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Proceedings of the URECA@NTU 2010-11
Imaging Cities: Art and Urban Culture
Jeanette Hong May Hurn
School of Chemical and Biomedical
Engineering
Asst Prof Michael Thaddeus Tan Koon Boon
School of Art, Design and Media
Abstract - This project focuses on how the act of
busking exists within an urban setting, specifically in
the context of Singaporean society. The purpose of the
project was to turn the spotlight on the little-esteemed
street performances we pass by each day and gleanfrom them useful perspectives that are essential in
constructing a holistic view of society. To achieve this
end, a series of photographs was compiled to form a
visual representation of local buskers. Basic
photography techniques were introduced followed by
interview-cum-photography sessions with threedifferent buskers in Singapore. The results were
presented in the form of graphics and reflective writing
focused on the personal life-stories of individual
buskers, issues uniquely related to busking as a
profession and the potential of busking as a platform toencourage the emergence of young artistic talent.
Keywords - busking, Singapore, photography,
social
1 INTRODUCTION
The approach taken in analyzing urban culture for this
project was largely stimulated by readings of ‘The
Metropolis and Mental Health’ by Georg Simmel, inwhich he stated concerning the dominance of money
economy and constrained patterns of time in cities:
“Punctuality, calculability, exactness are forced upon
life by the complexity and extension of metropolitan
existence and are not only most intimately connectedwith its money economy and intellectualistic character.
These traits must also colour the contents of life and
favour exclusion of those irrational, instinctive,
sovereign traits and impulses which aim at determining
the mode of life from within, instead of receiving the
general and precisely schematized form of life from
without. Even though sovereign types of personality,characterized by irrational impulses, are by no means
impossible in the city, they are, nevertheless, opposed
to typical city life.” [14]
The act of busking was given attention in this project
because it epitomized a form of counter-culture and
resistance towards mainstream work culture and the
definition of “proper work” as most commonly seen.
Through the process of physical immersion in the
shared public space where the buskers performed and
interviews conducted with them, attempts were made toclarify their motives as street performers, difficulties
and constraints they faced, as well as the general social
perception towards buskers.
1.1 THE SINGAPORE CONTEXT:
Busking in Singapore has seen its fair share of ups and
downs. Initially introduced in 1992, busking was
eventually banned in 1994 due to the non-compliance of
buskers to the regulations concerning designated
busking locations and handling of donations asstipulated by the National Arts Council (NAC).
However, busking was brought back in 1997 through
the establishment of the prevailing Busking Scheme in a
bid to promote tourism and art in the public sphere [3].
Most notably, the image of busking has been elevated
through the annually held Singapore River Buskers’Festival from 1997-2004. The event made a comeback
recently as the inaugural Sentosa Buskers’ Festival
2010). [2, 4, 9, 10]
For this project, the local context was of crucial
importance as inseparable from the circumstances
dictating the development of busking in Singapore. The
specificity of these surroundings gave rise to an added
dimension of stringent government control and
underlying political ideology, the knowledge of which
was essential in understanding the activity of local
buskers. The scope of this project serves only to
examine how individual buskers operate within theregulatory framework presented to them and to classify,
if present, any tension generated between these
regulations and an activity that is fundamentally a form
of free expression.
2 AIMS / OBJECTIVES
The aim of the project was to explore the activity of busking in Singapore and its role in urban culture. The
project was focused on the visual representation of local
buskers in the form of photographs supplemented by
commentary derived from interviews conducted with
the buskers.
3 LITERATURE REVIEW /
BACKGROUND
Several important concepts regarding urban culture
formed the basis on which this study was undertaken.
Firstly, we assumed that the general population in cities
is characterized by a “blasé attitude” that is,
indifference towards most external stimuli (such as a
street performance) with emphasis placed on money as
the common denominator to which all qualitative
aspects are reduced [14]. Hence, the act of busking is
viewed as unconventional as it is little appreciated(being equated to begging at times) and gives no
guarantee of a steady income.
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Proceedings of the URECA@NTU 2010-11
Secondly, we acknowledged the presence of class
distinctions in Singaporean society, commonly referred
to as “Heartlanders” and “Cosmopolitans”. Heartlanders
are categorized as Mandarin or dialect speakers with
local interests as compared to English-speaking
Cosmopolitans who possess an international outlook [6,
7, 17]. These two categories are not seen to becompletely accurate in typifying the whole spectrum of
Singaporean society, but provide the backdrop of publicdiscourse against which social perception towards
buskers is examined.
The aims of busking in Singapore as outlined in the
NAC Busking Scheme are to create a vibrant city life
by providing an opportunity for Singaporeans to exhibit
their artistic talents, and to make the arts moreaccessible to the public. On the website provided, it is
clearly stated that busking is not to be seen as a source
of income [3]. This aspect is one of interest as it raises
the question of whether buskers themselves view their
activity as a hobby or a job. Furthermore, there is
seemingly contradictory treatment of foreign buskers brought in for the annual Buskers’ Festival as they are
fully paid for by the organizers [4].
