Wrestling at the Victoria and Albert Museum

British Institute of Persian Studies

Wrestling at the Victoria and Albert MuseumAuthor(s): Patricia L. BakerSource: Iran, Vol. 35 (1997), pp. 73-78Published by: British Institute of Persian StudiesStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4299960 .

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WRESTLING AT THE VICTORIA AND ALBERT MUSEUM

By Patricia L. Baker London

Few people would associate the Textile and Dress Collection at the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, with the Iranian sport of wrestling, but amongst the holdings of silks, velvets and printed cottons of Safavid and Qajar Iran, there is a pair of wrestler's breeches or tunka pahlavanf (P1. XVa-c), which entered the museum in 1876. The museum registry notes that the breeches had been purchased in the previous year for the sum of eight shillings from Murdoch Smith, who had acquired them, amongst other Persian artefacts, from the Richard collection, Tehran.'Jules Richard had taken up resi- dence in Iran in 1844 to become a photographer and translator at the Qajar court, and in the course of time had amassed many items,2 particularly ceramics, both Chinese and Persian, and textiles, most of which, it was implied, were purchased in Isfahan.3

The sport of wrestling has a long history in Iran and neighbouring Middle Eastern countries. The Prophet Muhammad and both his grandsons, Husayn and Hasan, according to the lore of the sport, allegedly practised wrestling techniques (Minorsky, p. 1242) and according to Persian tradition Sham, the son of Nfih (Biblical Noah), had been renowned for his skill.4 There are frequent references to wrestling bouts in the Shdh-nama of Firdawsi (d.c. 1020), which enshrines the pre-Islamic history of Iran from the first legendary king Kaykumars to the last Sasanian emperor. Perhaps the two most famous encounters in the epic are the meeting between Iranian hero Rustam and the Turanian champion Pfiladvand, and Kay Khusraw accepting the challenge from Shida, son of Afrasiyab; the code of chivalry and bravery associated with the sport is outlined in both episodes (Warner 1905-25; vol. IV, pp. 176, 262-5). As further evidence of its popularity in the pre-Islamic period, depictions of wrestling scenes are included among scenes of courtly enter- tainment on at least two Sasanian silver-gilt vessels thought to date to the seventh century A.D. Both the examples portray the wrestlers as half-naked, with a folded length of cloth wrapped around the hips and brought up between the thighs.5 This rather dhoti- like wrap was still being worn by wrestlers about a thousand years later, according to the seventeenth century traveller and jeweller SirJohn Chardin, who undertook various commissions for the Safavid court during his stays in Iran in 1669 and 1672-4:

They strip themselves Naked, only with their Shoes on made of Leather, that fit them very exactly, oil'd and greas'd, and a Linnen Cloth about their Wast greas'd and oil'd likewise. This is, that the Adversary may have less to take hold of, because if he should touch there, his Hand would slip and he would lose his Strength. (cited in Penzer, 1927, p. 201)6

Some thirty years earlier, Olearius, travelling in the Holstein delegation, attended a wrestling match in the centre of Qazvin in the summer of 1637, and implies that three pairs of the five wrestlers were similarly attired except that: ... two among them had Leathern drawers on, done over with Oyl, who discover'd a miraculous activity and strength of Body. (Olearius, 1669, p. 191)

The 1656 edition of his book (1971 facs., at p. 508) contains a wood-cut engraving of a Safavid court ban- quet entertained by wrestlers, showing two shoe-less combatants wearing ample, knee-length breeches (shalvdr). A century earlier, Bukharan artists depict three pairs of similarly attired wrestlers in a copy of the Gulistdn by Sacdi (B.L. Or. 5302 fol. 30a). The reason for these two types of attire is probably pro- vided by late nineteenth century and later wrestling conventions (Bahmani, 1997). Beginners wore the lung or wrap in the dhoti manner, while those in training had the lung as a skirt, tucked at the waist to the left. The experienced wrestlers were recognis- able by their leather breeches but with the lung rolled as a girdle, while champions folded the wrap to form a small triangular "apron" over the front of the shalvar.7 According to the fifteenth-century Timurid poet Husayn Kashifi, leather was used because, as tradition had it, the Prophet Ibrahim made a shalvar for his son IsmFcil from the ram which he sacrificed instead of him (Canard, 1974, p. 13, n. 3).8

