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William Thompson Working Papers, 15ISSN: 1649-9743 iprovided by
Institute for Independent Research
Dr. Peter Herrmann, The Jasnaja Poljana, Aghabullogue, Clonmoyle, Co. Cork
Ph. +353.(0)87.2303335, Secretariat: +353.(0)86.3454589, e-mail: [email protected], skype: peteresosc URL:http://www.esosc.org
for
College of Arts, Celtic Studies and Social Sciences
Applied Social Studieshttp://william-thompson.ucc.ie;
Ph. +353.(0)21.490.3398; FAX: +353.(0)21.4903443
Peter Herrmann: Indicators From Where, What Goal, WhichWay,ii/iii
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Peter Herrmanniv
IndicatorsFromWhere,WhatGoal,WhichWay
TableofContent
1.Introduction ....................................................................................................................3
1.1.ContextoftheDiscussion........................................................................................................31.2.ThepurposeandcontentofthisChapter..............................................................................5
2.ContradictionsandReductionismofModernity......................................................52.1.ReductionistCharacterofModernisation .............................................................................52.2.ContradictionsofModernisation ...........................................................................................7
3.IndicatorsandtheConstitutiveInterdependency ..................................................9
4.IndicatorsandtheContextforConstitutiveInterdependenciestheThird
Assumption........................................................................................................................10
5.TheFramework............................................................................................................135.1.DefiningIndicators................................................................................................................165.2.TheFundamentalChallengeBridgingtheGap.................................................................185.3.ThePracticalChallengeRequirementsforDefiningIndicators .....................................19
6.Conclusions....................................................................................................................22
References .........................................................................................................................25
Editorial Note.................................................................................................................................28
IndicatorsFromWhere,WhatGoal,WhichWay
1.Introduction
1.1.ContextoftheDiscussion
SocialIndicatorsareforalongtimealreadyunderscrutinyandwecaneven
speakofasocial indicatormovement.Thereasonforthisis rathersimplean
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inherentfactoroftheconceptofmodernisationhastobeseenasworkinginthe
background.Ontheonehandmodernisationis fundamentallycontradictory;on
the other hand it is reductionist, trying to eliminate even space for
contradictions. This will be further explored in the following. In any case, aslimited as the concept ofmodernisation is: it is gaining dominance although
contested by claims of postmodernisation. The present thesis is that both,
postmodernisation and globalisation though claiming new dominance and
expressing a process of overcoming previous developmental stages are in
actual fact only a higher and perhaps the highest) stadium ofmodernity. The
cruxisandthisisthechallengewhichthevariousdebatesonindicatorsaimto
address that the moral and intellectual claim of enlightenmentbased
modernisationfallsshortwhenitcomestoreality(a)ofmodernsocietiesand(b)
the process of further modernisation. This determines the complex soci(et)al
relationshipasitisoutlinedbytheSocialQualityApproach.Anditisclaimedthat
the Social Quality Approach is actually the first reasonably welldeveloped
paradigm that is ina position to translate the general theoretically ambitious
analysis of society (and societies) into their empirically oriented analysis.
Similarlyambitiousundertakingsdidexist,buthadbeenuptohithertolimitedto
individualaspects:specificgroups,specificprocessesand/orstructures.Three
examples limited though excelling can be easily found: Frederick Engels
analysisoftheTheConditionoftheWorkingClassinEngland,mileDurkheims
studyonSuicideandtheanalysisMarienthal:TheSociographyofanUnemployed
CommunitybyMarie Jahoda, Paul F. Lazarsfeld andHans Zeisel. All three had
been enriched bymethodological considerations and sawtheir partial (biased
andincomplete,i.e.focused)analysisatthesametimecloselyembeddedintoa
widerprocessofsocialanalysis.Probablythishadbeenmademostexplicitin
Durkheimsstudyasithadbeenherewhereheworkedonthetopicofanomie.
IndicatorresearchthatisledbytheSocialQualityApproachcanbedetermined
anddistinguishedby thefollowingfromotherapproaches:it isintegrated into
widertheoreticalconsiderationsanditisnotconcernedwithconditionsoflife;
instead,itlooksgenuinelyatthestateofsocietiesintheirdifferentdimensions.
But it looks at societies from the perspective from everydays life and real
people.
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1.2.ThepurposeandcontentofthisChapter
Indicatorconceptsaretraditionallyverymuchlimitedbytwoperspectives:First,
theirobjectiveistheanalysisofconditionsoflifeandtheyaimonovercoming
shortcomings and flaws in the quality of life. However, they take for grantedwhatshouldbeconsideredasgoodorbad,betterorworse.Withthis, theyare
fundamentally individualist(see already the criticaldiscussion of the capability
approachinHerrmann, 2009b).Second,theyaredealingwithclosedspaces,
are directed towards the analysis of conditions of life in enclosures: estates,
urbanspacesandespeciallynationstatesareusuallypointofreference.Andwe
find as well regional studies as those directed towards the EU, taking a
comparative perspective. However, thediscussion of standards remains fadedout. It is about individuals wellbeing which may be measured in objective
and/orsubjectiveterms.However,inanycaseitremainsunderdevelopedhow
wecandealcoherentlywiththesestandards.
2.ContradictionsandReductionismofModernity
2.1.ReductionistCharacterofModernisation
Aspointedoutelsewhere,theideaofthesocialqualityapproachhadbeenseen
asdevelopinga
normative guideline for public policy and practice, as a scheme of
reference for understanding relevant conditional structures as the
basis for this guideline, and as a socio-political goal to enable
people to enhance these conditional structures in a responsible and
democratic way. (Beck et altera, 2009: 4)
However,itisdecisivetoacknowledgetheintegratedcharacterwhichhadbeen
underlined throughout the book: first, we are dealing with normative,
conditionalandconstitutionalfactors.Second,thethreesetsoffactorscannotbe
seeninisolationbutonlyintheremutualinterdependencyandcomplementarity
afactorthatisofcrucialimportance.
