAshninkaandIknewhewasconstantlytravelingfarandwidewithintheGranPajonalandbeyond.HewasalsoincontactwithpublicauthoritiesinSatipoandelsewhere,andheoftenmetwithindigenousleadersfromtheregionalorganizationsthathaddevelopedinotherpartsoftheSelvaCentral from the late1970sonwards. Still, Ihadonly a vague ideaofwhohereallywasandwhatmadehimtaketherisksandgothroughthedifficultiesofspearheadingtheprocessoforganizingindigenouspeopleintheGranPajonal.IdecidedthatonewayofunderstandingMiguelsroleandhismotivationwouldbetoaskhimtotellmehislifehistory. MyhusbandandIwouldoccasionallymeetMiguelathisbrotherscompoundontheoppositesideoftheOventeniairstripfromwhereourrentedhousewaslocated.Ifoundhimtobeasoft-spokenandhumbleman.Hehadbeenservingasabilingualteacherinanearbycommunityforawhile,yethedidnotconsiderhimselfateacher.Hislifewasdedicatedtopromoting indigenousorganizing, and this iswhathe spentmostofhis timedoing. Hisbehavior showednoneof theaudacityorboldnessdisplayedbymanyotherAshninkaheadmen.Heneverstoppedbyour

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housetosolicittradegoodsortoaskformedicine.Heneverapproachedpatronsettlersaboutadvancepaymentsonworkcontracts,nordidheeverseektheirhelptogainaccesstomerchandizesuchasguns,ammunition,axes,machetes,knives,aluminumpots,andotheritemsthathavebecomenecessitiesinPajonalAshninkahouseholds(Veber1996).WhenMigueldidcomearoundourhouse, itwas todiscusspolitics and to talkaboutpossibilitiesforexternalsupportforhiscause.HeassumedresponsibilityfortheimaginedcollectivityofthePajonalAshninka.(Thiscollectivityis imagined in the same way Benedict Anderson [1991:6] uses theconcept, that is, imagined because themembers of this collectivitywillneverknowmostoftheirfellow-members.)Totheextentthatthereexistsan imagined communityon thepartof the scattered and independent-mindedAshninka,itisundoubtedlytheresultoftherecentorganizingencouraged byMiguel and others (Veber 1998; see alsoVeber 1999).7Apart from encouraging the formation of comunidades nativas,MiguelfoundwaystosecurebilingualschoolingforalloftheAshninkachildren,themajorityofwhomdidnotknowenoughSpanishtobenefitfromtheeducationofferedintheOventenipublicschoolorwhosimplylivedtoofarawayfromthesettlercolonytobeabletoenroll,hadtheywishedtodoso. Miguelwaspainfully aware that, throughallhis efforts toobtain afewimprovementsforthePajonalAshninka,hehadbecomethefavoriteobjectofhateforsettlerswhohadplannedtheirfuturewithaneyetowardsthegainstobemadefromcheapAshninkalabor.Thesesettlersrealizedthatwell-organizedAshninka,withevenaminimumofeducation,wouldturn into defiant field hands demanding not only higher pay, but landrightsandotherrightsofcitizenship.WithsettlersthennumberingonlyafewhundredpersonsasmallminorityagainstsomefourorfivethousandAshninkait was obvious that such a development would mean theendofbothsettlerhegemonyintheGranPajonalandofsettlerdreamsof territorial expansion and future wealth. In a vain effort to preventfurtherAshninkaempowerment,settlersdeclaredMiguelCamaiteri tobeasubversiverebelandadrugtraffickerwhowassponsoredbyforeigninterests.Inthecontextoftheserumors, MiguelknewhewasriskinghislifebycontinuingtoorganizetheAshninka.Foralongtimehehadkepta lowprofilevis--vis thesettlers. However,by1987 lying lowwasnolongeranoption.Aprocessofindigenouslandtitlingwasabouttobegin.Amajor development scheme, thePichis-Palcazu Special Project,8 hadagreedtoallocatefundsfordemarcationofindigenouslandsintheGranPajonal. Tensionamongthesettlerswasgreat.Meanwhile,atacitconviction

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had developed among theAshninka that they nowheld the strongestposition.Bythistime,twenty-twocomunidades nativashadbeenformed,afewhadalreadybeenlegallyrecognizedandtitledwithassistancefromtheSIL.Therestwereabouttogothroughtheprocess,andmorecomunidades nativas were still being formed. Settlers would soon find themselvesenclosedwithinatinyareaontheregionalmap,completelysurroundedbylargeindigenouslandholdingsthatwouldimpedeanyexpansionofthecattleventuresthroughwhichtheyhopedtodominatetheregion.Theywere furious. ThePeruvian statewas compelled to fly a highly placedrepresentativeoftheMinistryofAgricultureintoOventenitolecturethesettlerson indigenous rightsandon theirdutiesasPeruviancitizens torespectthecountryslegislation.Thisleftthesettlersevenmorefrustrated.Theirworldwasbeingturnedupsidedown. IsuggestedtoMiguelthatheallowmetotape-recordhisstory.Heimmediately agreed andwe had our first recording session onApril 6,1987.Bythistime,hehadthoughtcarefullyaboutwhatshouldgointohisaccount.Ihadimaginedastorythatwouldincludedetailsofhispersonallife,hiswork,gettingmarried,andmovingbetweendifferentcommunitiesintheSelvaCentral,Peruscentral forestregion. ButMiguelchosehisownparticularfocus.ThestoryhegavemeturnedouttobethestoryofMiguelCamaiteriasapoliticalactivist.HewantedtheworldtoknowoftheabusessufferedbytheAshninkaatthehandsofsettlersintheGranPajonal. He alsowanted to establish his own role as a key person inbringingaboutchangesinthesituation,changesthatwouldbenefitourfellow countrymen, (which, significantly, is what Ashninka literallymeans).

