European Socialist Youth Declare Against War

Socialism GrowsOn US. Campus:Nation Goes Left

by Tim Wohlforth(Tim Wohlforth, editor of the YOUNG SOCIALIST, is

currently touring the Midwest as part of his nationwide barn-storming tour. The first lap of the tour, covering from SanDiego to Portland on the West Coast, was reported in theNovember YS. This article covers Wohlforth's visit to Seattle,Vancouver, B.C., San Francisco State College, Stanford Univer-sity, Denver University, University of Colorado, University ofMinnesota, University of Wisconsin (Madison), University ofWisconsin (Milwaukee), Earlham College, Cleveland, andOberlin College.) ®—

D E T R O I T — As I traveledaround the country during theweeks prior to the recent elec-tions, a new political climate wasnoticeable—a climate which ledto the Democratic landslide andthe defeat of "right-to-work"legislation in five out of the sixstates in which it was proposed.

This new climate is marked bya polarization in the political lifeof the country between labor onthe one hand and the represen-tatives of big business on theother. The struggles around the"right-to-work" proposals broughtthis out the most clearly. I visitedfour out of the six states wherethese proposals were on the bal-lot: California, Washington, Colo-rado, and Ohio.

In each of these states the"right-to-work" issue dominatedthe election. Billboards spottedthe countryside; each day's pa-per brought a new rash of ads oneach side of the issue; radio andTV were loaded with spot ads onthe issue as well as panel discus-sions; and finally the labor move-ment had mobilized its rank andfile with leaflets, bumper signs,pins, wooden nickels, phony threedollar bills, rulers, and what not.

At issue in the s"right-to-work"

°OENfight was the existence of a stronglabor movement itself. Underthe falsely named "right-to-work"proposals, labor - managementagreements which made unionmembership a condition of em-ployment would be outlawed. Thislaw would severely weaken thattrade union as the collective bar-gaining agent for all the workersin the plant, a bargaining agentdemocratically chosen by the ma-jority of the workers in the plant.

BUSINESS CRUSADEThe largest corporations in the

country (especially General Elec-tric) spent millions of dollars tosell this proposal to the peoplethrough a full scale anti-unioncampaign in these states. The la-bor movement organized itself forself-defense and carried througha magnificent campaign.

In Ohio the campaign was es-pecially impressive. It was organ-ized by the United Organized La-bor of Ohio which represented allthe unions in the state. The cam-paign reached its climax when theUOLO rallied the rank and fileworkers in Cleveland and otherindustrial areas to the polls tohand out sample ballots. I touredCleveland <m election day and

talked to the unionists) —therewere as many as four at each ofthe 2,000 or more precincts—asthey handed the sample ballotsto the voters. The voters of Ohiogot a chance to meet face to facewith organized labor, and theyresponded. Especially in Ohio andCalifornia the voters turned outand voted down the proposal over-whelmingly. The bulk of thesevoters were not union membersbut they felt the need for strongunions in their state and theycame to their defense.

These campaigns were carriedon by labor with little or no helpfrom the politicians of eitherparty. In Ohio, for example, Sen-ator Lausche, a Democrat, ac-tually supported "right-to-work."The labor movement was able tomobilize its rank and file as itnever had been able to do beforefor any Democratic Party politi-cian. The whole "right-to-work"campaign posed the question:Why does labor continue to sup-port the Democrats who do noth-ing for it? The labor movementhas demonstrated that it canrally the people of this countrybehind it. With very little extra-effort the workers could have dis-tributed material for labor candi-dates alongside their aiiti-right-to-work material and brought alabor party to power in thesestates.

CANADIANS PLAN LABORPARTY

When I visited Vancouver inCanada I got a taste of the pos-sibilities that a large party of theworkers holds for the future. ThereI addressed the Stanley ParkClub, one of the many localbranches of the CCF (Common-wealth Cooperative Federation),the biggest socialist party in Can-ada. There CCF members told me

(Continued from Page 3)

YOUNG SOCIALISTen Cents Voice of America's Future

VOL. 2, NO. 3 December, 1958

SCENE IN LITTLE ROCK: Johnny Gray, 15, point s finger at white boy who tried to force him and hissister off the sidewalk on their way to school. For a report on the drive for a million signatures forintegration and a young socialist's participation i n the Youth March on Washington, see page 3.

California Professors Strike PolicyOf Informing on Students' Views

by Richard DeHaanA little-known relic of the McCarthy period in American educa-

tion was carried on its first step to reinterment last month by theAcademic 'Senate of the University of California, Northern Division.The question, "Must professors be informers?" was answered in thenegative by an assembly of the Senate on October 31. The adoptionof a report, the so-called "Rynin Resolutions," by the Senate's AcademicFreedom Committee served notice that henceforth teachers at theBerkeley, Davis, San Francisco and Mount Hamilton campuses willnot give voluntary • answers to questions from prospective employersand other investigators about their students' political views as ex-pressed in the classroom. ®

"Friendly" response to these in-It is not ge'nerally known thatteachers have been increasinglyrelied upon as political stool-pigeons in recent years—in mostcases apparently against theirwill. With the Cold War came aburgeoning of "loyalty" investi-gations by various governmentagencies, private employers andby the flourishing new indus-try of professional investigators.

2 Negro Boys and a Kiss"Please tell me, Mr. President, when Negroes may expect your

Justice Department to introduce the 14th Amendment to the U.S.Constitution to this social jungle called Dixie," asks machinist Rob-ert Williams of Monroe, North Carolina in a telegram of protest toEisenhower.