It would fall short of meaning if we reduce this on the need for developing
complex, multidimensionalsystemsof indicators.Asimportant as this is,we
have to refer to another point as said the underlying philosophy of
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modernisation. Ifwedefinemodernisation asprocessofenlightenment onthe
groundofwhich
rationalisationoftheworldand
increasingcontroloveritgo hand in hand,weareconfrontedwith theambiguityofthis process: it isa
processbywhichrationalityisactuallysplitintosocietalandsocialrationalityto
the same extent as to which individualisation and increasing individual
responsibilityasforinstancedefinedintheKantiancategoricalimperativeis
takingoverandthisindividualisationleadsnolensvolenstotheemergenceofa
split between individualwealthandsocial development. In actual fact we are
facingtheprocessinwhichtheproductionofwealthgainsindependencefromits
actualmeaning.
Withrespecttoindicatorresearchthishastwoimportantimplications.First,we
are facing a separation of normative, constitutional and conditional factors.
Thoughthismaysoundveryabstract,wecanseethisinexpressedmannerin
veryconcreteprocessesofeverydayslife:forinstance,welfareandsocialpolicy
areartificiallysetapart,beingseenasindependentofthesocialprocessof
productionandreproduction.Intheextreme,ithadbeenthecharitableladiesin
Victorian Englandwho established charitable work that in part aimed on
repairingthedamagecausedbyharshcapitalismofthebourgeoisgentlemen.
And it had been the citoyen (bourgeoishumanist) thinkers philosophers,
lawyers,andevenrepresentativesofsciencewhopleadedforrespectingthe
normsofgood life.And itis the reductionof socialrelationshipsonimaging,
brandingandvirtualprocessesasit iscriticisedintodayssocieties.Althoughin
particular normative and constitutional processes are very much pushed
towardsanidealistandvirtualworld,theyareatthesametimeobjectivein
theircharacter,i.e.functionasrealdeterminationsofdailylife.
Second,weareconsequentlyconfrontedwithanotherreductionismcrucially
important for the debate on sustainability. Hand in hand with the artificial
separationofthethreefactorswefindthefundamentalsplitofhumanbeings
from the environment as integrated entity. The different verbs: command,
control,dominate,masterpointintothedirectionofaconfrontationofindividual
andenvironment.
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Withthis,wecanseetheprocessofmodernisationasmomentumthatreduces
at least in tendency on complex processes and relationships on one
dimensional structures: inparticular theproduction of goods as realisationof
conditions, the production of services as realisation of relationships and theproductionofmoralityandknowledgeasrealisationofnorms.Theirintegration,
ifatall,isundertakenexante.
Asmuchas this is concernedwith the process ofmodernisation, it means, of
course,thatthesamegroundpatternischaracterisingmodernityanyinterim
steponthepathwayoffurtherdevelopmentaccordingtotheserules.
2.2.ContradictionsofModernisation
Ofcourse,thisleadstoseverecontradictionsofthatprocess.Fundamentallywe
cangraspthisascontradictionoratleasttensionbetweensocialandindividual
pointsofreferenceandshorttermandlongtermorientationsandorientations
on narrow and wideranging scopes. Rather, than tackling this by looking
furtherintotheoreticaldiscourses (seeforinstanceWagner,1994;Muench,1984,
inparticularchapterII),someexampleswillbeusedinthefollowingtoshowthe
meaning of these contradictions, aiming on preparing the ground for someconclusionforindicatorresearchondifferentnationallevels,inaninternational
perspectiveandalsoglobally.
A first example can be taken from the current socioeconomic crisis. By and
large, it had been clear that the recent economic development could not be
maintained.However,everybodyhadtofollowthestreamGDPbeingthemajor
(ifnotonly)figurethathadbeenacknowledgedforalongtime.Andactuallywe
find inmany cases ofnew approaches even a confirmation of the limitations.AlthoughtheymayclaimtogoBeyondGDB(seeEuropeanCommunities,2009),
thepatternof the argument looksunchanged. It is only a changeof thehusk,
whereasthecoreremainsintact.Itisstillwealth,personalhappiness;thefactors
goingintotheaccountdifferandaremultiplied.However,wearesupposedto
usethesameapproachofabalancesheet,ofscoreboardswithoutconsidering
the definition ofwhat they are actuallymeasuring elsewhere this had been
frequentlydiscussedintheworkoftheSocialQualityFoundationbyLaurentvanderMaesenwithviewontheworkofthegroupheadedbyAnthonyAtkinson.
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Thislimitationdoesnotallow
overcomingthefundamentallyindividualistcharacter tackling the fact that we have to search for a method that deals with
processes (rather than linear developments) and relationships (ratherthanstructures)(forthetheoreticalandmethodologicalreflectionof this
challengeseeBecketaltera;op.cit.).
It remains contradicting as any genuine social character remains
underdeveloped,caughtinthefundamentallyindividualistapproach.