MIGUEL CAMAITERIS STORY

ThissectionbeginswithanexcerptfromMiguelsstorydescribinghowhebecameanorganizerandthedefensesecretaryintheGranPajonalofthe1980s.

GrowingupinOventeniIwitnessedtheoutragescommittedbythesettlersagainstournativepeople.Isawhowtheywerebeingseizedandcarriedoff,hung up andwhipped. And apart frombeing punished, theywere beingforcedtowork.WhentheCatholicMissionwashere,theauthoritiessentthesheriffouttogetindigenouschildrenfortheMissionschool.Sometimestheparentsdidnotwanttheirchildrentocomeandlivehere.Theymissedtheirchildrenandbesides,theyneededtheirhelpathome.TheOventeniauthorities claimed these abuses were being perpetuated in order for the

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childrentolearnSpanishandbecomecivilized.But,intheend,thisisnotatallwhatresultedfromthis.Thewaytheparentssawit,theirchildrenweresimplybeingkidnapped.Asaconsequence,someparentscommittedsuicidebypoisoningthemselvesaftertheirchildrenhadbeentakenfromthemtobebroughtupattheMission.TheycouldnotthinkofanythingelsetodoandtheyhadnoideawhatwasgoingtohappenhereinOventeni.And,asIwaswitnessingallthis,beingjustasmallboy,Icouldnotunderstandwhytheseabusestookplace.Later,afterIhadleftin1967or1966andwasworkinginPuertoOcopaintheMissionhelpingmygodmothertendingherfields,Idevelopedtheideathat,onceIhadgrownup,IwouldreturntoOventenitodefendtherightsofmyfellowAshninka.AndthisiswhatIamdoingnow.Iammoreorlessconfrontingalltheseproblemsthataretroublingus.

AsIlistenedtoMiguelsstory,Iwassurprisedbytheextenttowhichhehadthoughteverythingthroughandreconstructedhisentirelifearoundthe singular purpose of liberating his fellow Ashninka from settleroppression. Hewas born for this, he said. Miguel clearly needed theworldtoknowabouthisaccomplishments,thesufferingsofthepast,andtheactsof liberationhewasengineering. Future leaderswouldbeabletolearnfromhisexperiences.Therefore,helikedtheideathathisstorymightbepublished. Besides,he reasoned, ifhebecamewellknown inPeru,hisenemiesmightstarthavingsecondthoughtsaboutkillinghim. Despitehisearlierenthusiasm,gettingMigueltocontinuetellinghisstoryafterthatfirstsessionturnedouttobedifficult.Hefailedtoshowuptwodayslaterforasecondscheduledsession.Hehadgonefishinginafarawayriver,theUnini,hisrelativesreported.Thisnewswassurprisingtome,consideringtheimpendingarrivalofateamofprojectconsultants.Theseconsultantswouldinitiateworkonregistrationanddemarcationoftherecentlyformedcomunidades nativas.WhenMiguelshowedupthreedayslaterwithaloadofsmokedfish,theconsultantshadalreadyarrived.Thenextday,Migueltookoffwithtwoofthem,headinginthedirectionfromwhichhehadjustreturned.Icouldonlyguessatthemotivebehindhisunexpectedurgetogofishing.Onedayhewouldbethere,andbythenext,hewouldvanish,onlytoshowupagainwhenleastexpected. Hisbrothersinsistedhisunpredictabilityhelpedkeephimsafe. Wefinishedthesecondlifehistoryinterviewtwoweekslater.Bythen,Miguelhadotherthingsonhismindandwasnotinamoodtogointodetailsheconsideredirrelevanttothelargerpointhewantedtomake.IlefttheGranPajonalamonthlater,and,followingshort-termfieldtripstotwoAshninkasettlementsontributariestotheUcayali,returnedhometoDenmark. Forthenextsevenyearsacivilwarmadetheareasofmyfieldworkinaccessible and preventedme fromworking further onMiguels story.

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Later,othercircumstanceskeptmefromreturningtothefield.But,overtheyearsMiguelkeptaskingabout the fateofhis story. Hewanted itmadepublic. Itwasnotuntil 2004 that Iwas able to return to followupon it. By then,hewas ready to relatea fewdetailsaboutwhathadoccurred during the years of war. He showed up for the first sessionwehad agreed upon and thenmissed the next, and the next. The oldpatternofhisbehaviorcontinued.IfoundmyselfwithmanyhoursoftaperecordingsanduncoordinatedsectionsofnarrativethatcovereddifferentaspectsofMiguelslifeasanindigenousactivist.Theserecordingsofferaccess to the thoughtprocessof a leader. Miguels statements reflect aconscious, if subjective, attempt to construct and shape his version ofsociopoliticalrealityashewantsittobeunderstood.Thenarrationalsobegstheinterpretationofthisethnographer.