Two Negro boys, Hanover Thompson, 9, and Fuzzy Simpson, 8,are presently at the Morrison Training School for Delinquent Boysat Hoffman, N.C. for committing the "crime" of being kissed by awhite girl while playing on the way home from school. They weresentenced, Williams claims, without the benefit of counsel nor achance to confront their accuser.

Williams, who is president of the local NAACP, believes the twochildren were sent to reform school in order to put pressure on him-self for entering applications for his two sons to attend white schoolsin the area.

American youth, Negro and white, must speak out against "South-ern Justice" that has affected so cruelly two small North Carolina boys.We should write or te]egrarn Governor Luther H. Hodges, Raleigh,N. C. and President Eisenhower. We must get up petitions among ourfellow high school and college students. If we act now we can seethat these two young boys are returned- to their families and thatsome semblance of justice prevails in the Southern part of the UnitedStates. —THE EDITORS

quiries has been defended in theprofession as part of the teach-er's responsibility to prepare hisstudents for entry into society—not only intellectually, but alsoin every other respect, includingideologically.

The University of CaliforniaSenate, which had previouslytaken the initiative in beatingdown a state loyalty oath, hastaken the first publicized step inrolling back this even greaterdanger to freedom of thought andassociation. The teaching profes-sion has generally managed toskirt this issue up to now. TheAmerican Association of Univer-sity Professors, for example, hasyet to take a stand on its mem-bers' serving as informers, andhas shown a distressing tendencyto restrict its efforts to keeping-its own oxen from being gored.

NSA IS BACKWARDAs to the students' "own" or-

ganization, the National StudentAssociation, it is yet immeasur-ably more backward. While it,too, has adopted a decent standon academic freedom, the ma-chinery by which it proposes toenforce this stand is so complexas to vitiate the principles. Before amere investigation can even beinitiated, the NSA must receive arequest from: (1) the student gov-ernment, (2) ten per cent of the

student body or 500 students,whichever is less, (3) the collegeadministration or (4) the NSARegional Executive Committee,with the permission of the stu-dent government. Even if thisprocess of instituting an investi-gation were not so cumbersome asto require several months, or evenyears, of effort, it relies for evi-dence of an infraction of aca-demic freedom on precisely thosasectors of the academic commu-nity which are traditionally hood-winked or controlled by the ad-ministration. In the recollectionof this writer, the NSA has yetto even begin an investigation ofan academic freedom violation,much less censure an administra-tion.

SCOTT NEARING ON PEACE,SOCIALISM: A YS interview—page 2.

As bad as this situation is, how-ever, it is still not the worst as-pect of the academic freedom pic-ture today. The teacher's role ina loyalty investigation is usually.not of overwhelming importancebecause: (1) being himself con-cerned with the protection of aca-demic freedom, he often declinesto cooperate anyway, and (2)students' political activities donot usually occur in the class-room, and political opinions areoften not expressed there. (Never -the less, a serious deficiency inthe California resolution, is thatiteachers are still not prohibited". . . fro.n giving informationcoming to them from outside theclasssroom.")

WORST OFFENDERSBy far the worst offenders in

academic informing are the ad-(Continued on Page 4)

Page 2 YOUNG SOCIALIST December, 195S

Youth

8 peaks

Out!THE TEDDY-BOYS' ROLE

Dear Editors:Nottingham and Notting-Hill,

two Negro sections in London,were the scene of recent raceriots in 'which the Teddy-boysparticipated. Decrepit Victoriantenement houses, divided intosmall pokey flats in which asmany as three West Indian fam-ilies live, are seen throughoutthese areas. The employment sit-uation is very bad, creating jea-lous competition over even themost unskilled and undesirablejobs.

The Teddy-boys, made up ofyoung men in their late teens, weredirected by speaker vans from allparts of London to incite raceriots in the West Indian sections."'Britain is Going Black," "WestIndians Are Taking Your Jobs,""Save Britain From the Black In-vaders" headlined the fascistnewspaper, Action.

The Teddy-boy's role is one ofblind action—he is always readyto fight. He is the standard-bear-

er of a corrupt society. His Ed-wardian suit is a pathetic cry forself-expression starved by cash re-lationships and commercial "cul-ture."

The London press was quick toblame the riots on the Teddy-boys. The ruling class hates thecrude exposure of the evils of itssystem by the Teddy-boys. Theyare the scapegoat for the contra-dictions in capitalist society. Pro-paganda is directed against themin order to attribute to them andyouth in general all the crimesthat .occur. . ^

I. LambIslington, England

A DISCORDANT NOTE

Dear Editors:I have just received my first

copy of the newssheet, theYOUNG SOCIALIST. The talentof those whose work appears inthis issue (November) leaves morethan a little to be desired, both instyle and in the use of jargon anddistortion of facts, no matter howvalid the seeming excuses. I ob-ject, for instance, to a statementmade on page 3 by Mr. Wohl-forth. In. saying, ". .. the TJ.S.S.R.shows us that it is possible fora major power to function with-out trying to dominate the world,"it seems to me that Mr. Wohl-forth is either terribly naive or,and this is more reprehensible, heis using the distortion of fact toattain an end,

Pray do not interpret this as ablanket condemnation, either ofyour paper or of Mr. Wohlforth.I shall read the paper whenever

I have the opportunity and time.I do not agree with all—nay, witheven very much of what is there-in stated, but I welcome the op-portunity to hear of divergentviewpoints when honestly express-ed. I hope, therefore, that I havemade a mistaken assumption. Itrust you will be able to correctme if this is true.

