Transcript
Page 1: Electricity Supply Industry Past Present Future

IMPERIAL COLLEGE LONDON

Faculty of Natural Sciences

Centre for Environmental Policy

The Electricity Supply Industry:

Past, Present, Future

By

Alex Whitney

A report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for

the MSc and/or the DIC.

07/09/2011

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DECLARATION OF OWN WORK

I declare that this thesis

The Electricity Supply Industry: Past, Present, Future

is entirely my own work and that where any material could be construed as the work of

others, it is fully cited and referenced, and/or with appropriate acknowledgement given.

Signature:.....................................................................................................

Name of student (Please print):.................................................................

Name of supervisor:.....................................................................................

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AUTHORISATION TO HOLD ELECTRONIC COPY OF MSc THESIS

Thesis title:

The Electricity Supply Industry: Past, Present, Future

Author:

Alex Whitney

I hereby assign to Imperial College London, Centre of Environmental Policy the right to hold

an electronic copy of the thesis identified above and any supplemental tables, illustrations,

appendices or other information submitted therewith (the “thesis”) in all forms and media,

effective when and if the thesis is accepted by the College. This authorisation includes the

right to adapt the presentation of the thesis abstract for use in conjunction with computer

systems and programs, including reproduction or publication in machine-readable form

and incorporation in electronic retrieval systems. Access to the thesis will be limited to ET

MSc teaching staff and students and this can be extended to other College staff and

students by permission of the ET MSc Course Directors/Examiners Board.

Signed: __________________________ Name printed: ____________________

Date: __________________________

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Contents Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 6

Chapter One: A Brief History of the Grid ................................................................................. 7

1.1 Beginnings ...................................................................................................................... 7

1.2 Nationalisation ............................................................................................................... 8

1.3 Privatisation ................................................................................................................. 10

1.4 Re-Integration .............................................................................................................. 11

1.5 Competition ................................................................................................................. 15

1.6 NETA ............................................................................................................................. 17

1.7 In review ....................................................................................................................... 20

1.8 Renewables Investment ............................................................................................... 22

1.9 UK Policy ...................................................................................................................... 23

1.10 Electricity Market Reform .......................................................................................... 26

Chapter Two: The Electricity Generation Industry ................................................................ 28

2.1 Model Outline .............................................................................................................. 28

2.2 The Economics of Electricity Generation ..................................................................... 29

2.3 Levelised Cost Model ................................................................................................... 31

2.4 The Grid Today ............................................................................................................. 35

2.5 FPN and MEL Data ........................................................................................................ 36

2.6 Balancing Mechanism Data .......................................................................................... 39

2.7 Generation Mix ............................................................................................................ 43

2.8 Prices ............................................................................................................................ 46

2.9 The Big Six .................................................................................................................... 50

Chapter Three: Grid Model .................................................................................................... 53

3.1 Model Design ............................................................................................................... 53

3.2 Demand, Availability, Capacity .................................................................................... 54

3.3 Marginal Cost Curve ..................................................................................................... 54

3.4 Outcome ...................................................................................................................... 57

3.5 Scenarios ...................................................................................................................... 60

3.6 Results .......................................................................................................................... 61

3.7 Oversupply ................................................................................................................... 63

3.8 Storage ......................................................................................................................... 64

3.9 Modelling Storage ........................................................................................................ 65

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3.10 Results ........................................................................................................................ 68

Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 71

References ............................................................................................................................. 72

A description of the main generation technologies .......................................................... 77

UK plant statistics ............................................................................................................... 78

List of Figures

Page

Fig 1.1 Takeovers and mergers of ex-publically-owned enterprises 1995-2011 14

Fig 1.2 Price support and costs for wind power by country 26

Fig 2.1 Levelised Cost model indicative results by technology 34

Fig 2.2 Interpreted FPN data 38

Fig 2.3 Interpolation rules 39

Fig 2.4 TGSD data and FPN data 42

Fig 2.5 Load factors by plant 2010 44

Fig 2.6 Load factors by plant, season and settlement period, 2010 46

Fig 2.7 BMU prices plant and settlement period, 2010 48 Fig 2.8 BMU prices by cumulative volume and by plant, 2010. Log-log plot 49