MIGUELS STORY INTERPRETED I: LEARNING TO LEAD

MiguelsstoryisanaccountofhismotivationforassumingapositionofleadershipinthemovementtofreetheAshninkafromsettlerdomination.Herepeatedlyreturnstothefactthat,asayoungchild,hewitnessedmanyinjusticescommittedagainsthispeople.Asapersonwhospenthisentireyouthamongnonnatives,bearingwitnessinthiswayrhetoricallyconnectshimtothePajonalAshninkaandtheirneedforliberation.Hewasthere,andhesawwhathappened.Hisnarrativealsoestablisheshislegitimacyasalocal,onewhowasbornandraisedintheGranPajonal.Hispositionstandsinoppositiontothatofanyoutsider,whowouldbesuspectedofbeingouttotakepersonaladvantageofthesituation. ItisdifficultformetomakesenseofMiguelsclaimofhavingdecided,asachild,toreturnasaliberatorofhispeople.Ratherthaninterpretingthisclaimasanactualchildhoodrecollection,IbelievethatitismostlikelyaproductofMiguelsneedtogroundhisactivismhistorically.Severalstatements in thenarrative suggest this tome. These statements relatemoretothecircumstancesofthetellingofthenarrative,ratherthantothespecifichistoricaleventsheisnarrating. Goingbeyondtheinformationofferedinthenarrative,Ibelievethatone likely source ofMiguels anger concerning abuses inOventeni andhisdeterminationtomakesomethingofhislifewastheinfluenceofhisgodmotherduringhischildhood.Althoughhisnarrativedevotesfewwordstohisgodmother,SeoraRosa,herinfluenceonMiguelseventualactivistpersonamaywellhavebeenconsiderable.Afterall,Miguelspentsometenyearsofhislifewithherinthe1950sand1960s.Twodecadeslater,Ihad

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thepleasureofgettingtoknowherwellwhenIlivedinOventeni.Itookallmymealsinherhouse.Shemadeamodestlivingcookingandservingfoodtoitinerantsandresidentsingles,includingvisitinganthropologistsandyoungteacherscontractedforshort-termpositionsattheOventenischool. Orphaned at an early age, Miguel and his younger brother wereraised by SeoraRosa, a woman ofmixedYine9 and Spanish descent.HerhusbandhadbeenatraderandoneoftheearlysettlersinOventeni.SeoraRosaneverhadchildrenofherown,butover theyearsshehadtakencountlessAshninkachildrenintohercare,raisingthemwell,andmakingsure theyattendedclassesregularly inOventenispublicschool.She was a devout Catholic and believed firmly in the equal value ofevery human being,whethermestizo, indigenousAmazonian, or other.Thisbeliefwasnotgenerallysharedbythesettlers,manyofwhomwereconvincedthatthenativeAshninkawereinferiorhumancreatures,usefulforhardworkandnotmuchelse.SomebelievedthattheAshninkahadthemental capacity for civilization and that, if theywanted to orweregiventheopportunity,theymightactuallycatchupwithsettlers.Astheysawit,theproblemwasthatmostAshninkadidnotwantcivilization.Inthisview,theAshninkathusfoundthemselves indirestraits,andtheyhadonlythemselvestoblame.SeoraRosasharedthelatterconviction.Therefore, she taught herAshninka foster children the importance ofeducationandcivilizedconduct.Asfarasshewasconcerned,alcoholism,violence,exploitation,andabuseofotherhumanbeingswerenotpartofcivilizedconduct.Fromherperspective,thebulkofsettlersinOventenifellrathershortofthebenchmarksofcivilizedbehavior. ConsideringtheattitudesofOventenisettlerstowardstheindigenousAshninka,itmaybenosurprisethatSeoraRosasfosterchildren,oncethey had finished school and were expected to provide for themselves,eitherwentback into the forest to livewithAshninka relativesor lefttheregionaltogethertoexploretheworldandfindlivablealternativesforthemselvesoutsideoftheGranPajonal.Miguelchosethelatterstrategy.Inaninterviewconductedwithhimin2004,heputitthus:

Iwantedtoeducatemyself,preparemyself.Todothat,Ihadtowork.Therewasnoonetohelpme.Iwasonmyown.IfIdidnotwork,therewasnoeducation.Iwouldhavehadtolookaftercattleandtendfieldsfortherestofmylife.Ihadtogetoutofthere.IhadfinishedprimaryschoolandIwantedtogooneducatingmyself.

Hegoesontoexplainhowhemovedon. Insummary,Miguel learnedfromhisfriendsaboutthemilitary,anever-presentoptionusedbyboys,

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andsometimesgirls,toescapealifeofhopelesspoverty. At the age of 18, Miguel enrolled in the Peruvian military on avoluntarybasis.Itsuitedhimwellandhespentmorethanfouryearswiththeinfantry,ultimatelyrisingtotherankofsergeant.Whenheresignedintheearly1970s,hecamebacktoOventeni,buthedidnotlikeitthereanymore.Hehadbecomeaccustomedtoadifferenttypeofenvironment,he explained. He soon foundwork logging in theneighboring areaofSatipo.Atthistime,hetooknointerestwhatsoeverinindigenousissues.HewasawarethatorganizingwasgoingonamongtheAshninkaintheregion,buthedidnotcare.Hisnarrativeclearlyexplainsthathebelieveditwasnoneofhisbusiness.Yet,histalentsdidnotgounnoticedbytheindigenousleadersintheareaandhisrecruitmentforleadership,Ibelieve,wasinevitable. Theearly1970swasa timeofchange inPeru. The leftist reform-orientedgovernmentofGeneralJuanVelascoAlvaradohadseizedpowerin 1968. New legislation was being passed to improve conditions forthecountrysruralpoor,includingtheindigenouspeopleoftheAmazonlowlands. The government had created a special agencySistemaNacional de Movilizacin, SINAMOS (National System of SocialMobilization)to promote indigenous organizing. It informed peopleaboutthenewLawofNativeCommunities(DecreeLaw20653,passedin1974)andtheadvantagesitoffered.Becausehehadfouryearsofmilitarytraining,Miguelwasconsideredwelleducatedbyanylocalstandards.HesoonfoundhimselfinvitedbytheleadersofanAshninkacommunityintheSatipo region,Yavirironi, to act as their representative at ameetingcalledbytheSINAMOSinHuancayo, theadministrativecenterof theDepartmentofJuninthatincludesmostofthecentralforestregion.ThismeetingwasapparentlyMiguelsintroductiontoindigenouspolitics.Herecounted, in the life-history interview of 1987, his experience of it insomedetail:

Theymademeadelegate.TheyprovidedmewithcredentialssayingthatIwouldbeworkingforthecommunityandtheymademeattendaseminarinHuancayo. Weleft forHuancayothatsamenightwithsixtytwootherdelegates representing the different native communities. We arrived inHuancayothefollowingdayattheseminar.ThepeoplefromtheSINAMOSwerethere,theleaders,thechairmen,andmanymorewaitingforus.Thenwebegan,andthiswasthefirsttimeeverIwasrepresentingacommunity.I did not knowmuch about the laws of native communities. And sowestartedtheseminar.Someleadersmoreorlessknewaboutthelawsofnativecommunitiesandtheybegantotalk.Theytalkedandtheytalked,claimingtheirrights,sayingthatweusedtohavealawthatwasthesameforsettlersand

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peasantcommunitiesinthehighlands.ObviouslyIlistenedcarefullytoalloftheleadersandtothedelegatesfromeverycommunity,theirexpositionsandtheclaimstheyweremaking.Andwell,atthistimeIalsospokesomewordsbutIwasnotverywellacquaintedwiththelawsandalloftheproblemsofthecommunities,asIhadonlyjuststartedtogettoknowwhatacommunitywasallabout.Afterthreedaystheseminarended.Andhavingbeenattheseminar,Iwasprovidedwithfullcredentialsasacommunitydelegate. Assuch,theytoldme,Iwastheonewhohadtofindoutabouttheirproblemsandtravelaroundtodealwithanycasesthatmightneedattention.AndthenIreturnedtoYavirironi.AtameetingItoldthemeverythingIhadlearnedattheseminar.Iinformedthecommunityandthen,thefollowingweek,webegantowork.

Migueldidnotofferanydetailsaboutthetypeofworkheinitiated.Hequicklymoved on to explain that he soon got into trouble with otherleaders,ormenwhoaspiredtobecomeleadersinYavirironi.ReferringtoMiguel,theytoldpeoplethatthispersonwhohascomefromtheoutsideshouldnotbedirectingusbecausewehavepeoplefromamongourownwhocanbeourleaders!Miguelwentontoexplain:

TheydidnotlikemyworkandthethingsIwasdoing.Wehadadiscussionandtheytoldme,Youhavecomefromfarawayandyouaresubduingus,puttingthepeopletowork!Butmydutytherewastomakethecommunitymembersworktogether.Thisiswhattheytoldmeattheseminar.ThiswasmydutyandIhadtofulfillit.

Miguelsawnosolutiontotheconflictandhechosetoquit.Heleftthecommunityandwentbacktofindworkamongthesettlers. In retrospect this brief drama appears to be crucial to Miguelsdevelopmentasaleader.Thisisprobablywhyhetakesthetroubletoexplainitinsomedetail.Yet,hisnarrativerequiresfurtherclarification.AlthoughtheproblemfocusesonthefactthatMiguelhascometoYavirironifromtheoutside,thisishardlyasufficientexplanationforthecriticism.Manysuccessfulnativeleadershaveoriginatedoutsideofthecommunitieswheretheyserveasleaders.Miguelsownwords,however,suggestthenatureoftheproblemthatmoveshimtoresign.Heisbeingblamedforputtingthepeopletoworkandsubduingus.Atthetime,heapparentlyperceivedittobe hisdutytoputpeopletowork,apositionoriginatingwiththoseheconsideredhissponsors,theSINAMOS,anstateagencythatpromotedcommunitydevelopment.MiguelappearstohavethoughtofhimselffirstasactingonbehalfoftheSINAMOS,ratherthanthecommunity.Inthisrole,hedidnotseehimselfasprincipallytheretorepresentthecommunity,ortocarryoutdecisionsmadebyitsmembers.Rather,hewasmakingthe

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communitycomplywithdecisionsmadebySINAMOS. Recentlydischargedfromthearmy,itseemsthatMiguelcontinuedtoembodyamilitaryethosofgivingandtakingorders.Suchcomportmentwouldhardlybeacceptable inanativecommunityofAshninkathat isaccustomedtocharismaticinformalleadershipbymen,andoccasionallywomen.Traditionalleadersleadbysubtlepersuasionandbygoodexample.Besides,fromhisOventenichildhood,Miguelhadbeenmadetobelievethat indigenouspeoplewereunfit formakingpolitical decisions, unlesstheywereacculturatedcivilizados.Miguelhadbeenchosenforleadershipbecause of his military education and his knowledge of mestizo ways.Now,intheYavirironicontext,theseverycapabilitiesgotinhisway.HehadtolearntheAshninkastyleofleadership. He soon had another chance to find a more appropriate modusoperandi as a community leader when another Ashninka community,Pumpuriani,which is located in thePeren, invitedhim in. This timeMiguel apparently had learned his lesson and managed to becomea successful leader.Hehelped to solve problemswith settlerswhohadinvadedcommunitylandsandhesecuredtheallocationofapublicschoolteacherforthecommunity.