Dante F. D'AlessandroSeattle, Wash.

ON BRUSSELS WORLD'S FAIR

Dear Editors:The aim of the U.S. pavilion

was obviously to show that Amer-ica is a very nice country to livein, especially for those who haveenough time and money for fre-quent pleasant relaxation. Thelife portrayed was typically up-per middle class, with a millineryshow that attracted much atten-tion and no mention of things likeunions and unemployment. Therewas a significant inscription ona wall: "America's business is ev-erybody's business. . . ." Thevoting machines in the exhibitwere much joked about in rela-tion to the franchise of SouthernNegroes.

The Russian pavilion, near theAmerican, was . . . (designed] toshow ithat the Soviet Union ha,sbecome a major industrial power.The attraction Number One wasof course the "spoutniki." But thesloganeering seemed too heavy tomany visitors, socialists included.The propaganda of the Americanpavilion was more clever and dis-creet.Ernest GlinneCo-editor, La Gauche (Belgium)

Scott Hearing Views Peace and Socialisman interview

(The following is an interview with Dr. Scott Nearing. con-ducted by Arthur Pheips, Philadelphia Corresponding Editor forthe YS. Dr. Nearing, veteran socialist speaker and writer, hasjust returned from a. trip through China and Asia.

Dr. Nearing discusses the question of "peaceful coexistence,"<i subject which has aroused much interest in the radical move-ment. We invite our readers to make their own contributions tothis discussion.)

Q.—What do you mean bypeaceful co-existence?

A.—The term co-existence pre-supposes differences — ideological,economic, social — between differ-ent groups of people, different re-ligions, different economies, differ-ent forms of political organization.These differences exist inside |Philadelphia and Pennsylvania asthey do throughout the world. Yetyou recognize these differencesand co-exist or you fight them.

Q.—Do you think that therecan be peace or peaceful co-ex-istence between countries whohave planned and capitalist eco-nomies, respectively?

A.—Not only Is this possible,but it happens. For example, thereare those who recognize Chinaand there are those who do not.

The British are like us in theiroutlook, but when the Chinese lib-eration came in 1949, the Britishgovernment did not hesitate be-fore recognizing the Peoples' Re-public of China. There is no socialimperative against recognition orco-existence. The British do rec-

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ognize and seek to co-exist withChina.

Q'.—But this contradicts whatyou yourself have said in theTWILIGHT OF EMPIRE, thatcapitalism has an economic im-pulsion to expand. And it isclear to me, at least, that top onthe agenda of the U. S. StateDepartment is the winning backof the Soviet Union and Chinato the sphere of capitalist invest-ment.

A.—You presuppose an eith-er-or which actually does riot ex-ist. There is an area between theeither-or. For instance, in India,Mr. Nehru is an anti-Communistand has gone so far in proving"this as to put Communists in jail.He, of course, is a socialist and amember of the incumbent Con-gress Party. Here is a conflictsituation between Nehru and theCommunists.

Now, in 1957 in Kerala, theyelected a Communist governmentthrough a coalition that includedother left forces and independents.Since that time, this Governmenthas functioned in Kerala. Underthe Indian constitution, if theKerala government violates con-stitutional precepts, the govern-ment can be removed. Here youhave a conflict situation whereopposing forces are co-existing.

Q.—Now I would like to askwhat you think are the prospectsfor socialism in America?

A.—I have travelled over thecountry lately. And it is my ob-servation that there are a largenumber of people who would wel-come socialism in America. Infact, I would say that this body ofpersons number a large minority.I don't know exact figures, but Iwould say thousands, whether500,000 or 5,000,000, are of thismind.

However, the history of socialistmovements in the U. S. is veryschismatic: s t r e w n with thewreckage of schism, splits andfactions—and these many peoplethroughout North America whowould welcome a change don't be-long to any party and won't, aslong as there is a paralyzing divi-sion in the left. ,

I have seen some encouragingsigns, however, especially in col^-leges where there is emerging adevelopment among students wljohave organized themselves—theyoften call themselves socialiststudy or discussion groups. Theywill not affiliate themselves withany one political party on the left.There are not many of them, butyou can find them here and thereacross the country. It reflects anew attitude of young people to-ward the world they live in. Theywant to recognize the failures of,and .liberate themselves from, thepast. Organizationally, they have-a paper called the YOUNG SO-CIALIST, published once a monthin New York at 144 SecondAvenue; and they have officersthat travel around the country,speaking to various groups aboutsocialism.

Another sign which may provesignificant is that offered by aconference to be held on the 28thand 29th of November in Cleve-land. This Conference hopes tocome to some conclusions aboutvarious matters, among which isthat of unity of the left in the1960 Presidential elections.

It is from the forces engaged inthese attempts to think things outand act together that I see en-couraging prospects for Americansocialism.

Q.—Dr. Nearing, I thought thatyou were aware that I am a rep-resentative of the YOUNG SO-CIALIST. I f u l l y agree withyour latter remarks concerningprospects.

A.—Well, if you represent theYOUNG SOCIALIST, do you takesubscriptions? I've been meaningto get one for some time.

Young SocialistTim Wohlforth, Managing EditorAllen Taplin, Business ManagerActing Editor: Martha Curti.