A second example is the way in which modernity deals with citizens and
organisedcitizenry.Firstandforemost,thestateasweknowit, isverymucha
childofmodernisation.1TheideasofMontesquieuareinthiscontextmuchmore
important than the various considerations around contractualist approaches
(Rousseau,Hobbes,Lockeetc.).However,atthesametimetheideaofthisstate
hadbeenverymuchbasedonthefundamentalcontradiction:ontheonehandit
had been the capitalist state that claimed being direct representative of the
people, in one or another way the manifestation of the general interest, the
volontgnrale, volontdutoutorsomething like this.However,at thesame
time itsystematicallyestablisheda civil society,suggestedtobeoutside and
potentiallyevenagainstthestate.Civilsocietyorganisations,nongovernmental
organisationsetc.arepartofawiderdispersalofthesocialandofsociety.In
actual fact this is a contradicting system that requires much deeper
considerationnotleastbyourownworkonsocialquality.
Themainstreampositiondrawsonthreesectors,namelythe state,themarket
andthesocalledthirdsector.Thereissomeperplexityarisingifweconsider
thatthesocialqualityapproachproposesanintegratedsetofthreefactorswhich
require thorough consideration: at first glance there is some correspondence
betweenthethreesectorsontheonesideandthethreefactors.Inotherwords,
wecanheuristicallyassumethatincontemporarysystemsacertaindivisionof
labouramongstthesectorscanbefoundpresentedinthefollowing.
1 Though it occasionally looks as i fit would be the father.
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Condition
al
Market Normative State Constituti
onal
Civil
society
socio-economicsecurity
socialcohesionsocialinclusion
socialempowerment
socialjustice(equity)
solidarityequalvaluation
humandignity
personal (human)
securitysocialrecognition
socialresponsiveness
personal (human)
capacity
However,bearinginmindwhathadbeensaidwithrespecttothereductionist
characterofmodernisationandmodernityitisimportanttounderstandfirstthe
societyforwhichindicatorsaregatheredbeforeactuallylookingforindicators.
3.IndicatorsandtheConstitutiveInterdependency
Inchapter3thesecondassumptionhadbeenexploredandpresentedasmatter
of a constitutive interdependency. The work of the Foundations indicator
projectandaswellthemorerecentworkoftheAsianSocialQualityNetwork
clearlyshowstheimportanceofsuchinterdependency.
The early work undertaken by the Foundation can be seen as reasonablystraightforward. We could at least presume a basic common understanding:
Thoughdifferentinscope,allEuropeansocietiesarekepttogetherbyacertain
accumulationregime basedonFordist capitalism, changingover time through
similarresourcemanagement(thisisnotleastcharacterisedbythepatterofthe
replacement of different economic sectors and with some similarity the
Kondratjevschewavesorcycles);abyandlargesimilarnormativeframework,
basedonChristianitypastandpresent,andalsoacertainmodeofregulation,supposingthestateinthetraditionofWesternenlightenmentwhichisnotleast
the traditionof positivelaw;finallyweareconfrontedwithsimilarpatternsof
understanding citizenship closely linked to the before mentioned mode of
regulation. Although there are surely definite differences amongst the EU
countriesthereisatleastsomecommonality.
Partandparcelof thiscommonalityis thatthispathwaylevelledtheway fora
very specific centralisation of power within the countries and as well theestablishmentoftheWestasworldcentre,thoughalwaysintandemwiththe
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UnitedStatesof Americawhich had been to a largeextent based on the same
groundpatternofsocietalhegemony,andatthesametimebeinginasimilarway
characterised by the tensional relationship between individual and social,
privateandpublic(seeinthiscontextaswellthediscussionoftheEuropeanModelinHerrmann,2007).
We can actually even claim a generalmeaningof indicators during the first
phase, the Foundations Indicator Project proposed 95 indicators, suggesting
theiruniversalmeaning.
In the meantime, however, while taking a global perspective, this claim of
universality has to be qualified the earlier assertion seems even to be
impudent.
4.IndicatorsandtheContextforConstitutiveInterdependenciestheThirdAssumption
Comingbacktothecentreperipherypattern,wehavetoacknowledgehistorical
realities. The distribution of political and economic power and as well the
dispersal of cultural and economicwealth had not always been following the
samelines,asweknowthemfromtoday.Atleasttwopatternsareremarkable:
on the onehandwefinddifferent centres that existwithouteven knowing of
eachotheroratleastwithoutknowingthatoutsideoftheownrealmanother
developedculturewouldexist.Ifanythinghadbeenknownatall,ithadbeena
nonculture, barbarians as they had been calledwithout knowing that they
themselveswouldbecalledbarbariansbytheothers.Ontheotherhandwefind
historicalshiftsofdifferentdegree,indifferentveinsandindifferentreach,but
all following the same groundpattern: raise and fall of empires be their
meaninglimitedtoaregionorbeitthatwearedealingwithpowershiftsona
trulyglobalscale(seeinthiscontextKuczynski,1984).
At first glance, this seems to be not connectedwith the search for indicators.
However,asecondlooktellsadifferentstory.Itisimportanttoseethatthese
macrolevelshiftsontheglobalpowerscaleareanexpressionofatleastthree
mingledmoments.Thesecanbepresentedasfollows.
First,thisisamatterofsuppression:resources,determiningthesuperiorityofa
specificaccumulationregime,allowonesystemtoexercisethissuperioritynot
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only by producing a greater wealth, butwhat ismore: they can in the first
instanceactuallydefinethemeaningofwealth.Itisdecisivethatthisisnotonly
andnotprimarily concernedwiththequestionofwhichgoodsarevalued.The
moreimportantpartisthedefinitionoftheproductiveforcesandrelationsofproduction. Thismeans that resourcesarespecificallydefined valued and
withthisadvantagesarecomingintoforcethatcanbeatleastforsometime
used in a competitive perspective, creating and maintaining temporary
superiority. Natural conditionsasclimate, theavailabilityofhumanresources,
fertilesoil,naturallogisticaladvantageouslocation,thegeopoliticalpositionetc.
cometomind.Butaswellthe(wayof)acknowledgementoftheproductiveforce
ofhousework.Alltheseconditionsarenotadvantageousperse,butonlyifseen
inthecontextofthedevelopmentoftheaccumulationregime.