MIGUELS STORY INTERPRETED II: RETURN OF THE LIBERATOR

MiguelgoesontoexplainhowheeventuallyreturnedtoOventeni.Herepeatsthetaleofsettlerabusesandhischildhooddecisiontoreturntoliberatehispeople:

Isaidtomyself,No,IhavetodosomethingformyfellowAshninka. IhavetoreturntomyhomeareaandtoOventeniwheremanyproblemsexist!Thenin1979,Iwenttovisitmyfamilywholivedhere.IstayedinOventeniwiththemfortwomonths.Isawmybrother.Isawalltheproblemsthatweretroublingthem.ItwasevenworsethanithadbeenwhenIleftbecausemoreambitioussettlerskeptcomingandstillmoreabuseswerecommittedagainstmyfellowAshninka.SoIlookeditover,metallthepeople,sawwhatwasbeingdonetothem,sawthosewhohadbeenbeaten,andalltheproblemstheywerehaving.SometimestheAshninkafoughtamongthemselves,andtheywereseizedandlockedupinprison,hungupandwhipped.Theydidallkindsofthingstothem.Andtheymadethemworktiedupinchains.AndIsaid:Whatisthis?Whenisthisevergoingtostop?MybrothersNicolsandPascualsaidtome,Insteadofhelpingothercommunities,whynotcomebackheretohelpusbecausewearesufferingsomanyabusesandinjustices andourfieldsarebeingtakenfromus?And,asmybrotherwasfacingall

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oftheseproblemstakingplace,Iagreedtostay.SinceearlychildhoodIhadknownthesethings,theinjusticesinthisvillageofOventeni,andsoIdecidedtostay,andI told them,Iwillcomeandorganizemyfellowcountrymenhereandformadefense,likeanorganizationoracenter!So,Icarriedthisdecisionhere.Icamehereafterhavinglivedoutsideforalongtime.AndIhadcometovisithereforonlytwomonthsandthenIreturned,longingtoorganizecommunitiesandworkwithmyownpeopleinthisregion.

There is no reason to doubtMiguels intentions of organizing theindigenousPajonalinosandtryingtoendsettlerabuses.ButwhyshouldthisideasuddenlymakehimdecidetogiveupagoodlifeinPumpuriani,wherehewasheadofthecommunity,andcomebacktoliveinOventeni,aplacehehadsodislikedwhenreturningtovisitonpreviousoccasions?TheimportanceIattributetoMiguelsstatementthathesawhisbrotherneedstobeconsideredinlightofothereventsnotincludedinthisnarrativethatwereoccurringaroundthesametimehecamebacktoliveinOventeni. In 1979 and 1980,German filmmakerWernerHerzog was in thePeruvianAmazon shooting footage forFitzcarraldo, his film about theinfamous rubber baron Carlos Fermn Fitzcarrald who in 1894, hadorchestrated the hauling of a large motored boat across the isthmusseparatingtwogreatriversystems,theUrubambaandtheMadredeDios.TheoperationhadlastedmorethantwomonthsandrequiredthelaborofathousandIndiansandmorethantwohundredwhites.HerzoghadmanagedtocontracthundredsofPajonalAshninkaasextras,andMiguelCamaiteriandhisbrothersNicolsandPascualwereamongthem.Whennotbeinginterviewed,Miguelwashappytotalkabouttheexperiencesheandhisbrothershadfilming.Wewentthroughtheircollectionofphotostaken on the location. Unfortunately,Nicols suffered a serious injuryinaplanecrashinOventeniasthefilmingwascomingtoanend.Theinjury lefthimparalyzed from thewaistdown. Hedied in1989 fromkidneyfailureresultingfromhiscondition.AccordingtotheCamaiteribrothersandtheAmericanSILmissionaries,theaircraftcontractedforthefilmmakingoperationhadbeensabotagedbysettlersbeforetakeofffromOventeniandthishadcausedthecrashimmediatelyaftertheplanehadbecomeairborne.SettlerswerefuriousthattheirAshninkalaborleftforthehighlypaidworkprovidedbyHerzog,andbelievedthattheywouldreturnwithdemandsforequallygoodpayifthesettlerswantedtheirlandclearedbyAshninkahands. WithNicols disabled and in awheelchair,whowouldbe there todefendhimandpreventhisfieldsfrombeingtakenbysettlers?Nicolsaccident may have been the event that convincedMiguel to return toOventeni.Hemayhaverealizedthatifhehadtodefendhisbrother,he