Editorial Board: Bert Deck^ Georg-e Payne, Tim Wohlforth, Rich-ard DeHaan, James Lambrecht, Michael Kovacs.

Corresponding Editors: Philadelphia—Arthur Phelps; Detroit-Evelyn Sell; Chicago—John Worth; Minneapolis—Tom Leonard;Denver—Leonard Hodgett; Los Angeles—Peter Allan; Bay Area—•Richard Kenny; Seattle—John Severn; New York—Daniel Freeman;Baltimore—A. Robert Kaufman; Canada—Ernest Strong; Britain—Janet Downs. Roving Correspondent: Shane Mage. Western Repre-_sentative: James Robertson.

SUBSCRIPTION PRICE :$1.00 a year, S.50 for six months. Bundle rates: $7.00 forfirst 100 copies. $5 00 for each additional 100. The YOUNG SOCIALIST is publishedmonthly at 144 Se,:ond Avenue, N1. Y. ,i, N. Y. Phone GR 5-7920. Opinions expressedin signed articles do not necessarily represent the views of the YOUNG SOCIALIST,which are expressed in editorial statements.

VOL. 2, No. 3 December, 1958

The Pasternak AffairThe first thing which should be noted about 1'affaire Pasternak

is that among those who are hurling the accusations are to be found,the worst offenders in the confusion of political and literary values.Dr. Zhivago appears to be a novel which owes its popularity more to itsnotoriety than to its literary merit. In New York, for example, theHerald-Tribune assigned the review to its veteran ex-Marxist, Ber-tram D. ("Bertie") Wolfe, who viewed it as falling only slightly shortof pure genius. The Times, on the other hand, assigned it to its regularbook-reviewer, Orville Prescott, who turned in a less than glowing:evaluation, remarking that if it had been written by a Russian emigreor an American, it would probably have passed unnoticed.

Similarly, the Nobel Prize itself has recently become to some ex-tent entangled in the Cold War, particularly with respect to theLiterature and Peace prizes. In 1957, the Literature award went to Al-bert Camus, the only housebroken member of that section of the-French intelligentsia emerging from the Resistance, and in particularthe award was for his anti-socialist work translated as The Rebel.

On the other hand, the protest is rightly directed against the at-tempts to stifle artistic nonconformity in the supposed interests of thestate. The futile attempts by the Soviet bureaucracy to insulate itselffrom criticism have nothing in common with the Marxist conceptionof the role of the artist in a socialist society.

The difference between the reception accorded Pasternak's prizeand that of the Nobel Prize awarded to the three Russian physicistsis also of great significance, and tells us much of the reigning valuesin Khrushchev's land of peace.

It is particularly to be regretted that the lynch-party rallyingaround Pasternak was initiated by the aging careerist leader of theYoung Communist League, who, in the smiling presence of Khrush*-chev, denounced Pasternak as "worse than a pig . . . for at least a,pig does not dirty the place where he lives." The youth of Soviet coun-tries had earlier taken the lead in rolling back the Stalinist dictator-ship—as evidenced by Us conscious organization to this end in Poland „Hungary, and, from all indications, also in Russia.

Youth, which has the most to gain from a so.cialist reconstructionof Soviet society, has also ithe most to lose in any attack on independ-ence of thought. The traditional and consistent adherence by theyouth of the Soviet countries to the values of socialist civil liberties;can only result in the eventual production of really effective protestsagainst the bureaucracy which denies the every aspiration of youth.

A Look at the ElectionsSocialists can look upon the 1958 elections with a good deal of

satisfaction. For the first time in half a century, radicals of variouspersuasions were able to unite to launch socialist electoral campaignsin a number of key areas of the country.

Thus after more than a decade of cold war and witchhunts, ascattered radical movement was able to unite and begin its comebackas a legitimate part of American politics.

We socialists can be rightfully proud that it was our efforts thatbrought into the elections issues which the two capitalist parties hadconspired to suppress, i. e. jobs, peace, and civil rights. Socialist can-didates were heard and seen on countless radio and TV programs.Hundreds of thousands of pieces of literature were distributed.

The socialist vote, while modest, was really impressive for ourtime. In New York State over 30,000 voters cast their ballots for theIndependent-Socialist Party candidate for Governor, John T. Mc-Manus, while approximately 45,000 voted for Corliss Lament, the I-SPcandidate for Senator. This was the largest socialist vote in New YorkState since the 1930's.

The efforts to run United Socialist tickets were not only chal-lenged by the capitalist politicians but were attacked by the leadersof the Socialist Party-Social Democratic Federation and the Commun-ist Party. The SP-SDF threatened legal action against the I-SP (forthe use of the name United Socialist) and issued slanderous state-ments to the press about the new party, alleging that it supporteddictatorship. All this at the moment the I-SP was fighting Carmine DeSapio for a place on the ballot. The Communist Party wound up sup-porting witchhunt cold war candidates such as Harriman. The elec-tion results indicate that the overwhelming majority of socialists ig-nored these advices from yesteryear.

But where do we go from here?In Cleveland, at the end of November, socialists from all over

the country are gathering in a national conference, to meet each,other, to exchange experiences, and to consider proposals for thefuture. f

We greet this conference in the hopes that it will constitute an-other step forward in the process of uniting a really effective move-ment in America.

Given the absence of a mass party of labor we favor a unitedtsocialist presidential campaign in 1960. We hope that the adultleaders will not waver from the premising course they have set iuthe past year. The united socialist campaign have won the enthusiasticsupport of young socialists. We look forward to a bold militantcampaign which will bring the question of socialism into the con-sciousness of American youth.