An example for thiscanbe taken from the importantworkon Adam Smith in
BeijingbyGiovanniArrighi,wherehelooksatwhy
according to all available evidence , prior to the Great
Divergence wages and demand were higher and capital more
abundant in Europe than in Asia, and this difference in all
likelihood contributed to making labor-saving, energy-consuming
technology economical in the West but not in the East.
(Arrighi, 2007: 31)
Second,thevaluesystem,thenormativeorientationscannotbeseenasgenerally
validonaglobalperspectivethesamevaluesforhumankind.However,they
cannot be reduced on features that are defined subjectively by those who
possess power either. Hegemony is a pattern of ideologically carried and
institutionally practiced governance that emerges from the interplay of (a)
resources, (b) the development of the productive forces and relations of
productionand(c)theherewithrelatedreproductivesystem.Althoughwefind
therecurringvaluationoffamilialbonds,harmonyandsolidarityandthelike,we
havetobeverysensibleindealingwiththem.Ontheonehand,theemphasisof
familiarism and Confucian values (see for instance Chiu/Wong, 2005; such
statementshadbeenrepeatedlyaswellheardbytheauthorswhilecollaborating
with Asian colleagues) is problematic when investigated empirically. These
normsareveryvividaswellinmanyWesterncountriesandthereevenstrongly
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reflectedinnationallegislation.Forthiswecanlookforinstanceatthefamily
lawinFranceortheintergenerationalcontractinvariouscountries:both,the
pensionsystemsandusuallythesocialbenefitsystemsarebasicallybuiltonthe
presumption that the family comes as first supporter in case of need. The catholic principle of subsidiarity, the emphasis of selfsupply by work as
expressionoftheprotestantworkethicsandtheroleattributionaswefinditin
Menciussaying
[l]ove between father and son, duty between ruler and subject,
distinction between husband and wife, precedence of the old over
the young, and faith between friends. Fang Hs said.!
Encourage them in their toil,
Put them on the right path,
Aid them and help them,
Make them happy in their station,
And by bountiful acts further relieve them of hardship
(Mencius: 60)
are thus close relatives. However, looking at the concrete developments from
todays perspective gives easily a wrong impression, neglecting the historical
perspective.Itisproposedheretoseethedifferencesnotprimarilyinthevalue
systemsperse.Instead,relevantistheconcretemeaningofthesevaluesforthe
reproduction and as well within the complex mode of regulation
(governance).2
Thus,itisnotonlyimportanttothoroughlyreflectthedevelopmentalstageof
countriesandregions(asforinstanceexpressedinthedistributionofthevalue
creation between households, agriculture, industrial production and service
delivery.Equallyimportantisthewayinwhichtherespectivestagehadbeen
reached.WecanthinkforinstanceofIrelandacountrywhichhadbeenfora
longtimecoinedbyagriculture,didnotdevelopareallymentionableindustrial
systemandthenimportedawelldevelopedserviceindustry;wefindadifferent
feature in England, a country which is usually seen as cradle of industrial2 Special thanks go to Kezban Celik, Sibel Kalaycioglu and the most challenging work with the students at the Middle East
Technical University, Ankara, Turkey and to Lih-Rong Wang, Pei-Shan Yang and Joanne S.C. Liu, Department of Social
Work, and Tzong-Ho Bau, Department of Political Science National Taiwan University, Hsia-Hung Chen, Department ofSociology, National Chengchi University, Taipei, Taiwan and Wendy Earls, School of Arts and Social Sciences. James
Cook University, Cairns, Australia; P.H.
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capitalism,foralongtimecharacterisedbybeinganindustrialsociety.Wecould
easily continue, looking in the same vein at differences between Western
European countries and Asian countries, countries of the Islam, countries of
SouthAmerica,Africaetc.Thus,inaddition,itisimportantthatwedonotfind(andactuallyneverfound)
simple blockbuilding with oppressors here and oppressed there. Sure,
colonialismandimperialgovernmentswillnotbedenied.However,atthesame
timewehavetoacknowledgefactsasthefollowing:
even within the colonies and oppressed countrieswedo not only findrulingclassesthataredirectlythelongarmofthecolonialiserbutaswell
therulingclassesofthecountriesthemselves;
there had been tremendous shifts, central regions declining andperipheralregionstakingtheirplacebutonlytakingitforsometime
andbeinglaterpushedasideagain
andfinally,theshiftshadbeenaccompaniedbymultilevelprocessesofsharedpower.
For the latter, Taiwan and Turkey are an excellent example as presented by
Herrmanninhisworkonissuesofglobalsocialpolicy (cf.Herrmann, 2009a).
These mergers, the emergence of new systems by mixing different existing
complex systems are the challenge in the search for social quality indicators.
From the previous experience, looking at the context for their constitutive
interdependencies means to distinguish between and bring together the
followinganalyticallevels: (a) the traditionalpatterns as theyare defined in
their ancient origins, (b) the broad mixtures as they developed over the
centuries,defining the framework for specificallyenlightened societies (taking
thespecificWestern,AsianandIslamstanceonenlightenmentintoaccount)and
(c) the concrete mixtures as they are currently emerging from the concrete
design and maintenance of economic blocks and relationships within these
blocks.