Fig 2.9 Detail of Fig 2.5, linear plot 49

Fig 3.1 Marginal cost curve components 55

Fig 3.2a Marginal cost curves by plant 56

Fing 3.2b Overall MCC 56

Fig 3.3a Sample model output 59

Fig 3.3b Sample model prices 59

Fig 3.4a Real-world output 59

Fig 3.4b Real-World prices 59

Fig 3.5 Load factors by year for each scenario 63

Fig 3.6 Oversupply by year 64

Fig 3.7 Modelling Storage 67

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Introduction

The UK’s electricity supply industry (ESI) is poised somewhere between flux and crisis. Our

deregulated industry structure has been so lauded and imitated it has become known as

the ‘British Model’, yet the industry is perpetually under investigation for price gouging and

anticompetitive behaviour. The regulator is frequently criticised as toothless and our

legislation is often byzantine, self-contradictory, self-defeating or all three. There are no

British utilities with anything like the international reach of EdF or E.on and a string of high

profile corporate failures have left the majority of our infrastructure in foreign hands.

Despite having the best renewable resources in the EU, our generation mix is 80%

dependent on coal and gas and investment has been steadily dropping. How did we get

into this mess and what happens next? This dissertation is a three-part attempt to answer

that question.

In the first chapter I trace the history of the grid from its beginnings, paying particular

attention to the effects, intended or otherwise, of the 1990 privatisation. I investigate

whether the particular structure of the ESI has helped or hindered attempts to kick-start

the ‘green revolution’. I contrast the UK’s approach with the rest of the EU and ask whether

the recent Energy Market Reform marks a change in direction.

In the second chapter I begin my empirical investigation. I obtain and process data from a

variety of sources in order to sketch a detailed picture of both the physical operation of the

grid and the underlying economic. I construct a ‘merit order’ of dispatch and create a

model to calculate the levelised cost of various technologies for use in the next chapter.

In the third chapter I create a model to estimate the generation mix and costs of electricity

through to 2025. Drawing upon section two, I create four possible scenarios for the grid

and quantify indicators such as costs, carbon emissions and reliability of supply. I extend

the model to investigate the effects of adding energy storage capabilities to the grid and

comment upon my results.

Finally, I offer some conclusions on the lessons of the past and the challenges of the future.

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Chapter One: A Brief History of the Grid

1.1 Beginnings

The history of the electricity supply industry (ESI) is a fascinating case study of the political

history of the UK. Since its inception the ebbs and flows of the industry have mirrored the

prevailing political winds, from laissez faire in the 19th and early 20th centuries to the post-

war consensus of embedded liberalism, and the post-Thatcher neoliberal ‘turn’. This review

will draw a sketch history of the grid with particular emphasis upon developments since

privatisation.

Up until the early 20th century, there was no national grid per se. In the mid-to-late 19th

century myriad small networks sprung up, privately owned and operated for profit (the first

public utility was a small hydro-electric facility established in Surrey in 1881). As a new

technology, electricity had only a few specific uses. The initial motivation came from

providing street (and later residential) lighting in competition with town gas. In the absence

of common standards relating to voltage, frequency and interconnection, these grids were

for the most part non-interoperable (Jamasb & Pollitt, 2007).

However it was in the early 20th century, as the domestic and commercial uses of electricity

began to multiply, that of the strategic importance of electrical power became evident, and

in 1926 the Central Electricity Board was formed to impose order upon the industry. The

CEB created operating standards, built high-voltage long-distance interconnects and

oversaw the construction of new capacity. The National Grid was created in 1933 to

oversee transmission infrastructure. Expansion, integration and technological

improvements began to increase the efficiency and reliability of the supply (Chick, 1995).