The convention for the wrestlers to wear such gar- ments continued, since two centuries later, James Fraser (1838, vol. I, p. 58) wrote after witnessing a match in April 1833, ". .. [the wrestlers] threw off all their clothes, retaining only a pair of strong dark checked breeches with large thick patches on the knees". Some fifty years later a description by Dr. Wills mentions the embroidered decoration, a fea- ture of the pair which were to come to London from the Richard collection: "knee breeches of stiff horse- hide, some of which are beautifully embroidered with blue thread; all above the waist and below the knee being bare." (Wills, 1883, p. 98)9

73



74 JOURNAL OF PERSIAN STUDIES

Such decoration is featured in various illustra- tions in nineteenth-century works dealing with wrestling.1' The Victoria and Albert Museum pair, made from leather and heavy blue canvas, measures 67 cm. in full length and 72 cm. around the waist, with both knee-bands 42 cm. in circumference. The 4.3 cm.-wide leather waistband, including the belt leads on to a protective stomach band, 7 cm. in width, burnished" and decorated with a line of stitching. It was this that was grasped by the opponent. ... the great object[ive] of each [wrestler] seemed to be to seize the waistband of his antagonist's breeches ... The art is so to fall that the back shall not touch the ground: this is the test of victory or defeat .. .12

Perhaps as a distant memory of the dhoti-like linen wrap seen by Chardin, an insert banded with leather attached to the front stomach band (11 cm. across) passes under to form the crotch (17.5 cm. front length) and extends to cover the buttocks. The decoratively stitched knee-caps measure 6.5 cm. in depth edged with leather binding, 1.3 cm. wide at the cuff. There is no sign that either knee-cap was originally ornamented with a small mirror-glass roundel, said to act as a reminder to the wrestler not to fall on his knees during the bout (Bahmani, 1997). Similar leather binding averaging 2.4 cm. wide13 protects all the seams elsewhere. Apart from a metal belt buckle, there is a small brass ring attached to the back of each knee cuff by a leather loop. The purpose of this ring is unclear, but as the cuffs of modern breeches often have a buckle and tag to ensure a close fit, it may have taken a cord-tie (Bahmani, 1997). The lined garment is heavily padded throughout, especially thick at the knees for as Fraser noted: Now was seen the use of the knee patches and the stout waistbands, for they grovelled on all fours on the ground like frogs ... and the other would get up behind and seize his opponent by the waist, by the shoulders, first by one leg and then the other, twisting each limb till I expected it would snap ...'4

Both back and front (P1. XV) of the heavy blue cotton (coarsely-woven with Z-spun warp and weft) are covered with chain-stitch embroidery, which also serves to secure the inside padding. A thick cream- white cotton thread (S-spun) has been used for most of the decorative stitching with just touches of yellow for the flower centres. The two front thigh panels, each carrying a flowering plant design (P1. XVa, c), are 16 cm. long framed with three edgings, measur- ing 2 cm., 1.5 cm. and, finally, 4 cm. width for the arabesque scroll. The knee-caps are covered with a fish-scale pattern, also echoed on the front crotch, while the leg backs are decorated with a lattice emphasising the thigh-length, and the buttock area is embellished with five rosette forms. It was the task

of a specialist in the bazaar to make and embroider such a shalvdr, the motifs being selected by the patron for his wrestling champions (Bahmani, 1997). This type of embroidered decoration is still used for contemporary breeches, such as those in the Bahmani collection and examples photographed by the present author in the Zuirkhana Kamal (gymnasium) in Isfahan in 1994 and said by Murshid Kamal CAtafi to have been made and embroidered in the city.15

The sport may have had its keen supporters in Safavid court circles, but Chardin (cited in Penzer 1927, p. 201) noted it was generally considered "the Exercise of People in a lower Condition". This senti- ment was echoed in early nineteenth-century Qajar Iran by Fraser (1838, vol. I, pp. 57-8) noting that while respected members of society maintained private wrestling establishments, they themselves were never active participants, just enthusiastic observers: In Persia it is not unusual for respectable persons to enter- tain pehlewans [champions] of their own, and many have private zorkhanahs, or theatres for athletic exercises, which they take pleasure in attending and in attracting to them all the most celebrated prize-fighters in the country.16

