Ego Development 1
The Relationship Between Adolescent Ego Development
and Patterns of Parental Control
Dana Celeste Keener
Distinguished Majors Thesis
University of Virginia
Advisor: Joseph P. Allen
Second Reader: Charles L. Fry
Running head: EGO DEVELOPMENT
Ego Development 2
Abstract
Research has shown that parenting styles are involved in the internalization of children's beliefs
about themselves and the world around them. This paper examines the relationship between various
types of parental control and adolescent ego development. Analyses were based on self and parent
reports of 24 female and 25 male youth. Results revealed that positive parental influence, control and
knowledge of adolescent decision making are positively related to adolescent ego development.
However, parental control that is restrictive and overcontrolling in nature was found to be negatively
related to ego development in teenagers. Additionally, mothers' controlling behaviors generally revealed
stronger relationships with teen ego development than fathers' controlling behaviors. Finally, it was
found that adolescent ego development relates positively to parental control over adolescent decisions
involving issues of deviance, while no relationship was found between adolescent ego development and
parental control over adolescent decisions involving issues of character. These findings suggest that the
relationship between parental control and the psychosocial development of adolescents may depend on
whether the imposed method of control facilitates or inhibits healthy levels of autonomy within
adolescents. This study supports the need for further investigation of parental control as related to
adolescent development.
Ego Development 3
The Relationship Between Adolescent Ego Development
and Patterns of Parental Control
Adolescence is a period within the life span characterized by fundamental biological, cognitive
and social changes (Peterson & Spiga, 1982). These changes generally lead adolescents towards a
desire for greater freedom from the restrictions imposed upon them by authority, specifically by their
parents. Thus, the teenage years are a time when children and parents negotiate this process of
realignment and growth towards greater independence (Collins, 1990; Pardeck & Pardeck, 1990;
Steinberg, 1990; Youniss & Smollar, 1985).
The negotiations which occur between parents and teens during the process of establishing
independence can be developmentally healthy for children (Steinberg, 1990). Even expressed conflict
can be a constructive part of the process when it occurs in the context of closeness and trust (Cooper,
1988). Such growth towards independence, along with the healthy maintenance of a parent-child
relationship, has been variously referred to in research as the establishment of interdependence,
(Youniss & Smollar, 1985); individuation (Grotevant & Cooper, 1986); autonomy and relatedness
(Allen, Aber, & Leadbeater, 1990); attachment and autonomy (Hill & Holmbeck, 1986); and cohesion
and adaptability (Olson, Sprenkle & Russell, 1979). These various approaches are similar in that they
all consider the importance of maintaining a mutual connection and bond between parents and teens as
the relationship is redefined in terms of greater freedom and shared decision-making.
Past research has found positive outcomes in teens to be associated with parent-child
relationships characterized by interdependence and other related constructs. Lamborn and Steinberg
(1993) found emotional autonomy and relationship support in teens to be related to academic
competence and to psychosocial adjustment. Allen, Hauser, Bell and O'Connor (1994) found display
of adolescent autonomy and relatedness to be related strongly to measures of self-esteem and ego
development. Grotevant and Cooper (1985, 1986) revealed a positive relationship between family
interaction styles that encouraged individuation and the identity exploration of teens.
Ego Development 4
Although adolescent autonomy and individuation is normal and healthy, parents are often
reluctant to allow it to occur. It can be frightening for parents to observe their children grow older and
cultivate interests over which parents have little control. Although teens tend to be anxious to loosen ties
to their parents, they generally replace these parental ties with strong connections to their peers (Youniss
& Smoller, 1985). This process may often lead parents to feel as if they have less influence over their
children. Some parents may respond to such feelings by imposing more control upon their children or at
least by attempting to do so.
A large body of research has examined constructs related to overcontrolling parenting and its
relationship to various outcomes in children. Maccoby and Martin (1983), in a historical overview of
family interactions involved in the socialization of children, reviewed findings related to authoritarian or
autocratic parenting styles. This definitional style, according to the researchers, represents parenting that
lacks balance between the demands placed upon children and parents' acceptance of their children.
Parents characterized by this style of discipline, value the maintenance of their authority and do not allow
their children to question the positions of parental control. They impose strict limits upon their children
and demand complete obedience to all rules. Children's ability to express needs and desires is greatly
inhibited under this style of parenting (Maccoby & Martin, 1983).
Authoritarian parenting has been found to be related to childhood outcomes such as low social
interaction with peers, obedience towards authority figures, domination by peers, lack of such
characteristics as spontaneity, affection, curiosity, and originality (Baldwin, 1949); social withdrawal
(Baumrind & Black, 1967); low levels of conscience (Hoffman & Saltzstein, 1967); low self-esteem
(Coopersmith, 1967; Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg & Dornbusch, 1991; Loeb, Horst, & Horton,
1980); and external locus of control (Loeb, 1975).
In contrast to overcontrolling styles of parenting, healthy styles of parental control are very
important for effective child rearing. Positive control can best be seen in what Maccoby and Martin
(1983) refer to as authoritative and reciprocal parenting. These terms refer to parenting that expects
Ego Development 5
responsiveness from children to parental demands while being equally responsive to the needs and
reasonable desires of children. Additional characteristics of this form of parenting include firm
reinforcement of rules, encouragement of individuality in children, and open communication (Baumrind,
1971).
Authoritative and reciprocal parenting styles have been related to outcomes in children such as
social competence in preschoolers (Baumrind & Black, 1967); high self-esteem (Coopersmith, 1967;
Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg & Dornbusch, 1991); acquisition of prosocial behavior (Yarrow, Waxler
& Scott, 1971); conscientiousness (Hoffman & Saltzstein, 1967); academic achievement (Steinberg,
Elmen & Mounts, 1989); high competence and less delinquency (Lamborn, Mounts, Steinberg &
Dornbusch, 1991).
Based on these findings which associate parental disciplinary styles with various aspects of
adolescent development, it is seems that parenting styles are involved in the way children internalize
certain beliefs about themselves and can affect the personal framework from which children view the
world. Loevinger (1976) postulates that such a framework of thinking about the self and others is
represented by the construct of ego development. The concept of ego development, developed by
Loevinger and her colleagues, is based in several theories associated with the self, moral reasoning, and
cognitive development (Loevinger & Wessler, 1970; see also Hauser, 1976; Loevinger, 1976). Thus,
the model encompasses four domains of development, including interpersonal style, cognitive style,
impulse control and moral development.
The function of the ego, according to Loevinger (1976), is to create a frame of reference from
which an individual's inner experiences and perception of external events can be understood. The ego
remains stable and maintains its identity by shielding from itself observations that are inconsistent with
this framework of meaning. Every person's developmental framework is unique and can be
operationalized along an abstract continuum of sequential stages known as ego development.