Yet at this point it is thought that there was still over 600 suppliers operating 400 power

stations at any of 19 different voltages (Chesshire, 1996) a proliferation attributed to a lack

of a cohesive central government programme for the development of utilities (Byatt, 1979).

The essential inefficiency of the existing system coupled with the fact that electricity

distribution had monopolistic economies of scale meant that public ownership was (in

retrospect) inevitable. This was finally realised in 1947, as part of the radical reinvention of

the state engineered by the post-war Labour government – who also nationalised coal,

transport, gas, iron and steel, healthcare, Cable and Wireless, British Airways and the Bank

of England.

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1.2 Nationalisation

Through this process the ESI was formalised into its current structure, which vertical links

together four components: generation, transmission, distribution and supply. Point-sources

of power generation scattered throughout the nation are interconnected by a high-voltage

transmission network, usually overhead pylons. The transmission network feeds into a

multitude of (non-interconnected) lower-voltage distribution networks which wind their

way capillary-like into every village and street corner in the country. Suppliers contract

local demand and oversee metering and billing. The whole ESI operates at 50Hz (three-

phase) and generators must synchronise at this frequency before they can transmit power.

Electricity flows roughly linearly through the system and substations are positioned

throughout the network to step the voltages down from 400kV to 275kV, 132kV,33kV,

11kV, 6kV, 450V and finally 240V (single phase) in the home (National Grid Electricity

Transmission, 2011)

The British Electrical Authority, later the Central Electricity Generating Board (CEGB), was

instituted as a vertical monopoly in control of generation and transmission. Distribution,

supply and customer services were the responsibilities of 14 regional Area Electricity

Boards (AEBs), and this arrangement remained relatively unchanged for the next 43 years.

Under nationalisation, integration and standards compliance advanced quickly. During the

two decades following the reform, the UK enjoyed unprecedented economic growth, and

this was coupled with a huge increase in demand for power as the generation that had

‘never had it so good’ filled their homes with electrical appliances. As a powerful and highly

centralised agency, the CEGB was well placed to meet this growing demand and embarked

on a huge plant-building program. Installed generation capacity increased from 16 GW to

65 GW between 1951 and 1971 (or from 0.3 kW to 1.2 kW per capita), whilst total

electricity generation grew from 57 to 221 TWh (MacLeay et al., 2011). Indeed a

government report from 1969 recommends scaling back the program due to oversupply.

(Truly, that was a different era - the same report states that the government expects

investment to “show a return of at least 8% in real terms” – and that “however careful the

forecasting... expenditure generally falls appreciably short of the approved figures.”)

(Nationalised Industries Review, 1969).

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This level of success was in large part due to the fact that the CEGB had the resources to

build power plants on a scale that had previously been technically and financially

unfeasible. In 1948, the largest power plant was 550 MW, yet by 1965 the average new

plant was 1300 MW (ibid). Of the 1960s power plants still in use, five are rated at over 2

GW. The UKs largest (and Europe’s second largest) power plant, Drax, was commissioned in

1974 and is rated at close to 4 GW (MacLeay et al., 2011). CEGB’s preferred technology was

the coal-fired steam turbine power plant, coupled with Open-Cycle Gas Turbines (OCGT),

and it played an important role in supporting the British coal industry. However the CEGB

was also in a position to invest in capital-intensive new technology and from 1970 onwards

- at the behest of the government - they constructed a total of ten nuclear power plants.

Although it was initially expected that nuclear would prove much cheaper than coal

(leading to the now-infamous tagline “Too Cheap To Meter”), enthusiasm waned after the

huge costs and poor reliability of nuclear became apparent (Chesshire, 1996).