Any strong links with court circles were broken during the reigns of Riia Shah (r. 1925-41) and his son Muhammad Riii• Pahlavi for, although the late Shah was photographed at one performance, both rulers were keen to promote European sports as more fitting activities for Iranian youths. This official policy of sports promotion was intended not only to complement the state modernisation programme but was also undoubtedly aimed at diminishing the power and influence of the zuirkhdnas or "houses of strength" (Lenczowski, 1978, p. 316). The strong links between the gymnasia and the town bazaars, the latter known as hot-beds of political intrigue, had long been recognised. In the nineteen-forties it was rumoured that zfrkhdnas were directly involved in anti-Pahlavi activities (Fischer, 1973, vol. II, p. 252 n. 1) and a decade later, according to a diplo- mat's wife (Helms, 1982, p. 64), the US Central Intelligence Agency engineered public demonstra- tions against the nationalist leader, Mosaddegh, in support of the young Shah by the men of the South Tehran bazaar "including the strong men of the zurkhane". This allegiance proved transitory and the assassination of the famous and charismatic wrestler, Ghulam Reza Takhti, by SAVAK agents (or so rumoured) lost the regime further popular support; it further underlines the politico-social importance of such wrestlers.' Despite the absence of "official" patronage (except in the capital, where certain gymnasia, such as that of the Bank Melli, were developed as tourist attractions), the z2rkhdnas retained their importance within the community (Fischer, 1980,



WRESTLING AT THE VICTORIA AND ALBERT MUSEUM 75

p. 136), taking part in the various parades associated with the Muharram "passion plays" and various mourning rituals for the Imams. In October 1996 the present writer saw members of the Qazwin zirkhdna busy decorating the 2.5 metres-long Muharram Calam belonging to the gymnasium (P1. XVIa) for a procession.'is

Traditionally, a young man interested in training would present himself as a tdza-kdr or beginner to the zikkhdna or gymnasium within the town or city, to be taken in by the members. There were two essen- tial requirements: that he was at least sixteen years of age and that his beard was thick enough to carry a comb (Bahmani, 1997). The gymnasium organised itself as a fraternity, each member following his own profession, usually as a merchant or skilled crafts- man associated with the bazaar, such as carpenter or blacksmith; in the mid-nineteen-sixties about 10% of those exercising in the zuirkhdna had government jobs and slightly less were members of the Culamd or of the teaching profession. Only after satisfying the members that he was following the rules of the fraternity did the beginner become a regular member (naw-khwdsta); traditionally, the lung or wrap was worn by these two grades.19 Instruction in the various floor-exercises, designed to build up strength, and in wrestling techniques, comprising some fifty holds,20 was then given and when the required standard was reached, he would be awarded the title of nawcha- pahlavdn or junior athlete (Fischer, 1973, vol. III, pp. 252, 257);21 it was at this point the initiate was permitted to wear the leather shalvdr which were presented, with due ceremony, by the murshid or instructor (Bahmani, 1997).22 Only a few achieved the highest status of pahlavdn or athlete, lit. "hero": just 182 men in the nineteenth century.23 The con- notations of history, chivalry, manliness, heroism and public acclaim were such that Rii-a Shih deliber- ately selected the title for his dynasty; on 3 May 1925 he announced that he and his successors would be known as the Pahlavi dynasty.24

The exercise and wrestling area within the zirkhdna are one and the same; nineteenth and twentieth-century commentators describe a desig- nated sunken area 9 m2. to 25 m2., large enough to contain twelve to eighteen exercising men, and generally polygonal or circular in shape with seating around for observers (Arasteh, 1969, p. 13). The ear- liest surviving example has been identified in the ruins of Bam, Kirman.25 This has the form of a pit, small in area and located in the citadel, but the gymnasium visited by Fraser (1838, vol. I, p. 58) in 1833 had a more elaborate form: ... an octagonal vault under a dome supported by a circle

of pillars. Within the circle was the cock-pit, or arena, which was boarded round to a height of six feet; between this and the outer wall, at a convenient height, were seats

for the spectators... the roof, which was plastered, was painted all over with fierce figures of pehlewans performing their various feats of strength ... the floor was of clay, I think, damped, so as not to be too hard for those who should fall.

Today, visitors to the Zfirkhana Kamal in Isfahan see a similar arrangement (P1. XVIa), but there the majority of the spectators' seats are at one end of the rectangular room. The roof may not be covered with paintings but the walls (P1. XVId) are covered with posters of Shici subject matter (featuring CAlW, Hjusayn and LHasan) and countless photographs of past and present pahlavdns, while items strongly identified with dervishes, e.g. begging bowls, axes, etc., hang on the wall above the murshid's seat.