There are several themes of progression that occur through the course of ego development.
Ego Development 6
These themes involve tolerance of ambiguity, sense of control over the environment, ability to relate to
others, differentiation skills and the value of autonomy and individuality. These themes manifest
themselves differently at each stage of development. Each stage is more complex than the previous
stage and none of the stages can be bypassed during the developmental process. However, individuals
may or may not develop beyond various stages of development.
Persons at the earliest stages of development known as the "pre-conformist" stages, display
self-protective concerns, interpersonal dependencies and think in terms of black and white stereotypes
and absolutes. "Conformist" level individuals at mid-range of development show some increases in level
of self-awareness and understanding of complex situations. However, they tend to use only banal terms
in their verbal expressions of emotion and are greatly concerned with social norms and mores from
which they rarely deviate. Only those at "post-conformist" levels of development display deep self-
awareness and realization of inner conflicts. People at these stages describe relationships in terms of
mutuality, respect and acceptance. Their cognitive abilities are highly complex and they display a greater
sense of control over their environment than do persons at lower levels of development.
Ego development as a measure of psychosocial development, has been related to various
adolescent outcomes and characteristics such as delinquency (Frank & Quinlan, 1976); interpersonal
style (Hauser, 1978); self-esteem (Jacobson, Hauser, Powers & Noam, 1984); adolescent adjustment
patterns (Gold, 1980); use of defense mechanisms (Levit, 1993); pregnancy risk taking (Philliber,
Namerow, Kaye & Kunkes, 1986); adolescent motherhood (Oz, Tari & Fine, 1992); sexual behavior
and outcomes (Resnick & Blum, 1985); and coping strategies (Hauser, Borman, Bowlds, Powers,
Jacobson, Noam, & Knoebber, 1991).
In accordance with the idea that children's belief systems and character are affected by
parenting, several studies have directly investigated the relationship between the ego development of
children and various aspects of parenting. Hauser, Powers, Noam, Jacobson, Weiss and Follansbee
(1984) investigated the relationship between ego development of children and the display of constraining
Ego Development 7
and enabling behaviors by their parents. Constraining behavior is characterized by indifferent,
distracting, judging and devaluing behaviors. Enabling behavior, however, involves focusing, showing
curiosity, explaining, problem solving, acceptance and empathy. The study found that enabling parental
behaviors were related to higher ego development in children while constraining parental behaviors were
related to diminished levels of ego development.
Two studies have related adolescent ego development with family cohesion and adaptability,
assessed using the Circumplex Model of Family Functioning (Olson, Sprenkle & Russell, 1979).
Familial cohesion refers to the emotional bond present between members of a family which varies along
a continuum ranging from over involved to disengaged, with moderate levels representing a healthy,
functional balance between the two. Adaptability represents a family's ability to change its roles and
rules when necessary due to transitions that are especially common during adolescence.
Bakken and Romig (1989) found that very high levels of adaptability are important to
adolescent ego development. Cohesion within the family was also found to be related to ego
development but only when combined with extremely high or low levels of adaptability. Interestingly,
teens were found to have higher ego development when their families were high in adaptability, but low
in cohesion. Novy, Gaa, Frankiewicz and Amerikaner (1992) investigated the same relationship with a
sample of juvenile offenders. Additionally, this study compared the perceptions of the adolescents with
those of their parents and related shared versus unshared perspectives to ego development. It was
found that offenders sharing a functional perspective of cohesion and adaptability with one or both
parents had higher levels of ego development. However, adolescents who shared a dysfunctional
perspective with their parents or had a functional perspective incongruent with that of their parents were
found to have lower levels of ego development.
Allen, Hauser, Bell and O'Connor (1994) recently investigated the relationship between
expressed autonomy and relatedness in family interactions to adolescent ego development. Although
the concept of autonomous-relatedness is focused upon adolescents, it is theoretically consistent with
Ego Development 8
attachment theory (Bowlby, 1973) in that it stresses the need for a close and trusting relationship
between teenagers and their parents in order that teens are secure enough to explore the many possible
opportunities that become available to them as they gain their independence. This theory challenges the
idea that natural strivings for autonomy result in problematic outcomes for teenagers, and alternatively
proposes that problematic behaviors occur when teens are unable to preserve relationships with parents
during the process of increasing autonomy (Allen, Aber and Leadbeater, 1990). Allen et al. (1994)
coded communication patterns between adolescents and their parents during a revealed differences task
as either enhancing autonomy and relatedness, inhibiting autonomy and relatedness or as enhancing one
while inhibiting the other. It was found that adolescent display of autonomy and relatedness was
strongly associated with measures of self-esteem and ego development. In addition, fathers'
autonomous and relatedness behaviors towards their teenagers were related to changes in adolescent
ego development over a two year period.
Although a growing body of literature has investigated the relationship between variables of the
parent-child relationship and adolescent ego development, no study has ever directly compared patterns
of parental control with Loevinger's model of ego development as a measure of adolescent psychosocial
adjustment. There is good cause for such an investigation considering that various styles of parenting
have been associated with children's sense of self (Lamborn, et al., 1991); sense of control over the
environment (Loeb, 1975); moral development (Hoffman & Saltzstein, 1967); and culturally accepted
behavior (Lamborn, et al., 1991). All of these outcomes are elements of the framework from which
children perceive themselves and their environment and are encompassed within the construct of ego
development.
Additionally, past research has generally failed to differentiate between various styles of control
beyond the authoritarian vs. authoritative model which primarily addresses disciplinary styles. However,
an important distinction is needed between control which facilitates autonomy within a healthy connected
relationship and control which inhibits autonomy and strains the attachment relationship.
Ego Development 9
Past research has also made insufficient efforts to distinguish between mothers and fathers in
parent-child relationships. The possible differences that are involved in this distinction are important in
the investigation of parental control and its relationship to adolescent development.
Finally, another set of variables that may be important in considering parental control as it relates
to outcomes in children, are the issues upon which parents emphasize control. Issues can range from
problem behaviors such as drug use, school problems, and failing grades, to teens' choices concerning
their appearance, activities outside of school and dating partners. Although it may appear that the most
significant differences and conflicts that occur between parents and children involve issues such as
religion, political issues and morality, it has been revealed that most familial conflict involves trivial daily
matters (Smetana, 1989). Research has not revealed whether such distinctions between the issues over
which parental control primarily occurs, are related to the development of children.
The current study will focus on the relationship between several aspects of parental control and
adolescent psychosocial development as represented by ego development. The study will investigate
this relationship in the context of the individuation process that occurs between children and parents
during the adolescent years. The study will address the main question of whether parental control
characterized by knowledge and influence is related differently to adolescent ego development than
parental control which is restrictive and psychologically overcontrolling in nature. The second question
of the study is whether mothers' controlling behaviors relate differently to adolescent ego development
than fathers' controlling behaviors. The study will also investigate the final question of whether parental
control over issues of potential deviance is related to adolescent ego development differently than
parental control over issues of character.