In spite of this, the CEGB was for many years internationally renowned for its technical and

managerial competence. However, in some sense it was too big to last. It was by far the

largest of the UK state-owned enterprises and by 1987 its asset base totalled some £27bn

(the AEBs owned a further £15bn). The CEGB maintained a duopoly of suppliers for coal

plant, awarding contracts on the basis of ‘Buggin’s turn’; as a de facto monopoly (supplying

95% of generation in England and Wales) it was free to spend lavishly on R&D, through

which it exercised absolute control over the direction of UK ESI (Chesshire, 1996). From a

certain (Thatcherite) point of view it was a lumbering monolith that represented all that

was wrong with nationalised industry. In 1987, after two terms into office and fresh from

victory in the miners’ strike, the Tories took aim. Their manifesto from that year proclaims

that “We will continue the successful programme of privatisation... We will bring forward

proposals for privatising the electricity industry subject to proper regulation.” In May 1987

Thatcher was re-elected to her third term as Prime Minister and in 1988 the government

released the white paper Privatising Electricity.

The House of Commons Select Committee on Energy, in its review of government’s

proposals, commented nervously that “Reviews of international experience, particularly of

the USA and other European countries, do not reveal any strong, or indeed positive,

correlation between, on one hand, utility structure, form of ownership, and the degree of

competition, and the level of electricity prices and overall utility performance on the other”

(Chesshire, 1992).

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Nonetheless, the 1989 Electricity Act passed the broad framework for regulation, and so it

came to pass that in 1990 the CEGB was dissolved.

1.3 Privatisation

The neoclassical case against monopolies gives no quarter. A monopoly has no incentive to

drive down costs or improve efficiency, and can exploit its position to earn monopoly

profits since leaner, more efficient businesses are excluded from entry. Monopolies are not

only bad for consumers but bad for economic efficiency - and nationalised monopolies are

doubly bad because they gain preferential treatment from the government in place of

other worthier investments. The neoliberal school (to which Thatcher’s advisors

subscribed) further argues that the government has no business in business and if at all

possible national assets should be privatised and exposed to the unsentimental forces of

the market. They add, parenthetically, that this is always possible with appropriate

regulation (Harvey, 2005).

Despite Thatcher’s enthusiasm to privatise the system at all costs, the electricity market is

peculiarly resistant to marketization. Vickers and Yarrow (1991) highlight some of the

unusual economic characteristics of the ESI:

1) The ‘supply chain’ is tightly vertically integrated

2) Generation technologies are highly capital intensive with long lead times and high

sunk costs

3) Most generation technologies cause significant environmental externalities

4) To ensure security of supply, the ESI must operate with excess capacity in most

periods

5) Extremely tight technical demands – demand and supply must balance exactly at

every node across the whole network – mean that equilibration will always need

some central control regardless of the responsiveness of market mechanisms

6) Transmission and distribution are natural monopolies

The Government attempted to deal with the problem of monopolistic transmission and

distribution by instituting what became known as ‘unbundling’. The four sectors of the

industry were to be separated, with the transmission and distribution being privately held

but heavily regulated (to ensure that businesses did not abuse their monopoly position)

and with incentives to improve efficiency. The other two sectors, generation and supply,

were to be sold off ‘atomistically’ to ensure sufficient competition. A ‘pool’ system would

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operate whereby generators would compete amongst themselves for supply and suppliers

would compete amongst themselves for customers. A key feature was that no company

would be allowed to own both generation and supply assets, thus ensuring that anti-

competitive vertical integration did not re-emerge. Through strong competition, efficiency

would be increased and consumers would enjoy lower prices. It followed that no capacity

payment would be necessary, as inflated pool prices would alert businesses to a capacity

shortage and they would respond by investing in further generation (and if existing players

refused, a new entrant would step in to take advantage) (Thomas, 1996). Indeed it was

supposed that all key planning decisions could be left to the market once it had established

itself – a feature which would be particularly appealing to weary governments used to

shouldering the blame when things go wrong.