5.TheFramework
The core of the argument which is developed from the indicator work in the
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EUropeanandAsiancontext,andwhichgainsstrongsupportaswellfromthe
experiencesinTurkey,isasfollows.Anycomponentshavetobedevelopedand
selectedbyhavingtwofactorsinmind:First,wearedealingcentrallywiththe
interconnectedness of the different factors. This means as well that thedistinctionbetweenconditional,constitutionalandnormativefactorsisactually
onlyartificial,havingananalyticalcharacter.
Thismeans,second,thattheultimateunderlyingstandardhastobeseeninthe
constitutiveglueofhumanpractice,thisisvisualisedinthefollowinggraph:
HumanPractice
socio-economicsecurity
socialcohesionsocialinclusion
socialempowerment
personal (human)
securitysocialrecognition
socialresponsiveness
personal (human)
capacity
socialjustice(equity)
solidarityequalvaluation
humandignity
Conditional
(relations)
Constitutional
(processes)
Normative
(orientation)
SocialQualityArchitectureasFoundationofPractice
Withthisinmind,thenextstepistolookatthegeneraldevelopmentofindicator
researchas it had been brieflymentionedabove with reference to the OECD.
WithreferencetoworkattheOECD,ithadbeensaidthattheindicatorresearch
hadbeenmarkedby simple comparative measures of economic income measures in
the first decades of the last centuries, moving on from the 1960 to broader concepts of
welfare, quality of life, social health etc. and moving further from the end of the last
century by orienting towards a global level (OECD, 2009). Actually, looking more
closely at the development we find three overlapping patterns.
First, it is the movement from simple economic figures towards more complex
measurements. This meant as well a shift for instance in theories of poverty, striving
for developing a more complex understanding. Thus, we find for instance in 1979 the
work on Poverty in the United Kingdom: a survey of household resources and
standards of living published by Peter Townsend (see Townsend, 1979); in Germany
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we find, not least connected with the name of Wolfgang Zapf, the development of a
broader understanding of conditions of life, founding a broader social indicator
movement (see the series on Soziale Indikatoren, 1972 ff.). It is not a contradiction
that we find only with relatively short delay the resurfacing and actually
mushrooming of poverty reporting systems (see for instance for Germany
Otto/Karsten [Eds.], 1990). The specific character can be seen in the fact that the
interest came from trade unions on the one side and experts in social work on the
other side. In any case, the background had been not the interest in simplified poverty
measurement on the local level. Instead,
From the perspective of the administration the use value of poverty
reports can be seen in particular in their use as instrument of a
preventative social planning,
(Haensch, 1990: 69; translation P.H.).
Second we find the movement from investigating small, manageable spaces to finally
the global level. However, the widening meant to some extent at the same time again
a step back: The increasingly global orientation meant in many cases also the fallback
on rather simple analysis of poverty rates and the reasoning on the possibility of
calculating relevant standards of relative poverty. Or it meant applying standards from
one country or region in another context. However, it is on this stage as well that we
find efforts of developing a wider understanding, for instance and in particular the
work by the United Nations programs on Human Development. Of course, at their
time these approaches had been originally avant-gardist advances. However, despite
all other pros and cons, the two major challenges which remained unaddressed, had
been the following. First, all these approaches remained to a very large extent
individualist, at the end going back to the Benthamian understanding of the greatest
happiness for all; second, they remained stuck in a somewhat negativist approach,
being concerned with problems of exclusion, orienting mainly on problems of
individuals rather than searching for solutions for societies. What do we mean by this?
All these concepts did actually start from the assumption of a good society without,
however, reflecting what such a good society or even what the social actually is and
moreover: how to develop criteria for such goodness.
To some extent we find, third, a movement which aims on developing such broader
understanding: not starting from analysing exclusion (thought this is, to lean on
Luhmanns term, a loud and penetrating background noise), but from the
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understanding of a good society or good development. Broadly, the main
difference from a social quality perspective is our own concern with a sound
theoretical grounding.
Ontological, epistemological and theoretical issues had been raised already elsewhere
(see N.N. [eds.], forthcoming). In this chapter another point is of interest. For
understanding this, and based on what had been said in the previous sections, a point
of departure is the concern with the psychogenesis and sociogenesis as described by
Norbert Elias.
5.1.DefiningIndicators
Indicatorsinthecontextofthesocialqualityapproachhaveaspecialmeaningbecausetheyareasindispensableastheyaretheyarealsohighlycomplicatedif
lookedatinastrictsense.Theyareindispensableastheyofferaconceptthat
tentatively allows an insight into qualitative issues of life, living
conditions/circumstancesandthereachandmeaningfulnessof life.Surely,they
cannot replace qualitative intense interviews and they should not even try
doing so. The latter are well able to explore issues on an individual level.
However, indicators in the understanding of indirect measurement tools provideameanstograspgeneraltrendsinrespectoftheseissues.Itisimportant
as well to see them being geared towards these three dimensions in their
interplay:qualitativeissuesoflife,livingconditions/circumstancesandthereach
andmeaningfulnessoflife.Thebestwaytoanswerthischallengeistheproposed
being a hierarchical concept: as mentioned above reflecting the research
orientation from universalabstract to concretespecific. However, it is this
orientationwhich permanently calls for developing universalabstract criteriafrom the praxisof humans in their concrete life. General valuesasBuddhism,
Christianity,Confucianism,IslamismorTaoismtonamebutafewdonotappear
as general valuesystemsper se in an abstract sense.Rather, they are part of
historicalpractice.Fordevelopingindicatorsthismeansthatwehavetolookfor
ways that genuinely and somewhat paradoxically start from the
contradictionsinwhichpracticeislocated.