Method
Sample
Data were collected from 24 female and 25 male adolescents and their parents. Subjects were
selected from a sample of 150 families who participated in a related research project. Adolescents who
Ego Development 10
participated in the larger study were targeted among three area high schools as moderately at risk based
on the occurrence of at least one of four risk factors including multiple absences, a single failing grade,
suspension and grade retention. These criteria were established with the intention of obtaining subjects
at various levels of functioning. Subjects of the current study were selected on the basis of those
subjects with the most completed measures, particularly those with available data from both mothers
and fathers.
The mean age of the adolescents was 15.87 years (S.D.= .81), with a range of 14 to 18.75
years. Of the sample used for analyses, 87.8% of the adolescents were Caucasion and 12.2% were
African-American; 22.4% of the teens lived in single-parent homes, and 77.6% lived with two parents
who were either biological, adoptive, or step-parents. The median family income was $35,000 ranging
from $7500 to more than $70,000.
Procedures
The parents of the teens who met at least one of the risk factors described above, were
contacted by mail and by phone to introduce them to the study. Those families who agreed to
participate were then scheduled for two sessions, each three hours in length, to take place at the
University of Virginia. Families were paid $105 for their participation in the study. Active, informed
consent was obtained from each participant at both visits. Issues of confidentiality were articulated to
each subject by the interviewer. Family member's were interviewed separately, with the exception of
two interaction tasks. It was explained during the interview that the participants were not required to
answer any question or series of questions that made them feel uncomfortable. Participants also held the
right to stop the session at any time if they desired to do so. Upon completion of the interview, several
referrals available within the community were offered to each family member in the event that they
wished to discuss any issues that arose during the study.
Measures
Adolescent Ego Development.
Ego Development 11
The Washington University Sentence Completion Test. The Washington University sentence
completion test is a projective measure used to determine an individual's level of ego development. The
test was developed by Jane Loevinger and her colleagues (Loevinger & Wessler, 1970). The test
consists of 36 incomplete sentence stems to be completed by the subject. A different test is used for
males and females. Both tests are included in their entirety in Appendix A.
The stem responses are coded by a trained rater who assigns each response to one of nine
levels of development by matching the response to a category provided by the scoring manuals. A
separate manual is used for female and male subjects (Loevinger, Wessler & Redmore, 1970). The
subject's level of ego development is determined by summing the ratings to all 36 stems. Reliability was
assessed by examining correlations among raters in the study. The average interrater correlation was
found to be .89 (p < .0001).
The construct validity of the SCT as a measure of ego development has been tested by relating
the construct to other measures that are meant to operationalize similar dimensions. Relationships have
been found between scores on the SCT and measures of moral development (Liberman, Gaa &
Frankiewicz, 1983), impulsiveness (Kishton, Starett & Lucas, 1984), as well as interpersonal and
cognitive styles (Lorr & Manning, 1978). Studies have also shown discriminant validity of the SCT
from constructs such as intelligence and verbal fluency (Hauser, 1976).
Parental Control.
Monitoring and Control. The Monitoring and Control questionnaire measures six variables of
parental control and knowledge of adolescent decisions involving deviant issues and adolescent
decisions involving character issues. The six variables are attempt to control deviant issues and
character issues; actual control of deviant issues and character issues; knowledge of deviant
issues and character issues.
The particular questionnaire used in this study is a modification of the Assessment of Child
Monitoring and Control questionnaire developed by Hetherington and Clingempeel (1992), which was
Ego Development 12
derived directly from the dimension of parental authority-directiveness within Baumrind's (1979)
parental behavior Q-Sort. The measure uses a 5-point rating scale to assess the extent of knowledge,
attempted control and actual control that parents have over various adolescent behaviors and interests.
The 5-point scale represents responses ranging from never (1) to always (5).
The specific behaviors and interests considered by the measure load onto two larger domains of
deviance issues and character issues. The deviance issues include sexual behavior, use of tobacco, use
of alcohol, drug use, problem behaviors in school, school life (i.e. grades), extracurricular school
activities and whereabouts when away from home. The character issues include intellectual interests,
choice of friends, activities outside of school, dating behaviors and health habits.
Each adolescent subject completed the measure once for the mother and once for the father.
Each parent also completed the measure according to how they perceived themselves as parents. See
Appendix B for the complete measures for parents and youth.
Child Report on Parent Behavior Inventory. The CRPBI reveals three dimensions of parenting
as perceived by children. The current study used 2 of these dimensions for analyses. The Firm
Control vs. Lax Control (FC) dimension describes direct techniques of parental control involving rules
and enforcement and is measured with items such as "[My mother] is very strict with me" and "[My
father] lets me do anything I like to do". The dimension of Psychological Control vs. Psychological
Autonomy (PC) describes indirect techniques of control used by parents such as the imposition of guilt
and anxiety. Items such as "If I have hurt [my mother's] feelings, [she] stops talking to me until I please
her again" and "[My father] is always trying to change me" are used to measure this dimension. See
Appendix C for the complete measures for parents and youth.
The CRPBI was originally developed by Schaefer (1965) and has since then been revised as
the CRPBI-108 by Schludermann and Schludermann (1970). It was revised again in 1988 as the
CRPBI-30 by the same researchers. The current study used the CRPBI-30 which has been found
through factor analysis to be reliable with the longer versions.
Ego Development 13
Adolescent subjects completed the measure once for the mother and once for the father. The
subject was asked to indicate whether each statement is "not like", "somewhat like", or "a lot like" their
parent. In the current study, the measure was also given to each parent. The parent was asked to
complete the measure the way they believe their child would complete it about the parent.
Results
Preliminary Analyses
The means and standard deviations of all parental control variables used in analyses are
presented in Table 1.
Insert Table 1. about here
Gender Effects
A t-test was used to examine the differences in adolescent ego development between males and
females. As expected based upon past research (Gfellner, 1986), girls revealed an average level of ego
development that was significantly higher than the average for boys. Table 2 presents the means and
standard deviations for each gender along with the t-test results.
Insert Table 2. about here
Primary Analyses
The focus of this study involved the relationship between adolescent ego development and
parental control. This relationship was examined in terms of differences between varying types of
control, differences between mothers and fathers and finally, differences between the issues over which
control was applied.
Differences Between Styles of Parental Control
Ego Development 14
The first question investigated by the study concerned the differences between methods of
parental control that involve knowledge and influence, as measured by the Monitoring and Control
questionnaire, and methods of control that are restrictive and psychological in nature, as measured by
the Child Report of Parental Behavior Checklist (CRPBI). These differences were investigated in terms
of their relationship to adolescent ego development as measured by the Washington University sentence
completion test. Simple correlations were used for analyses.