1.4 Re-Integration

There were, however, severe practical problems with implementing these measures. Chief

among them, the issue of how to ensure that assets were sold off in such a way that they a)

would actually be bought (i.e. would be attractive propositions for investment) and b)

would provide the requisite amount of competition. At the time there were really 3

separate ‘grids’, two in Scotland and one in England & Wales, with little interconnection

between them. The government’s plans were compromised immediately when they

decided they would split England & Wales’ generation into just two businesses. Ostensibly

this was because the UK’s nuclear generation was uneconomically expensive compared to

coal and gas and could only survive by being ‘sheltered’ inside a large company – and only

another large company would be able to compete with the first. It was therefore conceived

that two thirds of the total capacity would go to newly-formed National Power plc (NP),

with Powergen plc (PG) taking the rest. However the nuclear assets were so unappealing to

investors that they had to be spun out at the last minute into the publicly-owned Nuclear

Electric – and then subsidised by consumers to the tune of £1bn/year via the ‘fossil fuel

levy’ (which perversely also subsidised power from the French interconnect). The asset sale

went ahead anyway. Nuclear Electric operated as a price-taker, meaning that the two

remaining generators formed a duopoly which, as we shall see, they weren’t shy about

exploiting (Thomas, 2010).

Furthermore, in a move designed to appease furious Scots, the Scottish ESI would remain

natively owned in the form of two vertically integrated monopolies, Scottish Power and

Scottish Hydro Electric. The England & Wales transmission grid was privatised to become

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National Grid, who as the designated transmission system operator (TSO) had a very tightly

defined remit and was responsible for precisely balancing supply and demand. They soon

merged with the privatised gas industry SO to form Transco and have since bought assets in

New England. The 12 AEBs in England & Wales were privatised wholesale but since they

were both suppliers (regional electricity companies, RECs) and distributors (distribution

network operators, DNOs) they were forced to separate the two sides of their businesses.

In addition, they were allowed to procure up to 15% of their power from their own plant–

further violating the principles of de-integration, but at least (in theory) introducing some

competition into the generation market as they ordered 10GW of new plant in the early

1990s ‘dash for gas’, discussed below.

In 1993, in an attempt to stem the market power of the duopoly, the regulator (OFFER,

later OFGEM) required that the generators divest 6GW of capacity between them, which

was sold to the largest REC, Eastern Electricity (in violation of the 15% rule). Then in 1995

Scottish Power was allowed to take over the REC Manweb, and in 1998 National Power and

Powergen were granted permission to take over RECs provided they each divested a

further 4GW of plant. Two years later, the RECs were forced to demerge with their

respective DNOs, apparently to stop ‘cross-subsidy’ between them. With the principle of

de-integration already scuppered, a mass of acquisitions now took place. Since no one REC

or DNO had been allowed to become dominant, most were unable to fend off takeover

bids by large foreign utilities (who were able to leverage monopoly positions in their native

markets).

At this point there is a curious twist in the tale concerning 17 US utilities that suffered a

grievous case of groupthink and lost a lot of money as a result. The EU Electricity Directive

1996 (96/92/EC) had mandated the deregulation of EU ESIs, and this sparked a gold rush as

US utilities attempted to break into EU markets. Naturally they started in the UK where

deregulation was furthest advanced, whence they would launch into mainland Europe.

Between 1996 and 2000, seduced by the promise of fast profits on the back of a fast

trading market, they made many high-profile acquisitions at heavily inflated prices

including 9 RECs and 9 DNOs. But they found that the UK market was far less competitive

than imagined and that the rest of the EU was in no hurry to open up their ESI to

competition and buy-outs. One by one the utilities lost enthusiasm and dumped their

assets at fire-sale prices; by 2003 nearly all had left, nursing estimated losses in excess of

$20bn (Haar & Jones, 2008).

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In the wake of this fiasco, French, German and Spanish utilities swept in and cleaned up.

Figure 1.1 tracks the various fates of the 30 companies brought into existence by

privatisation. The apparent endgame of the flurry of mergers and takeovers is that the ESI

has contracted to just a handful of mostly foreign-owned corporations (some of which,

ironically, are publically held). One imagines that this is probably not what the government

had in mind when initiating the great experiment 21 years ago.