The proceedings begin with the murshid (or mudir) sitting at one end, beating his drum to mark the entry of the athletes into the ring. Each one pauses to pay respect to the ring by kneeling and touching the ground, and then his lips and fore- head. The exercises then begin, all with the accom- paniment of the murshid sitting on his small, raised dais, and he beats out the rhythm for the separate work-outs and declaims verses from the Shdh-ndma and other poetic works, including Sfifi dhikrs. During the exercises, a series of verbal responses from the gymnasts and the audience, generally in the form of salavdts, such as "Praise to Allah" or curses on the enemies of cAli, is prompted by the murshid; many (as with the curses) are specifically Shici in context and concern. The first exercise consists of push-ups holding a board on the floor with arms and legs stretched apart as the murshid recalls how Gushtisp in the Shdh-ndma denied his heroic son Isfandiyar, before quoting from a work entitled Haml-i HIaydarf concerning the bravery and selfless- ness of cAli, and recounting the military campaigns of Nadir Shih (d. 1747).26 The analogy to prayer prostration is not missed, and repeatedly throughout the warm-up period the athletes are blessed in the name of Allah and the name of cAli is invoked.

The second exercise is less strenuous, with knee bends, touching toes, and turning the head to relax the muscles before picking up the heavy wooden mzls (Indian clubs) and rotating them in the air and behind the shoulders (P1. XVId) to the murshid's drum-rhythm and cries, calling on cAli to send the group's greetings to the Prophet Muhammad.27 Wrestling tradition has it that this was to prepare the individual for wielding metal war-clubs in battle (Bahmani, 1997). The fourth exercise consists of the athletes separately whirling at speed about the ring with arms outstretched while the murshid identifies each participant, according to his status within the ztrkhdna and the community, as a supporter of CAli; each seeks the approval of his colleagues before tak-




ing the floor, the younger and more inexperienced always giving way to their elders. A different drum rhythm signifies another exercise, that of running on the spot, to the recitation of certain Sfifi verses or pas- sages from Hfifiz. The group activity ends with a short prayer, and sometimes with money being placed in the centre of the ring, while the leading wrestler and the murshid remind each other of CAll's martydom and call down blessings on the donor. One of the leading wrestlers then takes up a kablida or "bow" of two wrought iron rods with chains looped between the ends, holds it and moves it above his head; this was formerly meant to strengthen the muscles used in archery (Bahmani, 1997). The calisthenic performance concludes with one or two of the group lifting two heavy wooden boards (sangs) while lying on their backs; the resemblance to battleshields is not coinci- dental (ibid.). The murshid ends the exercises by counting from one to fifty and then backwards, giving each number a religious connotation, e.g. two: Allah is not two (i.e. there is only one god); seven: the seventh Imim.28 These items of equipment identify the individual as a wrestler, as is shown by certain Safavid memorials in the form of free-standing stone lions (the lion being a traditional epithet for CAli) which carry engraved stylised motifs of a kablida, a sang and mils. One such commemorating the life of a wrestler (P1. XVIc) stands on the south bank of the Zayandeh Rud at Isfahan, at the Khwaju bridge.29 Du Mans (in Schefer, 1890, p. 92), recording his visit to Iran in 1660, mentioned these stone lions as having "la gueule ouverte, dans laquelle est la teste d'un homme, car ils luy font ouvrir la gueule si grande que dans l'estoffe qui reste entre ses dents, l'on peust graver le figure d'un visage". Noting two lion memorials in Shiraz, Niebuhr (1790, vol. II, p. 143) observed that a (deceased) wrestler was permitted this memorial when he had no rival in the locale.