The task of photographing individual buskers was
approached delicately in emulation of Henri Cartier-
Bresson’s words:
“The picture-story involves a joint operation of the
brain, the eye, and the heart. The objective of this joint
operation is to depict the content of some event which is
in the process of unfolding, and to communicate
impressions.” [5]Much of Cartier-Bresson’s philosophy concerning
photography and the decisive moment were adopted,
especially with regard to a photographer’s respect
towards the subject of interest, which in this case were
buskers in Singapore. In such light, the entire process
became one that was highly personal, as it was
necessary to actively participate in the scene not just asa passive observer but by being on relational terms with
the people involved in order to capture an accurate
expression of the moment.
4 METHODOLOGY
The medium of photography was explored through a
series of photo assignments in order to gain a better grasp of camera handling and photo composition. The
details of each assignment are described in the results
section. In addition, photographs from various sources
were studied to gain a better understanding of the
different aspects in photography such as angle,
composition, photo-editing techniques and photographic opportunities [1, 8, 12, 13].
Contact with local buskers was made by directly
approaching them in person during their performances
in public spaces. Several buskers who were willing to
be interviewed and photographed were identified. As
most encounters were unplanned, a later date was set
for the actual photography and informal interview to be
conducted.
Five of the best photographs were selected for each of the buskers. The photographs were taken with a Nikon
D70 camera and developed by a commercial
photograph shop. They were then arranged in sequence
in a handmade book.
5 RESULTS
5.1 PHOTO ASSIGNMENTS
Prior to the sessions with buskers, several excursions
were undertaken with the aim of developing basic
photography skills.
i) Location: Lakeside - Chinese Garden
Date: 8 October 2010
Description: Emphasis on symmetry andgeometrical shapes, experimental typographywhere random objects were framed to form letters
of the alphabet.
ii) Location: Bras Basah - Dhoby Ghaut
Date: 24 October 2010Description: Urban landscapes
5.1-3 Crossroads
5.1-1
Lotus flower
at Chinese
Garden
5.1-2
“Y”, experimental
typography
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Proceedings of the URECA@NTU 2010-11
iii) Location: Nanyang Technological University
Date: 6 November 2010
Description: Portraiture photographs
5.1-4 Crystal Joyee Lee
iv) Location: Little India
Date: 13 January 2011
Description: Interviewing and portraiture
5.2 MEETING THE BUSKERS
i) Name: Low Geok Lan (Xiao Luo)
Location: Bendemeer Market and Food Centre,
Boon Keng
Date: 19 February 2011
Details: Xiao Luo plays the harmonica in its
various forms and has been busking for a living
since 2003. She performed songs taken from the popular Korean serial “Da Chang Jin” and also a
rendition of “Mouse Love Rice”. Her
autobiography entitled “I Have Never Regretted Not Being Beautiful” was published in 2004 [16].
5.2-1 Xiao Luo at Boon Keng
ii) Name: Daniel Ng Ah Hock
Location: NUS Open House and Ang Mo Kio Hub
Date: 13 March and 26 May 2011
Description: Daniel has been singing and playingthe guitar in public since 2000. He was invited to
perform at NUS Open House under a student
project “Busk Like Us” aimed at integrating
young talents with experienced street performers.On a cloudy Thursday afternoon, he entertained
passersby with a lovely acoustic version of Dick
Lee’s “Home”.
iii) Names: Leticia Habon Caya (Catho) andQamaruddin Mohd Amin (Qamal)
Location: In front of ION Orchard and
Takashimaya, Orchard Road
Date: 30 April and 26 May 2011
Description: This husband and wife duo form the
group D’ Highlights with Catho on lead vocalsand percussion, supported by Qamal with backup
singing and keyboard accompaniment. The couple
can really work a crowd with a medley of songs
such as “Blue Suede Shoes, Rock Around The
Clock and Burung Kakak Tua”. Previously, manyFilipino maids took to dancing on the street to
5.1-5
Brisk business
at the multi-
coloured
public toiletopposite
Kerbau Hotel,
complete with
blaring music.
5.2-2
Daniel performing
at the square in between Ang Mo
Kio Hub and S11
Coffeeshop.
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Proceedings of the URECA@NTU 2010-11
their lively music until recent opposition put an
end to their activities [11].
5.2-3 D’ Highlights belting out oldies but goldies
along Orchard Road.
The full commentary and photographs are presented
in a separate book.
6 DISCUSSION
6.1 LOOKING THROUGH THE LENS
As a person with no prior experience to photography,
this project was an opportunity to experiment with and
learn a new skill. The ability to freeze a moment in time
and space allows the eye to re-examine, over and over
again, details that would otherwise escape a passing
glance. The boundaries of a camera’s viewfinder
introduce a focus and a frame, through which a whole
range of different meanings may be conveyed. Hence,
the camera becomes a sharing tool, capturing imagesthat tell the truth without words.
The topic of this project required much interaction with
strangers, forcing me out of my comfort zone in order
to meet different people. The experience yielded many
unexpected encounters and left a lasting impression on
me personally.