First, several positive relationships were found between control variables involving knowledge
and influence and adolescent ego development. For instance, it was found that teens who said their
mothers attempt to influence, and know about various areas of their lives, had higher levels of ego
development. Additionally, a positive relationship was found between fathers who said they knew
about their sons decisions concerning problematic behaviors and male adolescent ego development
(See Table 6).
Relationships between restrictive methods of control and ego development were generally
negative. Mother-reports of firm control and psychological control, were found to be related to lower
levels of ego development in teenagers. Table 3 summarizes the findings that compare the relationships
between monitoring and control variables and firm and psychological control variables with adolescent
ego development.
Insert Table 3. about here
Child-reports of firm and psychological control of parents revealed no significant relationships
with adolescent ego development. Mother-reports of monitoring and control also failed to reveal any
relationships with the ego development of teens.
Differences Between Mothers' and Fathers' Controlling Behaviors
The second question investigated by the current study addressed differences between mothers'
Ego Development 15
controlling behaviors and fathers' controlling behaviors in terms of their separate relationships to
adolescent ego development. These differences were examined by comparing simple correlations
between parental control by parent gender and adolescent scores of ego development.
It was found that mothers' controlling behaviors generally revealed stronger relationships with
adolescent ego development than fathers' controlling behaviors. While no relationship was found
between father-reports of firm or psychological control and adolescent ego level, a negative relationship
was found between mother-reports of firm and psychological control and adolescent ego level.
Additionally, child-reports of parental monitoring and control only revealed positive relationships
between mothers' behaviors and adolescent ego development, while revealing no relationships between
fathers' behaviors and adolescent ego development. The above findings are summarized in Table 4.
Insert Table 4. about here
Differences Between Issues of Control
The final point of investigation involved differences between parental control over issues of
potential deviance and parental control over issues of character. These differences were examined in
terms of their relationship to adolescent ego development. Simple correlations were used for analyses.
It was found that mother-reports of attempted control and actual control of adolescent decisions
involving issues of deviance were positively related to ego development. These same relationships were
not found with adolescent decisions involving issues of character.
Additionally, positive correlations between adolescent ego development and mothers'
knowledge of adolescent decisions were found for both issues of character and issues of deviance.
Table 5 depicts the results that pertain to these differences and similarities.
Ego Development 16
Insert Table 5. about here
Finally, fathers who reported knowing about their son's decisions involving deviance, had sons
with higher ego development. No relationship was found between fathers' knowledge of character
issues and ego development for either male or female adolescents. This finding is presented in Table 6.
Insert Table 6. about here
Discussion
The primary question of the study was whether different types of parental control relate
differently to adolescent ego development. The study distinguished between patterns of control on the
basis of whether or not they were conducive to parent-child negotiations that are important within the
process of adolescent growth towards individuation.
It was found that control characterized by parental knowledge and influence over various areas
of adolescent decision making revealed several positive relationships with adolescent ego development.
For instance, fathers who reported knowing about the decisions their sons made concerning issues that
could be potentially harmful to young people, had sons with higher ego development. Furthermore,
teens who said that their mothers try to control and successfully control the decisions they make
involving potentially harmful issues, revealed higher levels of psychosocial adjustment. Finally,
adolescents who said that their mothers know about their choices involving risky behaviors as well as
their choices involving their interests and character, scored higher on ego development.
Control characterized by influence and knowledge, as measured by the questionnaire of
Monitoring and Control (Hetherington and Clingempeele, 1992), may represent a style of parenting that
facilitates healthy movement towards individuation in children. These findings suggest the possibility that
children who believe their parents influence the choices they make, may also feel that their parents
Ego Development 17
support the choices and decisions they make. This in turn, may enable young people to express feelings
of disagreement with their parents. These expressions are important for a successful process of
negotiation to take place between parents and children. This negotiation process may also contribute to
children's abilities to consider several perspectives at once which is characteristic of higher levels of ego
development.
Alternatively, parental control that restricts autonomy and is psychologically overcontrolling in
nature was found to be related to lower psychosocial development in adolescents. Specifically, mothers
who said they impose firm and psychological means of control upon their children, had teens who
scored lower on ego development. This finding may indicate the possibility that child-rearing behaviors
that produce feelings of guilt and shame in children or that disallow a process of negotiation in which
children can properly express their needs and desires, may inhibit the psychosocial development of
children. This could be true for several reasons. First, a child who internalizes a sense of guilt through
interactions with his or her parents, may learn to see the world in strict terms of what is acceptable and
unacceptable behavior. The child may learn to protect himself from more feelings of guilt by becoming
concerned with doing what is right in terms of the norms set by society. This moral orientation is
characteristic of the middle level of psychosocial development. Furthermore, abusive psychological
mechanisms of control could hinder a child from developing beyond a self-protective stage of
development, characteristic of low levels of ego development. Simultaneously, the feelings of freedom,
acceptance and independence that are likely to occur when parents produce of a sense of psychological
autonomy within their children, may also provide young people with a sense of empowerment and
security that allows them to consider more ways to perceive the environment around them; reduce the
tendency to fit all experiences and people into concrete categories; and enable children to develop their
creative abilities. These developmental outcomes are characteristic of the highest levels of ego
development.
In summary of the findings related to the main question of the study, controlling behaviors that
Ego Development 18
may facilitate a healthy process of individuation among teens, were positively related to level of ego
development in teens. In contrast, controlling behaviors that seem to inhibit such a process of
individuation were found to be negatively related to adolescent ego development.
The second question addressed by the study was whether there is a difference between the way
mothers' controlling behaviors relate to adolescent ego development and the way fathers' controlling
behaviors relate to adolescent ego development. In general, more significant relationships, both positive
and negative, were found with mothers than with fathers. For instance, very strong positive relationships
(.44-.48) were found between level of adolescent ego development and teens who said that their
mothers attempt to control and actually control their deviant behaviors. However, this same relationship
was not seen with fathers. Additionally, negative relationships were found between adolescent ego
development and mothers' reports of firm control and psychological control. Again, this relationship
was not found with fathers.
These differences between mothers' and fathers' parenting styles, as they relate to adolescent
ego development, could possibly be explained by the differences in time spent between parents and
children. If mothers actually spend more time with their children, then it would make sense that the
methods of control used by mothers would be more significantly related to the psychosocial
development of children. Further investigation is needed to better understand the nature of differences
between mothers and fathers as they relate to the development of children.