December, 1958 YOUNG SOCIALIST Page 3

Youth Notes10,000 MARCH ON WASHINGTON:

Let's Sign Up 1,000,000 for IntegrationNEWT YOJRK—A Student-Faculty Committee at Queens College,,

approved a plan to evade the ban ot Smith Act speakers at municipalcolleges. The resolution calls for "no ideological or organizationalrestrictions" for speakers on campus. Before going into effect, it mustbe approved by a faculty committee and College President HaroldStoke. . . . Two teachers in New York City, schools left their jobs afterbeing notified to appear for questioning about possible present orpast membership in the Communist Party. Since 1951, when a statelaw (the Feinberg Law) was passed requiring an annual investigationand .report of "subversive activities" in public schools, a total of 321teachers have left the city school system as a result of the inyestiga- itions. . . . In California, two young men who had been threatened jwith loss of their jobs won "security risk" cases. They were bothcharged with membership in or association with radical groups asstudents. In addition, one was charged with maintaining a "closecontinuing association" with his brother-in-law, who was "alleged"to be a Communist. Both cases were handled by the ACLU.

* * #BOULDER, Col.—Homecoming decorations caused furor among

the student body on the question of integration. The decorations,made by fraternities, sororities, and dorm groups, depicted Negroesas pickinninnies, mammies, Uncle Toms, and even cannibals, in thetheme of "A Little Bit Of Dixie." William H. Pickett of the DenverBranch of the National Association for the Advancement of ColoredPeople, said in a heated meeting held right after the homecomingparade: "Our country is on the spot and it's time we began to take adifferent view of the Negro instead of this outmoded stereotype."

* * *DETROIT—A new teenage club has been organized recently. It

has discussions on political and social questions and plans a widerange of social and cultural activities. A major club project, nowunderway, is a mimeographed songbook containing 43 labor, radical,and folk songs with guitar chords. For a copy, send 35c to Sid Brown,692 W. Forest, Detroit, Mich. . . . The Young Socialist Alliance inNew York reports an attendance of over 450, mostly young people,at its recent showings of- two Soviet film classics, "Potemkin" and"Ten Days That Shook the World." The Alliance reports a successfulbeginning to its series of classes on the "ABC's of Marxism." For infor-mation call CA 8-2006. . . . Several students at Forest Hills HighSchool in Queens have started a newsletter, The Thinker. The pub-lication is intended to "stimulate discussion and create an atmosphereof debate on pertinent social and political issues of the day." For acopy write: Fred Magdoff, 110-15 64 Rd., Forest Hills 75, N.Y. . . .The ABC's of Socialism, by Leo Huberman, will be the basis of classesconducted by the Socialist Study Group in Baltimore and the YoungSocialist Club in Philadelphia. The pamphlet may be ordered at 50c acopy (or 5 for $2.00) at Monthly Review, 66 Barrow St., N.Y.C. 14.

•For information on the classes, call Fleetwood 8-0430 in Baltimore;in Philadelephia, write A. Phelps, Alpt. 433, 3506 Powelton Ave. . . .Application forms are available for the Seventh World Youth Festivalin Vienna next summer. Travel costs are $300-400 round trip. WriteU.S. Festival Committee, 19 W. 27th St., N.Y.C 1.

* * *GENEVA—A petition urging an immediate agreement for the

permanent cessation of nuclear tests was flown to the delegation headsof the three-power talks here. Signatures' numbered 60,000 from allparts of the United States. Students at City College of New York con-tributed 600. . . . "No More Quemoys," "Think, Don't Brink," "Amer-ica Needs a New China Policy," were some of the posters which greetedPresident Eisenhower on his pre-election visit to San Francisco. Theposters were part of a picket line which last three hours and included200 people at one time. Most of the pickets were young adults, Negroand white, who had come from all over the Bay Area.

A Voke Is Raised on Campus(One of the most encouraging aspects of the current YS

tour is that it has helped to spark the -formation of socialistclubs at colleges where they did not previous^/ exist. Followingis the initial statement of one of these new clubs, the EarlhamSocialist Discussion Group.)"AN IMPORTANT MESSAGE TO THE EARLHAM COMMUNITY:

"There is a group here at Earlham College who feels thatthere is a need for us to join together to discuss some of the com-plex issues that confront the modern world. We feel that peoplemust become aware of some facts and figures that aren't too wellknown. For instance, did you know that 8% of the families in theUnited States have incomes of over $10,000 a year while 20% ofall families have incomes of less than $2,000 a year? About 31%of our total population have incomes of less than $3,000 annually.Contrasted with this, 75 American families are worth more than76 million dollars each and five hundred American families areworth more than 50 million dollars.

"We ask: why do such inequalities exist in a nation that is asrich as the United States? Why are there slums in every largecity in America? Why must migrant workers be hungry? Why must31% of the population live from day to day insecure about how itis going to make ends meet? Why must the American worker livein constant fear of recession?

"Why is there race hatred? Certainly the Republican Partywith its usually wishy-washy policy on race relations has no an-swer'—they don't even pose any relevant questions for that matter.The Democratic Party has no answer as long as it is composed ofmen like Eastland.

"Why are we always on the brink of war? The Republicansdon't seem to help matters. Many Democrats only want to spendmore money on war materials.