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mightaswelldefendeveryotherPajonalAshnikaatthesametime.HecouldcleanupthemessthatthesettlershadmadeofOventeni.Miguelmighthavethoughtthathecouldbringaboutdevelopmentandprogressforthedestitute,asSINAMOShadenvisioned,byhelpingtheAshninka,aswell as allied settlers and individuals ofmixed ancestry, living in theGranPajonal. Migueldoesnotmentionhisbrothersdisabilityinhisnarrative.Nicolsaccidentresultedfromsettlermalice.Hisneedforsomeonetodefendhimarosefromthesamesource,thatis,settlergreedandtheawarenessthattheycouldtakeadvantageofhisweakness,iftheyhadanopportunitytodoso.Forthepurposeoftellinghisstory,MiguelsreferencetosettlerabusesasahistoricalfactprovidessufficientjustificationforhisstateddecisiontohelpendtheoppressionoftheAshninka.Besides,bynotmentioninghisbrothersdisabilityandthewaythismayhaveinfluencedhishomecoming,Miguel is rhetoricallyabletosituatehimselfmoreclearlyaspartof theimaginedcollectivityofPajonalAshninka. Situatinghimselfwithinthecollectivityinthismannerauthenticateshis claim to leadership in away that emphasizing his duty to help hisbrotherwouldnot. After all,Miguel couldnot riskbeing identifiedasjustanotherAshninkacivilizadowhohadshoweduptotakeoverforhisbrother.Hewasverymuchawarethatamongtheilliterate,monolingualPajonalAshninkaofthe1980s,thenotionof civilizado didnotsimplyrefer toa nativewho speaks Spanish. It also carried connotations ofimmoralityofindigenouspersonswhoallywithsettlersandturnagainsttheir own (see Veber 1998). Miguel needed to put distance betweenhimself and this negative image of the civilizado. His story includesmentionof individualswhofit intothiscategory. Itstressesthefutilityin their aversion to becoming part of the Ashninka organization andpretendingthatcivilizadosaresuperiortootherPajonalAshninka.Frominformal conversations outside of the interview context, it seemed thatMiguelhadrealizedundoubtedlyfromhisArmyexperiencethatthereisnorunningawayfromyourbackgroundorwhoyouare.Perhapsthisiswhy,asanadult,heacquiredafacialtattooastraightbluelinerunninghorizontallyacrosshis faceatnose-levelofa stylenormallyonly seenamong older Pajonal Ashninka. Today, most Ashninka are satisfiedpaintingthestraightbluelineacrosstheirfaceswhentheyneedtolooktheirbest. Miguel isoneof the fewwhohavehadthisevidenceofhisindigenous identitypermanently inscribedonhis skin. And so, in thisway,MiguelclaimsgenuinePajonalAshninkaidentity.Onthisbasis,hepresentshimselfasbornofthegroupandastheleaderitneeds:

IhavefoughtforallofmyfellowAshninka,notfortheloveofmoneyorfor

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personalgain.Indeed,Iwasbornforthis,fordefendingthembecausetheleaderemergesfromwithinthegroupwhenthereisaneedforhim.Heisbornfromthegrouptotakecareofitsproblems.

Miguel uses the Spanish verbs nacer (to be born, to appear) andsurgir (to spring up, arise) to explain the role of the leader and theorganizationasproductsofthecollectivity,thatis,notastheworkofanyoneindividualorahandfulofindividuals.HereturnstothisthemeseveraltimesthroughouthisstoryandheexplainsinsomedetailhowdifficultitwasforhiminitiallytogaintheconfidenceofthePajonalinosandtogetthemtotrusthimandlooktohimforadviceandleadership.Hehadtoprove himself by producing tangible results for the common good. Atthe timeof the1987 interview,bilingual schoolswere thefirst tangibleresultsthathehadhelpedtoorchestrate.Landtitlingwouldcomequicklythereafter,andsowouldformalrecognitionoftheOrganizacinAshninkadelGranPajonal(OAGP).OverthenextfewyearsMiguelwouldfindhimselfheadinghisownarmy,andconsolidatinghispositionasleaderandliberatoroftheGranPajonal. InDecemberof1988,agroupofsenderistas, membersoftheMaoist-inspired terroristgroupof theShiningPath (SenderoLuminoso)madeanincursionintoOventeni, lootingandthreateningspecificindividuals.Miguel was attending a meeting elsewhere and was not present inOventenionthisoccasion.Expensiveequipment,includingmedicineandsolarpanelsfortheradiobelongingtotheindigenousorganization,wasstolenfromhishouse.Apartfromgeneralfright,noonewasharmed.Theincidentwastakenasawarningofwhatcouldcomenext.ThePeruvianmilitary declared the region an emergency zone. TheAshninkawereawarethatsenderistaswereresponsibleforcrueltiesandforthekillingsofnativeAshninkaintheEneRiverValleytothesouth.TheyclearlysawtheneedtopreventarecurrenceofthissituationintheGranPajonal. Miguelthenmadeanimportantmove.HavingsecuredtheconsentoftheheadmenwithintheOAGP,hesetupanAshninkaArmyforSelfDefensetoconfrontthesenderistasandsecureAshninkacontroloftheGranPajonal.Butfirst,hedulyinformedthemilitarycommanderintheMazamariheadquartersintheneighboringzoneofPangoaofhisintention,askingthemilitarytoauthorizetheAshninkamilitiaasaronda indgena(indigenous defense patrol).10 In this way,Miguel obtained legitimacyforhisaction. Besides,heexpectedthat theexistenceofanAshninkaselfdefensearmywouldallowthePeruvianmilitarytoexcuseitselffrommakingitsappearanceinthezone,amovethatwouldforcetheAshninkatoabandontheirhomesandtheirlandsforsecurityreasons.Themeasuresimultaneously servedasamessage that thePajonalAshninkawere in

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nowayalignedwiththeterrorists,whichassuredthatsettlerswouldnotbeabletousethatsortofaccusationasapretextfortakingpossessionoflandstitledtoindigenouscommunities.By1994,theAshninkaarmy,inconjunctionwiththePeruvianarmedforces,hadexpelledthesenderistasfromtheregion,althoughnotwithoutlossoflifeonbothsides.Havingdefeatedthesenderistas,thePajonalAshninkaproceededtotakecontrolof localpolitics,arolethathadbeenpreviouslytheprivilegeofmestizosettlers(forfurtherdetailsseeHvalkof1994,1998).