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Fig 1.1 Takeovers and mergers of ex-publically-owned enterprises 1995-2011

Top row colour coding: Red = Generator, Light Green = Distributor Dark Green = Supplier, Mid-Green = Suppler/Distributor, Orange = TSO Else: White box = US Utility, Coloured = Big Six, Grey = Other Note that it is not a full depiction of the UK ESI today as there have been a handful of new entrants in that time Sources: Haar,Laura N, 2008; author’s research

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1.5 Competition

The best laid plans go oft awry – whether or not the privatisation played out as intended,

the more pertinent question is: does the privatised grid deliver a competitive market for

power? And, taking the longer view: was it all worth it?

The ‘Pool’ system implemented in 1990 worked roughly as follows: each day was split into

48 half-hour ‘settlement periods’. For each settlement period, each owner of generation

placed a number of offers to sell electricity from each of their power plants, priced in

£/MWh (e.g. in one settlement period, a 1000MW coal-fired plant might offer to sell the

first 250 MWhs at £15/MWh and the next 250 MWhs at £20/MWh). The TSO took all of

these bids and constructed a marginal price curve for dispatch. The point at which the

curve met the predicted power demand was the System Marginal Price (SMP) and all

successful bidders were paid this price for their power (MacKerron & Segarra, 1996). (It

follows that every REC in fact bought their power from generators at the same price (the

SMP), which begs the question of how any REC was supposed to gain a significant cost

advantage over the others.)

In principle the Pool is quite a ‘pure’ implementation of marginalist economic theory - but

of course it relies heavily on there being sufficient competition to drive down prices for

suppliers. Since immediately after privatisation there was effectively only two generators

(National Power and Powergen), it is no surprise they were able to manipulate the SMP

simply by raising their offer prices. Reviewing the first year of operation, in which the SMP

had increased by 29%, OFFER concluded that ‘there is no doubt that the two major

generators have recently been able to increase Pool prices significantly’ (OFFER, 1991).

To increase competitiveness the market needed new entrants (termed Independent Power

Providers or IPPs). In theory, high Pool prices should have been sufficient to attract them,

but entering into competition with two giant incumbents in a new market was extremely

risky and no truly independent companies could obtain financing. The RECs, however, were

keen to obtain their own generation to avoid being ‘squeezed’ by NG and PG. The

government sought to encourage them by introducing Contracts for Differences (CfDs),

which effectively allowed power to be bought from IPPs at fixed prices regardless of the

SMP - giving IPPs a guaranteed income. RECs then eliminated all the risk by forming their

own (not really independent) IPPs and constructing new Combined Cycle Gas Turbine

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(CCGT) plant on the basis of ‘back-to-back’ deals : the gas prices were contracted at fixed

prices for 15 years and the power sold for fixed prices for 15 years (Thomas, 2006a). This

arrangement sparked the ‘dash for gas’ leading to a glut of new CCGT, causing the

government to place a moratorium on new projects in 1998.

The long-term contracts soon became a liability as the price of fuels dropped steadily

throughout the 1990s and RECs ended up overpaying for their generation. An REC

employee commented at the time that “from the RECs point of view it isn’t such a good

deal at the moment... but as a shareholder of the IPP we are doing very well thank you

since companies who buy from the IPP are buying at premium rates” (Branston, 2002).

Since the domestic market was not opened to competition until 1998, the RECs were in any

case able to pass their costs on to their customers. Businesses, however, were able to

negotiate and effectively ended up buying the cheaper coal and nuclear power. Studies

show that in 1993/1994, 61% of profits were from the domestic sector and 39% from the

industrial sector – in almost exact reverse to the relative size of the markets (Branston,

2000).