"There must be a third opinion, a dynamic voice, a courageousvoice, a voice that effectively challenges the present system. Be-fore this voice can be eloquent and persuasive, its proponents musthave the facts at hand. For this reason a group called 'The So-cialist Discussion Group' is being formed on the Earlham campus.Besides studying the present world situation, we shall take positiveaction when possible."

Participants in the Youth March for Integrated Schools in Washing-ton, D.C., read leaflets being distributed by a Y^UNG SOCIALISTsupporter.

Socialism Grows on U.S. Campus . . .(Continued from Page 1)

that plans were being laid to unitethe CCF and the whole labormovement in Canada into a newparty of labor. The Canadians areshowing us the road we, too, willsoon have to follow.

Signs of a reawakening of interestin socialist ideas continued to beapparent,on this leg of the tour asit had been on the previous sec-tion of the tour. Large audiencesturned out at Denver University,University of Colorado, Universityof Minnesota, and a number ofother places. At both Oberlin andEarlha.m Colleges a good ten percent of the student body turnedout for my meetings.

Socialist youth activities areflourishing especially in the Mid-west. Here active campus social-ist clubs are functioning on lead-ing campuses. One of the largestof these is the Wisconsin Social-ist Club which has some 60 mem-bers at the Univ. of Wisconsin inMadison. They held a highly suc-cessful protest on the invasion ofLebanon by U.S. Marines (see Sep-tember YS) and followed it upthis fall -with a successful protestagainst U.S. tactics over Quemoyand Matsu.

Another sign of the growth ofsocialism in this area was the or-ganization of new socialist clubsduring my tour at the Milwaukeecampus of the University of Wis-consin and at a small Quaker col-lege in southern Indiana, Earl-ham. (See statement of EarlhamSocialist Club on left.)

Oberlin College in many waystypifies the new spirit to be foundon the American campus. A fewweeks before I visited Oberlin,some of the more liberal and icon-oclastic students had decided tocelebrate the 125th anniversary ofthe college in their own way. Formany years the imposing edificeon the campus has been an archerected to commemorate theAmerican missionaries who diedin the Boxer Rebellion in China.The students decided to put UPan arch on the other side of thecollege square to commemoratethe Chinese who died in the BoxerRebellion, a rebellion againstAmerican and British interfer-ence in the internal affairs ofChina way back in 1900.

ARCH SEVEN

With my return to the campus(I was formerly chairman of theEugene V. Debs Club at Oberlin)the newly formed Oberlin So-

cialist Club decided to revive anold tradition, "Arch Seven." Seveno'clock in the evening, when thestudents have finished supperand are streaming past the archon the way to the library, is thetraditional time at Oberlin tohave free speech forums. I spoketo some 200 students for almosttwo hours on the elections, on so-cialism, in fact, on almost every-thing. The tradition proved itsviability and the Oberlin socal-ists hope to continue it when

I warm weather comes again in thei spring.

One of the most heartwarmingI aspects of a tour like this is thei people you meet. For instance, Imet and shared the platform onseveral occasions with Jerry Bar-rett who was running as a so-cialist for State Senate in Wash-

ON CHRISTMAS WEEKEND,young people from all parts ofthe country will converge onDetroit for a national confer-ence of YOUNG SOCIALISTsupporters. See January YS forreport.

! ing ton (see November YS). He' was doing a fine job, and givingthe campaign the zeal with whichhe had previously fought on theUniversity of Washington campusfor civil liberties causes.

In Denver I met a youngSouthern white student who sup-ported integration and whosefamily has been active in organ-izing trade unions in the DeepSouth. In Boulder, Col., I met an-other student who, when not inclasses, walked on the picket linewith the retail clerks who wereon strike in the area. These arethe people one remembers—thestudents who are fighting withthe working class for a better life:not the countless numbers offraternity boys, who, in their bliss-ful ignorance, feel themselves tobe "superior" to the majority ofAmerican people who work forwages.

It is these few young men andwotnen on the American campuswho hold the future in their handsand not the sorority girls who goaround on some campuses withGreek letters painted on the rearsof their jeans like so many cattle—branded. And it is for these col-lege students along with, youngworkers and high s'chool students,that we- publish the YOUNGSOCIALIST.

bx Fred MazelisSignatures of one million young

people opposed to segregation inthe schools will be presented toPresident Eisenhower on May 17,1959, the fif th anniversary of theSupreme Court's decision for im-mediate integration.

This was the decision of 10,000students who marched throughthe nation's capitol on Saturday,October 25.

To implement this decision,plans are already underway fororganizing the new March and thepetition campaign. Three meet-ings have been held at the Marcliheadquarters in New York City,with over 100 people, Negro andwhite, in attendance. A. PhilipRandolph, President of the'Broth-erhood of Sleeping Car Porters,reported that the NAACP plansto declare its support to thisMarch, in contrast to its official-silence on the last one.

I joined three car loads ofYoung Socialist Alliance support-ers going to Washington to par-ticipate in the mile and a halfinarch down Constitution Avenueto the Lincoln Memorial. This wasan event that no young socialistcould refuse to participate in. Itexpressed the desire of youngrAmericans for a democratic, fullyintegrated school system.

We were part of the crowd ofstudents who inarched, eightabreast, in protest of the govern-ment's unwillingness to secure theright of free and equal educationfor all.