THE AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL NARRATIVE AS POLITICAL STATEMENT

Miguelrepresentsanewtypeofself-madeleaderintheAmazoniancontext.Hisroleandfunctionisunlikethatofthetraditionalheadmanorthelocalcommunityleader,whoareheadsoflargeextendedfamiliesthat tend to form core groups around which other householdscongregate. Theseheadmenareprimarilycharismatic leaderswho leadby example and their ability to produce solidarity and consent withinthegroup(Veber1998).SuchlocalleaderscontinuetobeimportanttoPajonalAshninkasocialorganization,andwiththeformationoflegallyrecognizedcomunidades nativas theyareoftentheoneswhotakeontheformalfunctionofjefe de la comunidad (communitychief ).Miguelisnotatraditionallocalleaderofthissort.Hehasnopersonalfollowingandnofamilyapartfromhisoneremainingbrother.Moreover,hiswifeisanAshninka from a different region. Miguel never had peopleneitherfamily nor followersfor whom he was responsible in the way localheadmenorchiefsmoretypicallywere.MiguelsaspirationfromthestartwastobecomealeaderwhowouldcoordinateanduniteallofthelocalcommunitiesoftheGranPajonalinanorganizationthatwouldrepresentthemasoneunitedcollectivity.Thiswouldfacilitatecommunicationwithpublicauthorities,allowforcoordinationofdevelopmentplans,andhelpthe local communities resist pressures from settlers. Miguel would bepartofanewleadershipatthissupralocallevel. WiththeformationoftheOAGPinthe1980s,hisvisionstartedtobecomeareality.WiththeorganizationoftheAshninkaarmy,MiguelhadachancetodemonstraterealstrengthandobtaingreaterpoliticalcontrolinOventeni. To understandmore fullyMiguels perception of his role as leader,itisimportanttoconsiderthetypeofaudiencetowhichhiswordsweredirected. In the interview situation, the anthropologist is obviously aninterlocutor, yetMiguel was always very conscious of the fact that his

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storywouldeventuallybereadbyawidergroupofpeople.Fromthetext,certaincuesindicatewhohisanticipatedaudiencemightbe.Hisfrequentuse of reported speech, for example, activates other indigenous leadersandhisbrothers,aswellaspublicofficials,foreignmissionaries,andotheroutsidesympathizers. Inthecontextofthenarrative, theyaretheoneswhoareempoweredtospeakandwithwhomhehasconversations.HeisconsciousoftheneedfortheirmoralandfinancialsupportinlinkingthetransformativeeffortsoftheAshninkawithinternationalstrategiesforlocalparticipatorydevelopment.Itistothismixedaudiencethathisstoryisdirected,notthePajonalAshninka,whoareunlikelytoreaditanyway.YoungerAshnikawill,however,readhisstory.SomightfutureindigenousleaderswhomaylearnfromMiguelsexperiences.Accordingly,the story employs language and expressions used among indigenousactivists,particularlythatusedtorefertotheabuseofindigenouspeople,governmentneglect,andtheneedtoorganizeforindigenousrights(seealsoWarren1998;Muehlebach2001;Aylwin2004).Moralexhortationsareequallypresentinthenarrative.Theystresstheimportanceofbeingtrustworthy as a leader, working for the common good, respecting thewishesof thepeople,goingeasyoncompetitiveor inept fellow leaders,andneveractingselfishly. Listing these virtues as part of his acquired qualities serves todemonstrateMiguelsmaturityandlegitimacyasanindigenousleader.Inthissense,Miguelsstorycomesclosetobeingthestoryoftheindigenousherohewouldliketobe:theorphanedboywhoventuresintotheworldtolearnimportantsecrets,buteventuallyreturnstohisownpeopletoliberatethem from oppression. Yet, neither the innocent giftedness of LukeSkywalkernortheisolatedbraveryoftheLoneRangerisatworkinthistaleinwhichcommunityprevailsovertheindividual.Miguelsnarrativeisamoralvisionpredicatedonavibrantsenseofcommunity.Hence,inrepresentingthetrialsandtribulationsinhisstruggleforleadershipandorganization,whatinitiallyappearedtobeanindividualisticautobiographyoracelebrationoftheself,turnsouttobeaninvocationofgroupness,adiscoveryoftradition,andarecognitionofethnicidentity.Embracingaspacebetweenthepersonalandthepolitical,MiguelCamaiterisnarrativepermitsacloseupperceptionofthelivelyinterplaybetweengivenstructuresandvisionsofchange,withtheactingindividualasthedynamicaxisthatsetsthestoryinmotionandgivesitdirection. WhenImetMiguelagainin2004,hehadservedtwotermsasthealcalde (electedmayor)ofOventeniandalsomovedontobecomeregidor (a sort of councilor) inAtalaya, a small townon the confluence of theriversTamboandUrubambawhere theyunite to form theUcayali. In

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response to the demands of the Pajonal Ashninka, jurisdiction of theGran Pajonal had been transferred in the 1990s from Satipo wherepublic administration favored settler interests, toAtalaya, where publicadministratorswerelesspredictableintheirattitudes.MiguelhadbeenvotedintoofficeforAPRA(thepopulistAlianzaPopularRevolucionariaAmericana), a Peruvian political party sometimes likened to the socialdemocraticpartiesofEuropeancountries,butthathasalsoreliedonhighlyorganized and violentmilitias. In the 1980s, the staff of theMinistryofAgricultures Satipo office had actively encouragedOventeni settlerstodisregardAshninkaclaims to land rights, including forfieldsundercultivation. They had all beenmembers ofAPRA. Now,Miguel hadsignedupwithAPRAhimself.Iaskedhimwhatwashedoingthereandheshrugged,laughed,andsaid:OfcourseIamnotaprista!IcouldonlyguessatthethingshewasbusylearningasanonapristawithintheAPRAparty.Peruvianpoliticsiscertainlynotthebusinessofangels.Tobeanindigenousleaderwhoseeksresultsmaywellrequireinsiderknowledgeofthewaysthisshadybusinessworks.Ifanybodywascapableofmakingitworkfortheindigenouscause,Miguelwouldbetheonetodoit,butonlytimewilltell.MiguelsayshewillreturnagaintoOventenioncehisterminAtalayaisover.Maybehewill.