Suchreferenceisespeciallyusefulwhenitcomestotakingaglobalperspective.
Of particular importance is that it is now possible to achieve a meaningful
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understanding of contradictions. A recent debate on employment in Asian
countriespointsonthisfact.Itisnotalonetheformalpositionthatcountsbutas
well the overall meaning. Of course, this is similar to what the capability
approach suggests: the core question is what can people do with providedresourcesandwhichresourcesdo theyneed todevelopasindependentactors
withahighselfesteem.However,thedifferenceisthatweclaimamoresocial
andhistoricalperspective.Forinstance,thefamilyvaluesandkinshiprelations
frequentlyclaimedforAsiancountriesasdominantarenotrelevantasabstract
valuesbutinthewaytheyfitintothesuggestedsystemofappropriatenessand
power.Inthislight,twopointscanexemplifythemeaning.Thefamilyispartof
anoverallsecurityandsupportsystem.Withinthissystem,therelevanceofthe
familyisnotgivenasvaluepersebutasexpressionofalivedsystemofchecks
and balances. It is a specific mechanism of socialisation serving as control
mechanism (for instance via education) and also as supportmechanism. This
means as well that such valuations may be maintained over time even after
loosing their objective dimension. However, the other side of the coin is that
certain behavioural requirements evolve though they lack any substantial
meaning.IntheAsiancontextthefamilymaybeanexampleforthefirst,certain
formsofcompetition,aimingonovercominghierarchiescanbetakenasexample
forthesecondone.Tobesure,suchstatementdoesnotsayanythingaboutreal
values.Itsaysonlysomethingontheactualsocioindividualmeaningwhichhas
tobereflectedinthe(choiceandinterpretationof)indicators.
Hereweseethatanydebateonindicatorsinasocialqualityperspectivehasat
itslasttasktolookfordata.Beforeitcomestothisstageitismoreimportantto
definethearrayofwhatisactuallyevaluated.Inotherwords,itisimportantto
lookforwaysofmodelling.Thequestionhastobewhatkindofsocietyarewe
actuallyin?Thenitispossibletodefinethespecificunderstandingofsocialand
define its quality. But before doing that, it is possible to define as well the
differentexpectations.Theproblemwehavetofaceisthatwewillbealways
dealingaswellwithnormativefactorsandtheuncertaintiescomingfromhere
arenotavoidedbyleavingthesefactorsoutoftheapproach.Rather,itisdecisive
to include them explicitly inorder tounderstand differentmeanings of social
facts.
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Consequently, social quality indicators are highly complicated. They can only
offertentativeinstrumentsastheyhavetograsprelationshipsasintegralpartof
their analytical framework. Looking at thedebate on social quality indicators
overthelastyearsfromtheworkdonebytheNetworksince2001untiltodaysAsianexplorationsanysocialqualityindicatorsareobviouslyonlyasvaluable
astheirqualitativeinterpretationiscapabletograsptheinterconnectednesson
two scales. As mentioned above, the first stretches between process and
relations (in mainstream sociological language: agency and structure); the
second covers (making reference to Norbert Elias) sociogenesis and
psychogenesis.
Itisimportanttoincludethisperspectiveintotheprocessofindicatordefinition
aswell. Itisessentialnottostartfromtheperspectiveoftheresearchers the
idea of an academically imagined society; instead the focus has to be on the
question of the conditions in society and the way people interact with these
conditions,i.e.theconstitutionalprocesses.
5.2.TheFundamentalChallengeBridgingtheGap
The fundamental difficulty has to be seen in the key aim of social quality toovercomethepresentfragmentationofpolicy,forexampleatEUlevel,between
welfare policies, economic policies and employment policies. By creating a
coherent,theoreticallygroundedconceptthatnotonlyembracesallpoliciesbut
alsoallstagesofthepolicyprocess,itisintendedtofurnishbothpolicymakers
andthegeneralpublicwithananalyticaltooltounderstandsocietyandchangeit
againithastobeemphasisedthatitisaboutpractice,understoodasintegrated
practiceratherthanbeingamatterofmakingsuperficial,tentativeadaptations.Thecurrentsearchforwaystoovercomethecrisisistypicalforthelatter:even
its interpretation is dubious. It is seen as financial crisis only, as broader
economic crisis, amoral crisis, expressing theunbridled greed. Surely, all the
differentperspectivesmayplayarole.However,thecorequestionishowwecan
understandtheentiretyofthesystemandhowitworksonthelocal,national,
regionalandgloballevel.Forthis,itisimportanttostartwithaperspectivethat
bringstogetherthemacroperspectivei.e.anunderstandingofwhatagoodsociety is about and the microperspective i.e. an understanding of
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everydayspractice.Theparadoxis,however,thatwewillnotbeallowedtostart
fromgeneralnormsaboutsuchagoodsocietyassuch. Instead,wearelooking
forgeneralprinciplesthatareinparticularconcernedwithwhatpeoplecando
to obtain of opportunities to act. Herewith we find as well a fundamentaldifferenceincomparisonwiththecapabilityapproach.Wearenotlookingfor
indicators dealing with capabilities of individuals. Nor do we deal with
functionings.Instead,wecanusefullyimaginesocialqualityasmatterofcreating
socialspaces.Sowearrivefrompreviousobservations theproductionofthe
social(seeHerrmann/Herrenbrueck,2006a,b)atanunderstandingindicators
beingamatterofmeasuringtheoutcomeofthisproductiveprocess.