6.2 BUSKING AS PUBLIC ART?
Through direct engagement in public spaces and
interviews with the buskers, I observed that busking in
Singapore is much more accepted as a significant art
form than previously thought, even though it has notcompletely shed the stigma of it being a glorified form
of begging, limited to the elderly or the handicapped.This has greatly to do with the form of licensing present
under the NAC Busking Scheme that ensures the
quality of public performances [3]. Over the course of
this study, the disparity between the motivations and
quality of licensed and unlicensed buskers became
apparent, though the latter group may not rightly beconsidered buskers as their efforts do not usually
amount to a noteworthy performance.
All the buskers recorded in this project were licensed.
Two of them (Xiao Luo and Daniel Ng) considered
busking to be a lifestyle choice whereas Catho andQamal saw busking as an extension to their regular
performances at private functions and other events. The
defining factor between a busker and a beggar would be
the desire in a busker to produce and share a valuable
experience, which necessitates constant improvement in
skills and engagement with the audience, as compared
to motivation solely for monetary gain.
The involvement of buskers in collaborations with
youth such as in the project “Busk Like Us”[15]
highlights the fact that Singaporean society has
gradually become more appreciative of busking and
receptive to it as a platform for artistic exposure.
6.3 BUSKING AS A JOB?
The presence of a licence establishes the legitimacy of
busking as an occupation. At street level, most people
respect and perceive licensed buskers as “earning a
living” even though the actual context of the scheme
does not support busking as a source of income. It is
noted that all three buskers selected for interviewsincluding the majority of other buskers approached or
observed on the streets were above 50 years of age.
Hence, while reception towards busking has changedfrom indifference or even outright rejection to
appreciation, it is still far from being taken up as a
career by young working adults in Singapore.
Busking is seen to have commercial value in the case of
“professional buskers” from other countries that were
invited to perform during the recent Sentosa Buskers’Festival 2010. The line-up of performers was comprised
wholly of foreign nationals [2]. When asked to
comment on this fact, Xiao Luo admitted that foreign
buskers had better quality and more diverse performances, whereas Daniel attributed it largely to the
need to create a bigger draw for crowds that favour foreign talent over local shows.
Insufficient information is available to form a
conclusive statement regarding social perception
towards foreign versus local buskers, but the debate is
clearly one that stems from the heart of national policy
that has not left even street performances untouched.
6.4 SOCIAL DIVISIONS
It is interesting to note that even within the same sphere
of activity, namely busking, distinctions were drawn between different buskers – upon hearing that I
interviewed a Mandarin speaking busker in Boon Keng,
Chato commented that she must have been aHeartlander.
Due to its very nature, busking is inherently linked to
individuals who are part of a social structure which in
this context is defined mainly as Cosmopolitan and
Heartlander [6, 7, 17]. Based on the three interviews
conducted, the essence of the buskers’ performancesand opinions were seen to be coloured by their personal
background. Xiao Luo conversed solely in Mandarin
and the songs she performed were extracted fromChinese language media. Daniel, Catho and Qamal
conversed in English and their choice of songs reflected
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Proceedings of the URECA@NTU 2010-11
the cultural influences of their era and medium of
communication. Even the locations chosen for busking
reflected certain preferences, as Xiao Luo and Daniel
frequent hawker centres and markets close to residential
areas whereas D’ Highlights stay exclusively on
Orchard Road.
In reality, other aspects of the buskers interviewed do
not fall into either defined category but somehow the
notion of a divide persists in a form of collective
consciousness. This would exemplify the pervasiveness
of political ideology in urban culture.
7 CONCLUSION
This project has shown that busking in Singapore is
being increasingly accepted as an art form that has
potential to be harnessed as a means to develop young
talent. However, busking as a career option is stillsidelined in the local context. The form of busking is
dictated by class distinctions and government policy both of which are well-entrenched in Singaporean
society.
Further studies may be conducted to examine the socialeffects of busking such as the gathering of people to
dance in public spaces and the benefits of creating an
atmosphere of open engagement. The factors involved
in the opposition towards such gatherings in public
should also be taken into consideration. Another topic
that may be explored is the contribution of busking to
the formation of national identity through the
expression of various art forms with local origins.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I would like to appreciate Professor Michael Tan for his
guidance throughout this project. Special thanks to
Josephine Tan Siok Im and Tan Zhi Howe for lending
me their cameras, Crystal Joyee Lee for assistance inthe portraiture assignment, and Wilson Kok Ziliang for
transport and contacts.
We wish to acknowledge the funding support for this
project from Nanyang Technological University under
the Undergraduate Research Experience on Campus
(URECA) programme.
REFERENCES
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[4] Ahmad, Nureza. (2004). Singapore River Buskers'
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[5] Cartier-Bresson, Henri, The Mind's Eye: Writings
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[11] Lim, Joyce, "Amusement or a nuisance?," in The
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[12] Merrill, Larry, Pedestrian Photographs. New
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[13] Ng, Deanna. Deanna Ng Photography. Available:
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[14] Simmel, Georg, The Metropolis and Mental Life.
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[15] Surendran, Krishanthan and et. al. (2011). Busk
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[16] Tom, Kristina, "Cabbies reading between the
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[17] Yeoh, Brenda S. A. and Tan Serene, "Negotiating
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