The final question of the study was whether parental control over adolescent decisions involving
deviance is related to ego development differently than parental control over adolescent decisions
involving character. It was found that control over issues of deviance was related to higher psychosocial
adjustment, while control over character issues did not appear to be related to adolescent ego
development. Results also indicate that parent and child reports of control reveal more parental
knowledge and influence of adolescent choices involving drug use, sexual behaviors, school problem
behaviors and other issues of deviance; while the same reports reveal less parental knowledge and
Ego Development 19
influence of adolescent choices involving friends, health habits, intellectual interests, and other character
issues. This finding is logical since issues of deviance generally involve behaviors that are potentially
more harmful to young people than issues of character. Thus, issues of deviance are thought to be more
serious than issues that involve character. Due to the seriousness of deviant choices among adolescents,
it may be more important and more appropriate for parents to control such decisions which could
explain the positive finding between such control and teen ego level.
A possible explanation for not finding a relationship between control over character issues and
adolescent ego development is that control over adolescent decisions involving their character and
interests may be perceived as restrictive, imposing and invasive by teens who are striving to become
increasingly independent from their parents. While it may be important for parents to have control over
serious issues that are potentially harmful for teens, it may also be just as important for parents to release
control over areas of their children's lives that involve less potentially dangerous behaviors. By doing
this, parents may enable their children to take responsibility for their choices involving friends,
appearance, and activities. This sense of responsibility may be important for children to gain a sense of
control over their own environment. Teens who are more free to make decisions about their character
may also be more likely expose themselves to a greater variety of ideas and experiences beyond those
of which they were exposed to within their own home. Achieving a sense of responsibility to the self
and others along with the ability to appreciate alternative perspectives and lifestyles are important in the
facilitation of ego development and healthy psychosocial adjustment (Loevinger, 1976).
The above explanation may lead one to think that control over character issues could be
negatively related to ego development. One possible reason that this was not found to be true is that
complete parental detachment from adolescent decisions involving choices of character may not be
healthy for children either. Such detachment could represent a lack of parental support and concern
that is important in order for adolescents to feel secure and competent. Thus, the findings related to the
final question of investigation suggest that while ego development in teens revealed a positive relationship
Ego Development 20
to more parental control and influence when it concerns decisions of deviance, it may be just as
important for teens to receive moderate amounts of control over issues of character.
All conclusions based on the results of this study should be made in consideration of the
following limitations. First, although the sample size was sufficient when considering all of the teen
subjects in the study, it was a limitation when investigating male and female teens independently.
Second, the adolescent sample used in the study was drawn from a moderately at-risk group of
subjects. Additionally, because the study wished to investigate differences between the controlling
behaviors of mothers and fathers, the majority of the subjects lived in two parent homes. Thus, the
results of this study may not be generalized to the greater adolescent population since a great number of
children function at higher levels of competence; and many children live in single parent homes.
Although the questionnaire of Monitoring and Control does an excellent job of differentiating
between attempted control and actual control of teens' decisions, it fails to differentiate between the
concepts of control and influence. The measure introduces each section of items with a question such
as, "How often do you try to influence or control your teenager's life in the following areas?" This is a
concern because some parents may be highly influential in their children's lives and yet attempt very little
control over them. Other parents, however, may greatly attempt to control their children yet have no
influence over their actual feelings or values. These two distinct possibilities could each be related to
very different outcomes in adolescents, yet there is no way to determine these differences based on the
results obtained from this measure. Future research concerning the use of control in the family should
investigate this important distinction.
Many of the results of this study are based on correlations between a self-report measure of ego
development and teen-reports of parental control. This is a limitation to the study because bias can
occur when comparing data obtained from the same subject. However, the nature of the data collected
for analyses for this study is diverse in that one measure is a projective test of development, while the
other measures involve rating scales used to report parental behavior. Thus, this limitation does not
Ego Development 21
invalidate the findings obtained by the study. Finally, all analyses of the study are correlational, thus
causation can not be determined at this time. These limitations should be addressed in future research.
In sum, the findings of this study support past research which emphasizes the importance of
individuation for adolescents. The individuation process is characterized by negotiations that occur
between parents and children that gradually lead to increasing levels of independence while ideally
maintaining an emotional connection between parents and children. It was found that parental control
patterns that may facilitate healthy parent-teen negotiations are positively related to adolescent ego
development. Additionally, patterns of parental overcontrol which induce guilt and may inhibit healthy
negotiations between teens and parents, are negatively related to adolescent ego development. Future
research should continue to investigate the factors that promote, as well as those factors that inhibit, the
development of parent-teen relationships which are both autonomous and emotionally connected.
Ego Development 22
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Ego Development 27
Table 1
Means and Standard Deviations of Variables Used in Analyses Mother Father Child-Report Report Report of Mother of Father M M M M (s.d.) (s.d.) (s.d.) (s.d.) Monitoring and Control N=46 N=40 N=48 N=40 Attempted Control 17.35 16.55 14.00 11.86 of Character (3.84) (3.88) (4.24) (4.57) Attempted Control 32.65 30.13 25.99 21.16 of Deviance (7.25) (7.43) (8.55) (9.19) Actual Control 14.59 13.72 10.85 9.63 of Character (4.28) (3.51) (4.19) (4.89) Actual Control 27.35 26.44 19.99 17.82 of Deviance (8.22) (6.86) (8.52) (8.81) Knowledge 20.20 19.88 17.90 14.89 of Character (2.59) (2.79) (4.42) (5.83) Knowledge 32.80 32.70 27.26 22.49 of Deviance (6.01) (5.01) (7.91) (9.54) Parental Behaviors N=45 N=39 N=46 N=40 Firm Control 22.06 22.54 19.85 20.15 (4.45) (3.91) (4.63) (4.77) Psychological Control 17.64 16.46 16.63 15.78 (4.94) (4.06) (4.57) (5.63) Note. "Monitoring and Control" refers to results obtained from the Monitoring and Control Questionnaire; "Parental Behaviors" refers to results obtained from the Child-Report of Parental Behaviors Checklist. This is true for all subsequent tables. Higher means represent higher amounts of reported control for both measures.
Ego Development 28
Table 2
Mean and Standard Deviation of Ego Development by Gender
Boys Girls
M M t
Ego Development
152.16 164.83 -2.33*
(s.d.) (17.40) (20.62) (46.0)
*p < .05.
Ego Development 29
Table 3
Comparison of Correlations Between Adolescent Ego Development and Monitoring and Control
Variables With Correlations Between Adolescent Ego Development and Firm and Psychological
Control Variables
Ego Development Monitoring and Control Parental Behaviors Child-Reports of Mother Attempted Control .43** . Actual Control .23 . Knowledge .49*** . Mother-Reports Firm Control . -.40** Psychological Control . -.31* *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.