5.3.ThePracticalChallengeRequirementsforDefiningIndicators
ThemainproblemsofthesearchhadbeenelaboratedbyLaurentJ.G.vander
Maesen in theworkingpaperon Reflections on the first setof SocialQuality
IndicatorsfromtheEuropeanNetworkSocialQualityIndicators (seevander
Maesen,LaurentJ.G.2009;someofthefollowingformulationsaredirectlytaken
from thisworkingpaperwithout further reference).These are thequestionsof
adequacy,coherenceandappropriateness the problemofdata availability isalsomentionedbutitplaysageneralroleinquantitativeempiricalresearchand
doesnotneedspecialattentionhere.
Againstthebackgroundofwhathadbeensaidbeforewehavenowat leastthe
standards at hand that help us to assess adequacy, coherence and
appropriateness.
Adequacy
Adequacy of indicators in a social quality perspective is about making sure that they
concern the actual life, ever days life of people in the social spaces where they live.
With this in mind, social quality indicators are adequate if they express the essential
characteristics of the sub-domains they are related to. It concerns the adequacy with
regard to the deductive form of reasoning. We have to ask if indicators respect the
theoretical and conceptual foundations of social quality? Furthermore, it concerns the
adequacy with regard to the inductive form of reasoning. The proposed indicators, do
they signal important societal trends and changes relevant for the recognising of the
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nature of the four conditional factors in various countries? Therefore, the theme of
adequacy concerns the interpretation that the connection between the outcomes of the
deductive and inductive forms of reasoning with regard to the recognition of the
essential characteristics is as optimal as possible.
It can be proposed that a set of four criteria can be applied for assessing the adequacy
of indictors, which are shown in the following matrix.
trends and changes
system maintenance adaptability and
change
based
onsocial
ualit
criteria
conceptuality
theoretically
reflected
Coherence
Coherence of indicators in a social quality perspective has to ensure that the
differentdomainsandsubdomainsarereflectedinthechoiceofindicators.Ina
negativesense,thequestionis,ifwecanfindunclearoverlapsofsomeindicators
fortheconditionalfactorsrespectivelyorbetweenthesefactors.Inotherwords,
will some indicators prevent a real discrimination between the nature of the
conditional factors? This theme concerns the conditional factor analysis.
Accordingtothenationalreports,especiallymanyproposedindicatorsofsocial
inclusion demonstrate an overlap with indicators of socioeconomic security,
social cohesion and social empowerment. In a positive sense, the question of
coherencereferstothethemeofthemutualrelationshipofindicatorswithinthe
conditional factors respectively and between the conditional factors. By
strengtheningthemutualrelationshipthecoherenceinthesetofsocialquality
indicatorswillbestrengthenedaswell.
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mutuality
complementing parallel
widthofmeaning
Exclusiveness
specificity
Appropriateness
Appropriatenessof indicators ina socialqualityperspectivehastoreflectby
induction existing knowledge of the essential characteristics of the sub
domains (or they should be based on these characteristics respectively).
Furthermore,thedataassessmentoftheindicatorsisinductivelybasedaswell.
Thecrucialquestionsthathavetobeaddressedarefirstonpowerandsecondonproperty.Inanothercontext (seeHerrmann,Peter/Dorrity,Claire,2009) thishad
beenputforwardintheperspectiveofSocietalScopeofLegalFunctionalityas
showninthe followingmatrixandhere itisclaimedthat thesamepatterncan
alsoserveasgeneralframeworkforassessingindicators.
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appropriation
property adequacy
legitim
acy
equality
empowerment
Again,thefourparametersempowerment,legitimacy,propertyandadequacy
havetobeappliedineachcaseofaproposedindicator.
6.Conclusions
Applyingtheserulesintheperspectiveondifferentsettings,wecanstartfrom
threepointsthatarehighlightedbyAlanWalkerwithreferencetoG.Whiteet
altera.:low spending on welfare; an emphasis on the societal role in
welfare (family, community and employers) rather than the state as
a provider of social rights associated with citizenship; and a
preference for selectivity and funded social insurance over
universalism and tax-financed pay-as-you-go.
(Walker, 2008: 11 of the contribution)
However, it had been noted before that at least the reference to differentvaluationofdistinctcontributorsespeciallymentionedinthefirstpointis
questionable in its importance. What we can see, instead, is the difference of
underlying accumulation regimes and respective modes of regulation. Taking
thisintoaccount,thenotionofanoikonomicwelfarestateashighlightedby
Jones(seeJones,1990)hasmuchplausibility.Itisthenimportanttolooknotonly
at the way in which provisions are made; of not less interest is (a) the
understanding ofwelfare itself and (b) importantly the understanding of theconstitutionalfactors.
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Withrespectto (a)wefindaparadoxwithrespecttotheunderstandingofthe
individualinthedifferentmodels (seeforthediscussionoftheapplicabilityof
the modelling process Walker, op.cit.).Whereas theWelfare State, being seen
characteristic for the West, is in the tradition of the Western enlightenmentstrongly oriented on supporting the individual his/her independence, the
empowerment as matter of finding his/her own way independently, being
includedasmatterofallowingindependenceandwherecohesivenessisdefined
alongthelineofgrantingequalaccesstoindependence. If,withabroadbrush,
weturnnowtowardstheAsianWelfareSociety, itisapparentlytheotherway
round a pattern that leaves seemingly most of the responsibility to the
individual and subsidaries (in particular the family), thus depending on
individuals activity, is in actual fact heavily coined by an orientation on and
characterisationbysociability:Totheextenttowhichtheindividualisnotable
to look after his/her ownsocioeconomic security, it is thenetwork of family
bondsbutaswelltherolesastheyhadbeenoutlinedbefore:
[l]ove between father and son, duty between ruler and subject,
distinction between husband and wife, precedence of the old over
the young and faith between friends
We can conclude that in the Western case the conditional factor of
empowerment is predominant, whereas by and large in the Asian case the
conditionalfactorof inclusionhasahigherscore.This,ofcourse,determinesa
differentconcreteunderstandingordefinitionofwhat socialqualityis about
andthishassurelytoguidethesearchforindicators.