Postscript:Asof2007,MiguelstermasregidorinAtalayahadexpiredandhehadreturnedtohishomeintheGranPajonal.Sufferingfromanewattackoftuberculosis,Miguelwasundergoingmedicaltreatment.HehadretiredfromactiveleadershipintheOAGP,thepresidencyofwhichhadpassedtoason-in-lawofMiguelsyoungerbrother,PascualCamaiteri.Theyoungpresidentwasbeingcloselysupervisedbytheolderleaders,theCamaiteribrothers,toensurepoliticalcontinuitywithintheorganization.

NOTES

Acknowledgments. This essaywaswritten as part of a study entitledBetweenTwoWorlds:AutobiographicalChronicles ofAshninkaLeaders. The studyincludedfieldworkcarriedoutbytheauthorinPerusSelvaCentralintheFallof2004andtheFallof2005.ItwasmadepossiblethroughfinancialsupportfromtheDanishNationalResearchCouncilfortheHumanities.

1. Here, I follow Suzanne Oakdales use of the term autobiographicalnarrative(2005:9).SeealsoCain(1991:238). 2.In2004and2005IdidasecondseriesofinterviewswithMiguel.Inthesecondseriesofinterviewshispersonalmotivationsarenotascentralaconcern.Intheselaterinterviews,hefocusesontheeventsandcircumstancesleadingtothe

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creationofthePajonalAshninkaSelf-DefenseArmyanditscampaignagainsttheSenderoLuminosointheearly1990s.Thestoryexplainswhathewasdoing,howhewasdoingit,andwhy.Thisstoryisimportantandexcitinginitsownrightandmeritsaseparatepaper. 3.Oventeni settlersdonotconstituteahomogenousgroup. Asmall eliteamongthemiscomposedofambitiousindividualswhoseaiminlifeistogetrichandtodoitfast.Controllinglocalpoliticalpower,thiselitewasresponsibleformostoftheabusesofAshninkalabor.OthersettlerswerelessconflictedintheirattitudestowardstheAshninkaandpreferredpeacefulcoexistencetoexpansiveconfrontations.Forthissamereason,theywerenotcapableofraisingtheirvoiceorgoingagainstthedominantelite. 4. As the natural grasses of the Pajonal are not good as pasture, cattleranchingintheGranPajonalwasprofitableonlytothesettlerswhowereabletotakeadvantageofthecheaplaborofthelocalAshninkainplantinggrassesaptforfodder(Hvalkof1989). 5.Around1980,anewsetofSILmissionariesarrivedintheGranPajonal.Theytookanactive interest incommunitydevelopmentandprovidedvaluableassistancetoAshninkaorganizingefforts. 6. Mine was a field study of intercultural relations between the PajonalAshninka and settlers done in cooperation withmy husband, anthropologistSrenHvalkof.TheprojectwasentitledCampaCulturalIdentityandthefrontierofDevelopment.Itwascarriedoutoveraperiodoftwenty-twomonthsbetweenOctober1985andOctober1987supportedthroughgrantsfromtheCouncilforDevelopmentResearch(RUF)oftheDanishInternationalDevelopmentAgency(DANIDA)andtheDanishResearchCouncilfortheHumanities(Veber1989).SrenHvalkof sprojectwasfundedbytheCouncil forDevelopmentResearchandtheDanishCouncil forResearch in theSocialSciences (SeealsoHvalkof1985). 7. The Pajonal Ashninka self-identify as queshiijatzi (people of thegrasslands).Theyshareaspecificlocaldialectandcertainculturalfeaturesthatdistinguish them from theAshninka andAshninka of neighboring regions.However,theyhaveneverhadacommonleadershipandhaveneverbeenunitedas a group for religious or other purposes (Hvalkof andVeber 2005). Untilthecreationof theOAGP(thePajonalAshninkaOrganization)their levelofincorporationwasmoreabstractthanatthelevelofaconcreteassociationoracommunity(Eriksen:2002:4044). 8.The Pichis-Palcazu Special Project was initiated in 1980with fundingfromUSAID,theInteramericanDevelopmentBank,theWorldBank,andthreeEuropeangovernments.OriginallyintendedtocoveronlytheregionsofPalcazu,Pichis,Oxapampa,andSatipo-Chanchamayo,theSatipo-ChanchamayopartoftheprojectwasextendedtotheGranPajonalin1987forpurposesofdemarcationofthenativecommunities(fordetailsseeHvalkof1998). 9.AnindigenouspopulationoftheUpperUcayaliandtheLowerUrubambarivers,theYinewereformerlyknownasPirointheethnographicliterature. 10. Rondashadbeen legalizedbya1986decree (no. 24571) topermit

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30 Hanne Veber

Andeanpeasantstopatroltheirlandsinanefforttolimitcattlerustling,aswellassenderistaactivities.WhennativeAmazoniansstartedtoorganizeself-defensepatrols for similar reasons, the lawwasapplied to themaswell. In the1990s,rondashadbeenrenamedasSelf-DefenseCommitteesoverseenbythemilitary(seealsoStarn1999).

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Tipit: Journal of the Society for the Anthropology of Lowland South America6-1-2007

Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka LeaderHanne VeberRecommended Citation

Merits and Motivations of an Ashninka LeaderAbstractCover Page Footnote

Documents

Weber 2007Merits and Motivations of an Ashéninka Leader