Ego Development 30
Table 4 Comparisons of Correlations Between Mothers' and Fathers' Controlling Behaviors and Adolescent Ego Development Ego Development Mothers' Behaviors Fathers' Behaviors Monitoring and Control Child-Reports Attempted Control .43** .18 Actual Control .23 .16 Knowledge .49*** .22 Parental Behaviors Parent-Reports Firm Control -.40** -.03 Psychological Control -.31* -.24 *p < .05. **p < .01. *p < .001.
Ego Development 31
Table 5 Correlations Between Monitoring and Control Variables and Adolescent Ego Development by Character and Deviance Issues Ego Development Character Issues Deviance Issues Child-Reports of Father Attempted Control .01 .25 Actual Control .08 .19 Knowledge .26 .18 Child-Reports of Mother Attempted Control .18 .48*** Actual Control .09 .28# Knowledge .44*** .47*** #p < .10. ***p < .001.
Ego Development 32
Table 6
Correlations Between Monitoring and Control and Adolescent Ego Development by Issues of Control
and by Gender
Ego Development
Boys Girls
Father-Reports Knowledge of Character .22 -.38 Knowledge of Deviance .45** -.32
**p < .01.
Ego Development 33
Appendix A. Washington University Sentence Completion Test (Loevinger and Wessler, 1970) Male and Female versions.
Ego Development 34
SCTF (Youth-1) Subject ID Interviewer Visit # (To the Interviewer: Please use this form for a FEMALE teen.) Instructions: Please complete the following sentences. 1. Raising a family 2. A girl has a right to 3. When they avoided me 4. If my mother 5. Being with other people 6. The thing I like about myself is 7. My mother and I 8. What gets me into trouble is 9. Education 10. When people are helpless 11. Women are lucky because 12. My father 13. A pregnant woman
Ego Development 35
14. When my mother spanked me 15. A wife should 16. I feel sorry 17. Rules are 18. When I get mad 19. When a child will not join in group activities 20. Men are lucky because 21. When they talked about sex, I 22. At times she worried about 23. I am 24. A woman feels good when 25. My main problem is 26. My husband and I will 27. The worst thing about being a woman 28. A good mother
Ego Development 36
29. Sometimes she wished that 30. When I am with a man 31. When she thought of her mother, she 32. If I can't get what I want 33. Usually she felt that sex 34. For a woman a career is 35. My conscience bothers me if 36. A woman should always
Ego Development 37
SCTM (Youth-1) Subject ID Interviewer Visit # (To the Interviewer: Please use this form for a MALE teen.) Instructions: Please complete the following sentences. 1. Raising a family 2. When a child will not join in group activities 3. When they avoided me 4. A man's job 5. Being with other people 6. The thing I like about myself is 7. If my mother 8. Crime and delinquency could be halted if 9. When I am with a woman 10. Education 11. When people are helpless 12. Women are lucky because
Ego Development 38
13. What gets me into trouble is 14. A good father 15. A man feels good when 16. A wife should 17. I feel sorry 18. A man should always 19. Rules are 20. When they talked about sex, I 21. Men are lucky because 22. My father and I 23. When his wife asked him to help with the housework 24. Usually he felt that sex 25. At times he worried about 26. If I can't get what I want 27. My main problem is
Ego Development 39
28. When I am criticized 29. Sometimes he wished that 30. A husband has a right to 31. When he thought of his mother, he 32. The worst thing about being a man is 33. If I had more money 34. I just can't stand people who 35. My conscience bothers me if 36. He felt proud that he
Ego Development 40
Appendix B. Monitoring and Control (Hetherington and Clingempeel, 1992) Parent and Child versions.
MC (Adult-9) Subject ID Interviewer Visit # Target ID Parents differ in the degree to which they are involved in different areas of their teenagers' lives. For each item below, circle the number which best describes your involvement in that aspect of your teenager's life. (Note: these questions refer specifically to the teenager who is with you today.) A. How often do you KNOW ABOUT the following areas of your teenager's life? Please circle the number that corresponds to the best answer. Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 1. Teenager's choice of friends, who they are, what they
are like 1
2
3
4
5
2. Teenager's intellectual interests, both in and out of
school 1
2
3
4
5
3. Teenager's activities outside of school (sports, jobs,
clubs, etc.) 1
2
3
4
5
4. Teenager's interest in and activities with girl or boy
friend; teenager's dating behaviors 1
2
3
4
5
5. The extent of teenager's sexual activity 1 2 3 4 5 6. Teenager's health habits, such as amount of sleep, diet,
exercise 1
2
3
4
5
7. Teenager's use of tobacco 1 2 3 4 5 8. Teenager's use of alcohol 1 2 3 4 5 9. Teenager's use of drugs 1 2 3 4 5
Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 10. Teenager's problem behavior in school (skipping
school, cutting classes, acting out, being late, being sent to the principal's office, etc.)
1
2
3
4
5
11. Teenager's school life, such as teachers, homework,
grades 1
2
3
4
5
12. Teenager's school-related activities (sports, clubs, etc.)
1 2
3
4
5
13. Where your teenager is and what he/she is doing when
away from home 1
2
3
4
5
B. How often do you TRY to influence or control your teenager's life in the following areas? Please circle the number that corresponds to the best answer. Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 1. Teenager's choice of friends, who they are, what they
are like 1
2
3
4
5
2. Teenager's intellectual interests, both in and out of
school 1
2
3
4
5
3. Teenager's activities outside of school (sports, jobs,
clubs, etc.) 1
2
3
4
5
4. Teenager's interest in and activities with boy or girl
friend; teenager's dating behaviors 1
2
3
4
5
5. The extent of teenager's sexual activity 1 2 3 4 5
Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 6. Teenager's health habits, such as amount of sleep, diet,
exercise 1
2
3
4
5
7. Teenager's use of tobacco 1 2 3 4 5 8. Teenager's use of alcohol 1 2 3 4 5 9. Teenager's use of drugs 1 2 3 4 5 10. Teenager's problem behavior in school (skipping
school, cutting classes, acting out, being late, being sent to the principal's office, etc.)
1
2
3
4
5
11. Teenager's school life such as teachers, homework,
grades 1
2
3
4
5
12. Teenager's school-related activities (sports, clubs, etc.)
1 2
3
4
5
13. Where your teenager is and what he/she is doing when
away from home 1
2
3
4
5
C. In the previous questions you were asked to tell us how often you TRY to influence your teenager's life in several areas. Now, how often do you ACTUALLY influence or control the teenager's life in the following areas? Please circle the number that corresponds to the best answer. Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 1. Teenager's choice of friends, who they are, what they
are like 1
2
3
4
5
2. Teenager's intellectual interests, both in and out of
school 1
2
3
4
5
Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 3. Teenager's activities outside of school (sports, jobs,
clubs, etc.) 1
2
3
4
5
4. Teenager's interest in and activities with boy or girl
friend; teenager's dating behaviors 1
2
3
4
5
5. The extent of teenager's sexual activity 1 2 3 4 5 6. Teenager's health habits, such as amount of sleep, diet,
exercise 1
2
3
4
5
7. Teenager's use of tobacco 1 2 3 4 5 8. Teenager's use of alcohol 1 2 3 4 5 9. Teenager's use of drugs 1 2 3 4 5 10. Teenager's problem behavior in school (skipping
school, cutting classes, acting out, being late, being sent to the principal's office, etc.)