After the calisthenic exercises, the wrestling bouts take place between pairs more or less of equal weight and experience, the final winner in championship bouts being honoured with ajewelled leather armlet fastened around his upper arm (Bahmani, 1997).30 Although two main types of wrestling have been recognised, one associated with the eastern regions of Iran and the other with the Western and Caspian lands, others classified by the mode of action (i.e. friendly, heroic, hostile, group and field) have been identified.31

The close historic association of the zirkhdna with popular religious fraternities explains the frequent Shici references and responses during the exercises; and the emphases on social equality of the athletes within the gymnasium, on chivalrous ideals of behav- iour and on the duty to be prepared to defend and fight for the faith, are also seen as consequences of this link. Each meeting offers both the participant

and observer a formal theatrical setting in which rivalries and struggles are worked out according to a strict set of rules, in which courtesy and fair play are justly rewarded. To a Western observer, the role of the zirkhdna, past and present, in Iranian culture may appear to be slight, since references in European travelogues and commentaries tend to treat the "House of Strength" purely as a place of popular recreation; however, along with the mosque, the craft guild and the village administra- tion, the zftrkhdna formed part of the "social cement" of traditional Islamic Iranian society (Savory, 1978, pp. 94-95). Membership of the zftrkhdna and partici- pation in its activities taught a young man to have respect not only for his body and physical health but also for his elders, whilst the manners and etiquette learnt in the gymnasium are at the heart of Iranian society, past and present.

1The V&A registry number is 841-1876. For details of Major Robert Murdoch Smith and his connection with the Victoria and Albert Museum, then known as the South Kensington Museum, see Helfgott, 1991.

2Helfgott, 1991, p. 174 points out that it is unclear whether Richard had been prompted by the new museum interest in Iranian artefacts to acquire such items, or whether the pur- chases had been made years previously.

3 Presumably these breeches formed part of the bulk purchase transported via Bushire and Suez for Murdoch Smith in early 1875 and costing at least ?1,300; see Helfgott, 1991, p. 174.

4 For its history in the Arab world, see Canard, 1974. For the Persian link with Noah, see Steingass, 1892, p. 261, under "Pahlavan". At least one pair of wrestlers was associated with each Ottoman Janissary orta (company) and from Evliya Chelebi, we learn that there was a wrestlers' guild in seventeenth century Istanbul. Several eighteenth-century albums of Ottoman watercolours include wrestlers among depictions of contemporary costume. An annual wrestling contest is still held in Edirne, close to the original site of the Ottoman palace. For descriptions of social interplay at contemporary Turkish wrestling bouts, see Stokes, 1996.

5 Sackler dish S.1987.105 as in Gunter andJett, 1992, pp. 161-5; the Cleveland Museum of Art Wade Fund inv. no. 66.369, as in Harper, 1978, pp. 53-4.

6 The text refers to Chardin, 1711, vol. II, p. 44. 7Husein Bahmani, London, has an informative collection of photographs of wrestlers, a number dating from the late nineteenth century. I am most grateful to him and his daughter, for their willingness to answer my questions. A former wrestler at the Bank Melli zzirkhana, Tehran, Mr. Bahmani has organised since 1985 the Zurkhane Pouria-e Vale at Kensington Sports Centre which meets every Tuesday.

Fabric belts of certain colours or materials were established signifiers of experience and rank in the Islamic Middle East, especially among military personnel, from Seljuq times if not earlier.

8 The Galunov commentary on HIusayn WCiz Kiashifi's Futuwwat- nama-yi sultdni, which appeared in Iran (Leningrad), used by Canard, has not been traced by the present writer. Niebuhr, 1780, vol. II, p. 142, described the Shirazi breeches as "calegons de cuir fort etroit qu'ils avoient attache autour du corps par des courroyes avec des boucles". Texier, 1852, p. 53, stated that the wrestlers' breeches he saw both at a contest and a bathhouse in Tabriz were made of buck- skin ("daim").



WRESTLING AT THE VICTORIA AND ALBERT MUSEUM 77

10 See mss. Suppl. Persian 1169, B.N. Paris, dated 1292 AH 1875 A.D. (Blochet 1900, p. 154), and Or. 1370, B.L., London.

11 Wulf, 1966, p. 232, briefly describes the technique of placing the hide on a polishing board and rubbing the surface with a smooth stone with great pressure.

2 Fraser, 1838, vol. I, p. 60. The waistband grip is mentioned in the Shdh-ndma episode of Rustam and Pfiladvand, see Warner, 1905-25, vol. IV, pp. 262-5. The decisive throw is called sitdra- shumdr anddkhtan or "being made to count the stars" (Minorsky, p. 1242). According to Canard, 1974, p. 15, quoting

H.usayn KIishifi, both of the opponent's shoulder-blades must make contact with the floor, and Chardin writing over a century later, stated that "the Man be laid flat upon his Belly, stretch'd all along the Ground" constituted a victory. However, Ella Sykes, 1910, p. 281, noted that the winning throw was forcing the opponent onto his knees; but she may not have personally wit- nessed a bout.

is The 14 cm. vertical strip on the inner leg of the knee is 3 cm. wide.