However, at the same time we should not overestimate themeaning of value
systems. We face the difficulty of arguing on three levels whichwe can only
distinguish on a generalabstract level but not on the level of determining
concretesocialqualitylevels:
(i) The first is the generalabstract understanding ofwhat socialquality the
definitionofitsdifferentfactorsisabout.
(ii)Thesecondistheconcreteabstractlevel:theunderstandingofsocialquality
inconcretesocietiesas theyare shapedbytheirtraditions still, thisremains
abstract as these traditions are in no case pure: different technological,
economic, social and political developments had been always in one way or
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another global speed, intensity and meaning of the influences surely being
differentduring the periods; different religioussystems influenced each other
sincemanycenturies,thepressurenotalwaysgoingintoonedirection;etc.In
consequence,[w]ithin Asian countries, ethnicity, religion, colonialization history
and degrees of democracy have created a heterogeneous entity hard
to be measured by a unified standard. Hence, another challenge to
the indicator transformation in Asia is to identify similar societal
orientations and welfare provisions that could be integrated into a
set of indicators.
(Wang, 2008: 73)
However, it shouldnot beoverlookedthat the same pattern is in force in the
Westernhemisphere.
(iii)Theconcretespecificanalysishastorefertotheconcretewayinwhichthe
systemsdevelop:hereitisnotsomuchthemixofdifferenttraditionsbutthe
merger:thewayinwhichtraditionaleconomic,political(intheunderstanding
ofmode of regulation)andsocialpatternsand thoseof theglobalisingnation
statesintermingle,emergingtosomenewsocialqualities.Itisimportanttonote
that on the one hand we have for centuries already a parallel process of
emergingcapitalistsocietieshowever,theitspatternfrequentlychanged,not
least depending on the concrete performance within the centreperiphery
relationships.Ithadbeeninthiscontextaswellthattheroleof ideologiesand
valuessystems,themodeofregulationshiftedintodifferentdirectionsorgained
(andofcourselost)acertainscope.AsKwongLeungTangstates
one must not envisage economic globalization simply as the rapid
acceleration of the flow(s) of goods, services and capital across
national borders over the last 50 years. It also involves the
expansion of capitalist economies that, ultimately, supplant local
control.
(Tang, Kwong-Leung, 2008: 339)
Wecanthenfinallysay, thesearchforindicatorshastobeguidedbythethree
principles: adequacy, coherenceandappropriateness, each stretching acrossa
fourfieldmatrix.Andthisinmindhastobeappliedforthepast,thepresentand
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theemergingfuture.Theobjectiveisgettingclearerthen:indicator(re)searchis
not primarily about measuring social quality. At its core we can see its
understandingasthemajortask.
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Editorial Note
i The William-Thompson-Working-Paper-Series is edited by the European SocialOrganisational and Science Consultancy for University of Cork, Department of Applied
Social Studies and meant to offer a space for publications of occasional documents. One aim
amongst others is to offer a space for publication of work by colleagues of the Department of
Applied Social Studies at University of Cork.
The work is edited and supervised for publication by Peter Herrmann, ESOSC.
The papers will only be published as PDF- or word-file on the website http://william-
thompson.ucc.ie.
Requests for publication can be sent to ESOSC at herrmann[at]esosc.eu and will be accepted
for publication after collective assessment (peer-reviewers will be listed on the website
without reference to concrete documents).
The copyright is still with the authors so that the documents are free to further publication.
ii The present paper emerged from discussions within the framework of the authors position asadvisor of the European Foundation on Social Quality, The Hague and draws from discussions
in particular with Laurent van der Maesen. Though I owe much gratitude to these discussions
and the friendship, the responsibility for what is said is entirely with the author and the
positions are not the positions of the Foundation.iii for this edition: Peter Herrmann, 2009iv Herrmann, Peter; dr. phil (Bremen, Germany). Studies in Sociology (Bielefeld, Germany),
Economics (Hamburg), Political Science (Berlin) and Social Policy and Philosophy (Bremen).
Had been teaching at several Third Level Institutions across the EU; currently correspondent
to the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Social Law (Munich, Germany),
senior advisor to the European Foundation on Social Quality (Amsterdam, Netherlands) and
Director of the Independent Research Institute European Social, Organisational and Science
Consultancy (Aghabullogue, Ireland) and teaching at the University College of Cork,Department of Applied Social Studies, (Cork, Ireland), where he holds the position of an
adjunct senior lecturer and Kuopion Yliopisto, Yhteiskuntatieteellinen tiedekunta.
Sosiaalipolitiikan ja sosiaalipsykologian laitos (Kuopio, Finland), where he is adjunct
professor. He held various positions as visiting professor and is currently in this position at the
Corvinus University in Budapest. Member of the Administrative Board of the European Social
Action Network (ESAN), representing this in the Platform of Social NGOs.
Member of several editorial boards; editor of the book series Applied Social Studies Recent
Developments, International and Comparative Perspectives (New York, USA) ) and Studies in
Comparative Pedagogies and International Social Work and Social Policy (Bremen,
Germany); peer-reviewing for several journals in the social area and book series.