1
2
3
4
5
11. Teenager's school life, such as teachers, homework,
grades 1
2
3
4
5
12. Teenager's school-related activities (sports, clubs, etc.)
1 2
3
4
5
13. Where your teenager is and what he/she is doing when
away from home 1
2
3
4
5
MC1 (Youth-8) Subject ID Interviewer Visit # Target ID Parents differ in the degree to which they are involved in different areas of their teenagers' lives. For each item below, circle the number which best describes involvement in that aspect of your life. A. How often does KNOW ABOUT the following areas of your life? Please circle the number that corresponds to the best answer. Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 1. Your choice of friends, who they are, what they are like
1 2
3
4
5
2. Your intellectual interests, both in and out of school
1 2
3
4
5
3. Your activities outside of school (sports, jobs, clubs,
etc.) 1
2
3
4
5
4. Your interest in and activities with girl or boy friend;
your dating behaviors 1
2
3
4
5
5. The extent of your sexual activity 1 2 3 4 5 6. Your health habits, such as amount of sleep, diet,
exercise 1
2
3
4
5
7. Your use of tobacco 1 2 3 4 5 8. Your use of alcohol 1 2 3 4 5 9. Your use of drugs 1 2 3 4 5
Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 10. Your problem behavior in school (skipping school,
cutting classes, acting out, being late, being sent to the principal's office, etc.)
1
2
3
4
5
11. Your school life, such as teachers, homework, grades 1
2
3
4
5
12. Your school-related activities (sports, clubs, etc.) 1 2 3 4 5 13. Where you are and what you are doing when away
from home 1
2
3
4
5
B. How often does TRY to influence or control your life in the following areas? Please circle the number that corresponds to the best answer. Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 1. Your choice of friends, who they are, what they are like
1 2
3
4
5
2. Your intellectual interests, both in and out of school
1 2
3
4
5
3. Your activities outside of school (sports, jobs, clubs,
etc.) 1
2
3
4
5
4. Your interest in and activities with boy or girl friend;
your dating behaviors 1
2
3
4
5
5. The extent of your sexual activity 1 2 3 4 5
Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 6. Your health habits, such as amount of sleep, diet,
exercise 1
2
3
4
5
7. Your use of tobacco 1 2 3 4 5 8. Your use of alcohol 1 2 3 4 5 9. Your use of drugs 1 2 3 4 5 10. Your problem behavior in school (skipping school,
cutting classes, acting out, being late, being sent to the principal's office, etc.)
1
2
3
4
5
11. Your school life such as teachers, homework, grades 1
2
3
4
5
12. Your school-related activities (sports, clubs, etc.) 1 2 3 4 5 13. Where you are and what you are doing when away
from home 1
2
3
4
5
C. In the previous question you were asked to tell us how often your parent TRIES to influence your life in several areas. Now, how often does ACTUALLY influence or control your life in the following areas? Please circle the number that corresponds to the best answer. Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 1. Your choice of friends, who they are, what they are like
1 2
3
4
5
2. Your intellectual interests, both in and out of school
1 2
3
4
5
Never Seldom Sometimes Usually Always 3. Your activities outside of school (sports, jobs, clubs,
etc.) 1
2
3
4
5
4. Your interest in and activities with boy or girl friend;
your dating behaviors 1
2
3
4
5
5. The extent of your sexual activity 1 2 3 4 5 6. Your health habits, such as amount of sleep, diet,
exercise 1
2
3
4
5
7. Your use of tobacco 1 2 3 4 5 8. Your use of alcohol 1 2 3 4 5 9. Your use of drugs 1 2 3 4 5 10. Your problem behavior in school (skipping school,
cutting classes, acting out, being late, being sent to the principal's office, etc.)
1
2
3
4
5
11. Your school life, such as teachers, homework, grades 1
2
3
4
5
12. Your school-related activities (sports, clubs, etc.) 1 2 3 4 5 13. Where you are and what you are doing when away
from home 1
2
3
4
5
Ego Development 49
Appendix C. Child Report of Parental Behavior Inventory (Schludermann & Schludermann, 1970) Parent and Child versions. Male and Female versions.
Ego Development 50
CRPBIF (Adult-11) Subject ID Interviewer Visit # Target ID Interviewer: Please have the parent fill out this form if the teenager is a female. As children grow up to be teenagers and young adults, they think more about how they have been brought up. We are interested in what you think your teenager's impressions are of you in your role as a parent. Please read each statement on the following pages and circle the answer that most closely describes the way your teenager perceives you as a parent figure. If you believe your teenager would think that the statement describes someone who is NOT LIKE you as a parent figure, circle Not Like. If you believe your teenager would think that the statement describes someone who is SOMEWHAT LIKE you as a parent figure, circle Somewhat Like. If you believe your teenager would think that the statement describes someone who is A LOT LIKE you as a parent figure, circle A Lot Like. MY TEENAGER THINKS I AM A PERSON WHO..... 1) ............makes her feel better after talking over her worries with me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 2) ............tells her of all the things I did for her..Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 3) ............believes in having a lot of rules and sticking with them. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 4) ............smiles at her very often. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 5) ............says, if she really cared for me, she would not do things that cause me to worry. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 6) ............insists that she must do exactly as told..Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 7) ............is able to make her feel better when she is upset. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 51
MY TEENAGER THINKS THAT I AM A PERSON WHO.... 8) ............is always telling her how she should behave. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 9) ............is very strict with her. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 10) ............enjoys doing things with her. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 11) ............would like to be able to tell her what to do all the time. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 12) ............gives hard punishment. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 13) ............cheers her up when she is sad. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 14) ............wants to control whatever she does. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 15) ............is easy with her. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 16) ............gives her a lot of care and attention. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 17) ............is always trying to change her. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 18) ............lets her off easy when she does something wrong. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 19) ............makes her feel like the most important person in my life. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 20) ............only keeps rules when it suits me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 21) ............gives her as much freedom as she wants. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 22) ............believes in showing my love for her. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 23) ............is less friendly with her, if she does not see things my way. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 24) ............lets her go any place she pleases. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 25) ............often praises her. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 52
MY TEENAGER THINKS I AM A PERSON WHO... 26) ............will avoid looking at her when she has disappointed me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 27) ............lets her go out any evening she wants. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 28) ............is easy to talk to. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 29) ............if she has hurt my feelings, stops talking to her until she pleases me again. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 30) ............lets her do anything she likes to do. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 53
CRPBIM (Adult-11) Subject ID Interviewer Visit # Target ID Interviewer: Please have the parent fill out this form if the teenager is a male. As children grow up to be teenagers and young adults, they think more about how they have been brought up. We are interested in what you think your teenager's impressions are of you in your role as a parent. Please read each statement on the following pages and circle the answer that most closely describes the way your teenager perceives you as a parent figure. If you believe your teenager would think that the statement describes someone who is NOT LIKE you as a parent figure, circle Not Like. If you believe your teenager would think that the statement describes someone who is SOMEWHAT LIKE you as a parent figure, circle Somewhat Like. If you believe your teenager would think that the statement describes someone who is A LOT LIKE you as a parent figure, circle A Lot Like. MY TEENAGER THINKS I AM A PERSON WHO..... 1) .............makes him feel better after talking over his worries with me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 2) .............tells him of all the things I did for him.... Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 3) .............believes in having a lot of rules and sticking with them. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 4) .............smiles at him very often. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 5) .............says, if he really cared for me, he would not do things that cause me to worry. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 6) .............insists that he must do exactly as told. ... Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 7) .............is able to make him feel better when he is upset. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 54