We were at the Lincoln Memo-rial with the YOUNG SOCIALIST.*and our leaflets when Harry Bela-fonte announced that the Presi-dent had refused to see a delega-tion of ten students, Negro andl "white, who had come to talk withhim about furthering integration,This was after A. Philip Randolph,co-chairman of the Youth March?for Integrated Schools Committee,sent a letter to the chief execu-tive asking, in conciliatory terms,for an audience so that the stu-dents might receive his "bless-ings and inspirations."

ANTI-SOCIALIST

The YOUNG SOCIALIST re-ceived a terrific response from airbut the left-wing participants,.The paper was sold and a leaflet-on integration distributed so thatpeople there could go home with:more than Randolph's emptywords and hopes for a demon-stration next year, and the next,,but with a concept of societybased on the equality of all men-socially and economically.

Our attempt to spread the-ideas of socialism was met with,resistance from police and radi-cals alike. A member of the-Young Peoples' Socialist Leaguestated that any left-wing litera-ture around would lend material,to red-baiters of the march aK-a whole. He then followed up hisbelief by reporting one of thesalesmen to a law enforcementofficer who proceeded to harass;the YS supporter.

Even with many such harass-merits, nearly 400 papers were-sold. Not one of the major news-papers, radio and TV newscast-ers, or statements reporting the'march red-baited it on the basis-of our participation.

The party held by the Balti-more Young Socialist Club follow-ing the demonstration, whicli.•many students not previously ac-quainted with socialist ideas at-tended, indicates that m a n yyoung people are ready to loofcbeyond superficial explanations to*a real understanding of the race-problem in the United States.

Page 4 YOUNG SOCIALIST December, 1958

AACHEN, MANIFESTO:

Colonial and Workers' Struggles, Not H-Bombs, Will End War(The YOUNG SOCIALIST prints the -following declaration

by left-wing European socialist youth both as a matter of generainterest and because it represents what we consider to be afundamentally sound view on the question of war.

On August 2 and 3, 1958 an international conference of theleft wing of the International Union of Socialist Youth (IUSY)wax held at Aachen (Aix-La-Chapelle). Among those attendingwere delegates representing the Jewries Gardes Socialistes (Bel-gium), the "Falcons" (West Germany), SFIO youth (recentlyexpelled from the French Socialist Party) and young socialistsfrom Holland. The Falcons have an estimated 100,000-150,000members.

This manifesto stands in stark contrast with the documentadopted by the American affiliate of the IUSY, the Young PeoplesSocialist League. At its merger convention with the Young So-cialist League, the YPSL adopted the "Aims and Tasks of Demo-cratic Socialism" which supports "collective security" or in otherwords lines itself up unquestioningly with the military allianceof the West.

"The Aachen Manifesto'" is translated by Richard DeHaanfrom the monthly newspaper of the Belgian JGS, La Jeune Gardeof September, 1958).

The relations of forces have changed since the end ofWorld War II. These changes reflect in the first instance theobstinate determination of the two large military blocs to in-tegrate the colonial peoples politically and economically.The reasons for this determination are as much strategic aspolitical. It is in the Middle Blast in particular that the in-terests of the two blocs collide. . . .

The .determination of Western imperialism to thwart thecolonial revolution Is explained toy a series of convergentnecessities:

1. American imperialism needs to protect the markets whichserve it both as sources of raw materials and as means ofdisposing- of its products. The aggressiveness of American im-perialism is thus greater than its economic expansion, andmore menacing. Furthermore, given the unstable equilibriumof the world today, £he loss of an important market is aserious political defeat for American imperialism in its con-flict with the Soviet bloc. America's diplomacy with regardto the ^underdeveloped countries is not able to mask its totalopposition to the colonial revolution.

2. British imperialism seeks above all to protect its con-trol of the underdeveloped countries which furnish it withneeded raw materials. It consequently holds with tenaciousgrip the strategic bases which alone maintain control overthe necessary markets.

FRENCH IMPERIALISM3. French Imperialism, the weakest of the three and the

one most directly threatened by the colonial revolution—thereby explaining its virulence—is essentially colonialist.The bourgeoisie and the French army seek to maintain amilitary, administrative and political domination over theterritories whose loss would pose acute social and economicproblems to the French bourgeoisie. By virtue of a backwardeconomy, the French bourgeoisie has need of privileged mar-kets, which the colonies provide, in order to sell its products.These two considerations explain the tenacity with whichFrench colonialism hangs on to the bitter end.

These diverse imperialist powers can occasionally comeinto conflict, as in the Suez affair, but whenever one of themis seriously threatened by the rise of the colonial revolution,a real solidarity is established between them.

Paced with this unified front of imperialism, often rein-forced by the passive or active complicity of certain working-class organizations of the imperialist countries, the colonialrevolution finds itself disarmed. The paralysis of the inter-national workers' movement compels it, in its own interest,to accept the aid of the Soviet bureaucracy, which harmonizeswith the interests of the native bourgeoisie. This bourgeoisieseeks to use and divert to its own profit the colonial revolution,

THE KREMLIN'S ROLEDesiring both to weaken the Western imperialist bloc,

the power of which is a permanent danger to it, and to arrestpopular revolutions which might develop outside its influ-ence, the Soviet bureaucracy assists to the fullest the variousnational bourgeoisies in proportion as these bourgeoisies areable to control the forces of the revolutionary movementswhich agitate the underdeveloped countries.