'4Fraser 1838, I, pp. 60-1. See also Hill, 1710, p. 121, who described eighteenth century Ottoman contestants as:

"WRESTLERS are esteem'd, and very common, but unskill- full in the dext'rous Art of tripping fairly; all their Method is to strip their Bodys naked to the Middle, oyl their Joints, and stooping forward very low, run awkwardly about each other; making sudden, strange, and uncouth noises to surprize or star- tle their Antagonist, and snatching with their hands his Leg or Thigh so throw him upon his Back, without so much as ever making use of their own Legs about it."

15 The Zfirkhaina Kamil is located off Ghiyam (or Sabzeh) Meidan; my thanks to the staff and members of the ziirkhdna for showing me two modern-day examples of breeches, made of dark blue denim cotton and machine embroidered. In respect of today's sensibilities, the athletes wear long-sleeved "football" (knitted cotton) tops with the lung coloured and checked in conven- tional bath-wrap manner, when performing exercises in front of foreigners.

16 See also Niebuhr, 1780, vol. II, p. 143, who stated that all social classes trained in the ziirkhdnas, from the lowest to "officiers mili- taires et civils de distinction".

17 Shortly after the fall of the Pahlavi regime, a statue to this popular figure was erected in the place of an equestrian figure of the Shah. Many thanks to Peter Kelly for this information.

18Bahmani, 1997, points out that such calams do not usually belong to the ziirkhdnas, but because of their strength the wrestlers are usually asked to carry these heavy "standards" in procession.

19 See above for the different styles of wearing the lung. 20 Arasteh, 1961, p. 258, states that originally some 300 holds were

known. In the Gulistdn (Conduct of Kings section; 27th story), Sacdi tells of a wrestling master knowing 360 throws, all of which he taught his best pupil except one, the moral being that one should safeguard oneself by never revealing everything even to a close friend. This episode is illustrated in the B.L. ms. Or. 5302 Gulistdn, fol. 30a (Bukhara 1567).

21 Arasteh, 1961, adds an intermediary grade of sdkhta, but this is omitted in Arasteh, 1969, pp. 14-5.

22 Canard, 1974, p. 16, draws a parallel with the trousers of the futuwwa fraternity; quoting Husayn Kishifi he notes but does not elaborate that there were six rules to be followed in don- ning the breeches and four for their removal. Bahmani, 1997, mentions that the gymnast should wash, and recite bi-nam-i khudd (bismilldh) when pulling the shalvar on; after use, the shal- varare folded carefully and wrapped in the lung.

23 Fischer, 1973, vol. II, p. 252, compares this to Kasem Kazemi's number of 163; it has not been possible to trace this last publica- tion. It was in the first half of the nineteenth century that the tomb of a local hero and saint, Pahlaviun Mahmfid (d. 1325), in Khiva (modern Uzbekistan) was transformed into an important

shrine, which today still has many visitors. 24 This is the explanation given by Wilber, 1975, pp. 106-7. 25 Arasteh, 1961, p. 256, citing Iraj Afshar in Rahnemaye Kitab, IV.

(Feb. 1960), 12. 26 An interesting juxtaposition of myth, religion and history. 27 Pare Raphael du Mans (in Schefer, 1890, p. 92), writing of his

visit in 1660, briefly described these exercises. 28 Fischer, 1973, vol. II, pp. 254 ff., gives full and informative

details of all responses and their order. 2 My thanks to Amir Bayat for drawing my attention to this lion

during my visit in 1995. 30 Husein Bahmani showed me an example: a tooled leather band

approximately 3 cm. wide, with buckle, set with three large cor- nelians, each inscribed.

31 Minorsky, p. 1242, using KIishifi's (d. c. 1504-5) Futuwwat-nama- yi sultani, specifies two main types. The others are found in Arasteh, 1961, p._258, who cites H. Partaw Bayzaini, 1958, Tdrikh Vanish bdstdni Irdn, Tehran, 71-92; these may accord with Fischer, 1973, vol. II, p. 255, who, before detailing the exercises, notes "There are eight exercises.., and five different traditional styles", giving the names of these as a footnote as "chekosi, gahvorei, tabrizi, jangeli and kabuli".

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Documents

Wrestling at the Victoria and Albert Museum