MY TEENAGER THINKS THAT I AM A PERSON WHO.... 8) .............is always telling him how he should behave. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 9) .............is very strict with him. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 10) .............enjoys doing things with him. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 11) .............would like to be able to tell him what to do all the time. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 12) .............gives hard punishment. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 13) .............cheers him up when he is sad. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 14) .............wants to control whatever he does. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 15) .............is easy with him. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 16) .............gives him a lot of care and attention. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 17) .............is always trying to change him. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 18) .............lets him off easy when he does something wrong. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 19) .............makes him feel like the most important person in my life. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 20) .............only keeps rules when it suits me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 21) .............gives him as much freedom as he wants. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 22) .............believes in showing my love for him. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 23) .............is less friendly with him, if he does not see things my way. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 24) .............lets him go any place he pleases. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 25) .............often praises him. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 55
MY TEENAGER THINKS I AM A PERSON WHO... 26) .............will avoid looking at him when he has disappointed me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 27) .............lets him go out any evening he wants. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 28) .............is easy to talk to. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 29) .............if he has hurt my feelings, stops talking to him until he pleases me again. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 30) .............lets him do anything he likes to do. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 56
CRPBIF (Youth-9) Subject ID: Interviewer: Visit #: Target ID: We are interested in your impressions of how the adults in your family act as parent figures. Please read each statement on the following pages and circle the answer that most closely describes the way each parent figure acts towards you. You will be answering questions about . If you think that the statement describes someone who is NOT LIKE the person you are describing, circle Not Like. If you think that the statement describes someone who is SOMEWHAT LIKE the person you are describing, circle Somewhat Like. If you think that the statement describes someone who is A LOT LIKE the person you are describing, circle A Lot Like. Interviewer: Please have the teenager fill out this form for his/her mother figure first. IS A PERSON WHO..... 1) ............makes me feel better after talking over my worries with her. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 2) ............tells me of all the things she did for me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 3) ............believes in having a lot of rules and sticking with them. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 4) ............smiles at me very often. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 5) ............says, if I really cared for her, I would not do things that cause her to worry. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 6) ............insists that I must do exactly as I am told. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 7) ............is able to make me feel better when I am upset. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 57
IS A PERSON WHO..... 8) ............is always telling me how I should behave. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 9) ............is very strict with me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 10) ............enjoys doing things with me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 11) ............would like to be able to tell me what to do all the time. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 12) ............gives hard punishment. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 13) ............cheers me up when I am sad. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 14) ............wants to control whatever I do. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 15) ............is easy with me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 16) ............gives me a lot of care and attention. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 17) ............is always trying to change me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 18) ............lets me off easy when I do something wrong...Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 19) ............makes me feel like the most important person in her life. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 20) ............only keeps rules when it suits her. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 21) ............gives me as much freedom as I want. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 22) ............believes in showing her love for me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 23) ............is less friendly with me, if I do not see things her way. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 24) ............lets me go any place I please. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 25) ............often praises me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 58
IS A PERSON WHO..... 26) ............will avoid looking at me when I have disappointed her. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 27) ............lets me go out any evening I want. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 28) ............is easy to talk to. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 29) ............if I have hurt her feelings, stops talking to me until I please her again. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 30) ............lets me do anything I like to do. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 59
CRPBIM (Youth-9) Subject ID: Interviewer: Visit #: Target ID: We are interested in your impressions of how the adults in your family act as parent figures. Please read each statement on the following pages and circle the answer that most closely describes the way each parent figure acts towards you. You will be answering questions about . If you think that the statement describes someone who is NOT LIKE the person you are describing, circle Not Like. If you think that the statement describes someone who is SOMEWHAT LIKE the person you are describing, circle Somewhat Like. If you think that the statement describes someone who is A LOT LIKE the person you are describing, circle A Lot Like. Interviewer: Please have the teenager fill out this form for his/her mother figure first. IS A PERSON WHO..... 1) ............makes me feel better after talking over my worries with him. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 2) ............tells me of all the things he did for me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 3) ............believes in having a lot of rules and sticking with them. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 4) ............smiles at me very often. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 5) ............says, if I really cared for him, I would not do things that cause him to worry. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 6) ............insists that I must do exactly as I am told. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 7) ............is able to make me feel better when I am upset. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 60
IS A PERSON WHO..... 8) ............is always telling me how I should behave. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 9) ............is very strict with me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 10) ............enjoys doing things with me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 11) ............would like to be able to tell me what to do all the time. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 12) ............gives hard punishment. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 13) ............cheers me up when I am sad. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 14) ............wants to control whatever I do. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 15) ............is easy with me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 16) ............gives me a lot of care and attention. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 17) ............is always trying to change me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 18) ............lets me off easy when I do something wrong...Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 19) ............makes me feel like the most important person in his life. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 20) ............only keeps rules when it suits him. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 21) ............gives me as much freedom as I want. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 22) ............believes in showing his love for me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 23) ............is less friendly with me, if I do not see things his way. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 24) ............lets me go any place I please. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 25) ............often praises me. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like
Ego Development 61
IS A PERSON WHO..... 26) ............will avoid looking at me when I have disappointed him. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 27) ............lets me go out any evening I want. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 28) ............is easy to talk to. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 29) ............if I have hurt his feelings, stops talking to me until I please him again. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like 30) ............lets me do anything I like to do. Not Like Somewhat Like A Lot Like