CfDs clearly violate the principle of an open and transparent market. The IPPs found that

since their generation was already ‘bought and sold’, Pool prices were irrelevant - but they

still had to ensure their plant was actually accepted for dispatch. IPPs therefore adopted

the policy of submitting very low offers to the Pool and effectively taking their generation

out of the market. But there were other distortions too: between 1990 and 1998, coal-fired

plants were forced to buy quotas of coal from British Coal at above-market prices in order

to postpone the collapse of the UK coal industry. RECs were obliged to buy this power at

contracted prices, effectively taking this generation off the market too; and at the same

time, nuclear power was being heavily subsidised and was also effectively off the market.

As Thomas notes, the net result was that for most of the Pool’s duration, “it is clear that

more than 95% of RECs’ needs were supplied from sources that were not required to

compete in the Pool” (Thomas, 2006a).

With such low liquidity, it is no wonder that manipulation was rife. Even while the 1990s

saw significant diversification in the generation market (the combined market share of NP

and PG fell from 77% in 1990 to 30% in 2000 (MacLeay et al., 2011), it appears that abuse

of market power actually increased in that time. A study by Sweeting (2007) estimates that

between 1995 and 2000 the SMP was inflated by an average of around £7/MWh translating

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into an overpayment of £2.7B per year, most of which inevitably was passed onto domestic

consumers; moreover, the peak of exploitation did not occur until Q1 2009.

Despite attempting a raft of measures over the years to ‘fix’ the Pool, OFGEM eventually

admitted defeat. In 1999, citing “the continuing market power of a number of generators

and their willingness to exercise that market power at the expense of customers” (OFGEM,

1999), the regulator announced that the Pool was to be scrapped and replaced by the New

Energy Trading Arrangements, or NETA. The announcement of NETA amounted to an

acknowledgement that the Pool was not a fair and transparent market and that

‘unbundling’ had been a failure.

Whether the Pool could have worked if it had been better implemented is an open

question – but there is good evidence that the ‘British Model’ is fundamentally flawed in

practice if not necessarily in theory. I shall reflect on the experience of other countries at

the end of the chapter.

1.6 NETA

NETA is a complicated set of agreements but the fundamentals are simple. The most

significant innovation is that NETA abolished the mandatory pooling of generation and

replaced it with voluntary spot and futures markets. The vast majority of generation is now

sold to suppliers over-the-counter in confidential long-term contracts, and each supplier is

responsible for contracting its own supply.

One hour prior to each settlement period, the TSO calculates the total supply for that

period by summing the generation contracted for by each of the suppliers. It also calculates

a forecast of total demand using a model. The difference between supply and demand,

termed the Net Imbalance Volume (NIV), is settled via the Balancing Mechanism (BM)

(OFGEM, 1999).

The BM operates like a miniature pool, with generators placing offers to increase

generation or bids to decrease generation until demand is met. If the market is ‘short’

(there is an undersupply) the BM returns the system buy price (SBP); if the market is ‘long’

(oversupply) it returns the system sell price (SSP). There is one important difference – the

SBP/SSP is not the marginal price but the average price in the BM. The ‘reverse price’ (the

SSP if the market is short or the SBP if the market is long) is calculated from average spot

market price for that settlement period markets close. If the supplier under-forecasts its

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demand it pays the SBP for the difference – if it over-forecasts it pays the SSP. In this way

each supplier has an incentive to calculate its demand as accurately as possible.

The SSP and SBP are very volatile and it is doubtful that they give a good indication of the

‘true’ price of electricity. For example, in December 2010 the SBP ranged from £40.25 to

£464 – a factor of 11. Even in July (a month of relatively flat demand) prices varied by a

factor of 5. The liquidity of the spot market is so low that those prices are equally

unreliable. I further explore these issues in chapter 2.

The net effect of NETA is to ‘black-box’ the vast majority of the electricity market. It heavily

favours vertically integrated generator/suppliers since the ability to buy energy ‘from

oneself’ greatly reduces ones exposure to the market – and therefore risk. An integrated

provider will utilise its own generation in the first instance and only enter the market if it

can negotiate a particularly favourable deal, thereby squeezing IPPs. This explains in part

why the UK ESI underwent marked contraction after 1999 (see Fig 1.1) and is now

dominated by the ‘Big Six’ integrated corporations: EdF, E.on, RWE, Iberdrola, SSE and

Centrica. Between them they account for around 70% of generation and over 99% of sales

(OFGEM, 2008). I look further into the effects of this oligopoly in section 2.9.