The Soviet bureaucracy, the expansionism of which islimited by its internal difficulties and weakened by demo-cratic demands, thus desires much more to roll back Ameri-can imperialism than to take the actual leadership of thecolonial revolution. The extension of the bureaucracy's domi-nance actually signifies the beginning of a profound internalcrisis. This is why it plays the game of the bourgeois revo-lution.

The clash between the colonial revolution and Westernimperialism has never been as violent as it is today. This posesthe problem of war with new sharpness.

The struggle against war cannot be led effectively bygovernments which above all else defend "national interests"—which is to say, defend in practice the interests of the rul-ing class—but only by the people and by the internationalworking class. It is of primary importance to rise in oppo-sition to official lies and pacifist illusions, and to put for-

MAY DAY, 1958: Falcons demonstrate in Cologne for Algerian freedom.

ward against them concrete slogans for peace, in order toescape these vague-and hollow formulae.

DISARMAMENT?Still less should effective action aigainst war toe deferred

until the conclusion of an impossible agreement between Eastand West on a "general disarmament, simultaneous and con-trolled," for the governments do not sincerely want to realizesuch an accord and each requires of the other camp that itgive the first example. In point of fact, they dream only ofmaintaining their own supremacy.

Similarly, the U.N. is powerless to maintain peace, for itis only a world-wide assembly of the same governments whichseek to make their solutions prevail there, and admit of nopeace other than that favorable to their own interests.

The fundamental cause of war lies always and primarilyin the capitalist system. The capitalist economy needs con-sumption and armament programs in order to check and pre-vent economic crises. Thus Imperialism plays with fire in orderto defend its own interests. The Soviet bureaucracy does thesame, sacrificing the interests of the working class to its own.

Military pacts, always billed as "defensive," constitute inthemselves a threat to peace. One affirms and justifies theother, as do NATO and the Warsaw Pact in Europe.

It is necessary to roll back the machines of war and toorient ourselves increasingly towards "disengagement." Atthe same time, we must realize that the means of actual de-struction render illusory all the strategic argument used bythe major powers.

COEXISTENCE: THE STATUS QUO"Peaceful coexistence" means only the maintenance of

the status quo, and of the oppressive regimes of the worldwhich are themselves the causes of war. But the colonialrevolution, opposing this status quo, restricts the capitalistdomain. The Western working class should solidarize itselfwith the irrepressible surge of the colonial revolution; itshould oppose all imperialist intervention, in Africa andAsia as in Latin America, Finally, it should never believe thatpeace can be acquired by the right of might.

Internationally, the anti-war struggle of the workinglass should begin by action in its own country against its

national bourgeoisie. As applied in the West, this action is byno means "unilateral"; it assists in the long run the demo-cratization of the Eastern countries and removes from thesureaueracy the pretext of "capitalist encirclement" by whichit maintains its oppression.

FIGHT AGAINST WARSuch action should be translated in individual countries

into:1. The struggle for the reduction of the term of military

service,2. The struggle for the reduction of military appropria-

tions,3. The struggle against the stockpiling of nuclear weapons

and against nuclear testing.The nuclear peril is such today that any general war

would probably mean the destruction of the human race.Already nuclear tests threaten the health of humanity.War would make a tragic error of a mischance.

But, if nuclear energy is capable of destroying civiliza-tion, it is also capable of assuring, toy the immense scientificpossibilities which it conceals, the abolition of all the mate-rial slavery which still weighs upon humanity and the con-clusive liberation of man from need. To these ancient dreamsof happiness are opposed the oligarchies and existing socialforms. Either this contradiction will be eliminated by thesocialist revolution or capitalism will sweep the world alongto an ultimate catastrophe. The alternatives are thus now,more than ever: "Socialism or war."

Informing...(Continued from Page 1)

ministrations of colleges and uni-versities. As yet there has beensuggested no way to curb theseactivities, or even to learn. theextent of them. Administrativeofficials, furthermore, are nottraditionally concerned with theideals of academic freedom, andare somewhat more inclined tocooperate with the various min-ions of government and industryon whose bounteous grants theadministrators increasingly de-pend.

Many universities, for example,require that full or partial mem-bership " lists of all student or-ganizations be filed with the ad-ministration. These lists are oftenmade available to any investiga-tor of undesirable ideas who mayask to see them. The practice ofkeeping such lists on file indefi-nitely and opening them to alland sundry was beaten down re-cently at The University of Chi-cago. Several years of mountingstudent pressure on the adminis-tration finally forced an agree-ment to keep the lists in a safe,and to destroy them at the end ofthe academic year. The require-ment for such lists itself, however,remains an undemocratic one, andhas been fought on many cam-puses, notably at The College ofthe City of New York.

Administration officials arealso in the habit of opening stu-dents' personal files to the ideo-logical flatfeet. The University ofChicago for years maintained aspecial room in its AdministrationBuilding for the convenience ofvisiting investigators in riflingthrough the files which containedsuch informaton as the impres-sionistic jottings of various teach-ers and administrators on thesocial and academic idiosyncra-sies of the student.

While the California precedentis an encouraging one, andshould be extended to campusesthroughout the c o u n t r y , theara,vest threat to academic free-dom remains the proclivity o:f ad-ministrations to smooth the feath-ers of various governments andcorporations.

Perhaps the best way for stu-dents to begin the fight on boththese practices is to institute aquestionnaire for teachers andadministrators asking what theydo when confronted by an investi-gation of their students. If theyare willing to convey information^o outside snoopers, they will sure-lv have no cbiection to giving the•same information to the students,who are, after all. the only rea-son for their existence.