How exactly was NETA supposed to deliver economic efficiency and a good deal for

consumers? The logic appears to have been that since ‘unbundling’ had manifestly failed,

the regulators decided to go in completely the opposite direction. There are reasons for

thinking that vertically integrated suppliers are in fact more efficient due to lower

borrowing costs and ‘synergies’ (i.e. fewer staff). In that case, why not just encourage a

vertically integrated market in which the Big 6 compete for consumers on price?

Unfortunately there is a rather obvious flaw with this notion: healthy competition relies

upon a healthy rate of ‘switching’ between suppliers but consumers are notoriously ‘sticky’

(less than 10% consider changing their supplier year-on-year) (OFGEM, 2011) so there is an

incentive for suppliers to overcharge and only lower prices when customers threaten to

switch. Indeed the back-room costs incurred when a customer switches are so high that if

everyone simultaneously decided to switch supplier the cost to consumers would be

greater than the realised savings. It appears therefore that the regulator hoped that

suppliers would offer competitive prices even without the threat of switching.

Irrespective of the theoretical merits (or otherwise) of NETA, what were the actual effects?

Initially NETA was widely judged a success for apparently lowering the wholesale and retail

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price of electricity after introduction. However, closer inspection reveals that the

introduction of NETA coincided with cheaper coal (due to the expiry of expensive Coal

Board contracts) and a burst of new generation at the tail end of the ‘dash for gas’, so it

was likely that wholesale prices would have fallen anyway. In reality the wholesale market

decreased in price far more than the retail market, suggesting that the Big Six were

enriching themselves at the expense of both IPPs and consumers (Dağdeviren, 2009).

The fate of British Energy makes an interesting case study in this regard. The UK’s nuclear

plants were publically owned and supported by the Fossil Fuel Levy up until 1996, but when

technical advancements doubled plant availability they became viable businesses. With

wholesale prices in the Pool riding high, the government decided to remove the levy and

sell the 8 most modern plants under the title of British Energy plc (the privatisation was a

disastrous flop, raising only £1.7bn – roughly half the construction cost of a single plant)

(Thomas, 2010). British Energy prospered for a while but after the introduction of NETA its

income crashed by 30% and in 2003 it was bailed out by the public at a total cost of £10bn

(European Commission, 2004), much to the chagrin of the National Audit Office who

argued that the privatization should never have gone ahead to begin with (National Audit

Office, 2004). Yet by the middle of the decade wholesale prices had increased due to a

huge spike in the cost of gas, and British Energy was once again a viable business. Finally in

2009 it was acquired by EdF for £12bn – meaning that the endgame of this tussle between

state and private actors is that the UK nuclear industry is effectively the responsibility of

the French public.

Apart from this acquisition the ESI has been relatively static for the past few years, which

has given researchers a chance to revisit their assessments of NETA – and the results have

not been good. There was a sharp increase in retail prices around 2005 ostensibly due to

wholesale costs, but a study commissioned by the Right to Fuel campaign found that fully

half of the rise was simply due to increased supplier margins (Cornwall Energy Associates,

2008). Worse, when wholesale prices fell retail prices refused to follow suit. Last year a

comprehensive study was even more damning in its verdict of NETA, concluding that

“despite NETA’s stated intentions of reducing wholesale and thereby retail prices... instead

[NETA] merely rearranged where money was made in the system.” (Giulietti et al., 2010)

page number.

This assessment certainly rings true. Judging by the publications of OFGEM, they appear to

be locked in a perpetual battle with the utilities - both wholesale and retail markets are

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currently being investigated for uncompetitive behaviour (the retail investigation has now

entered its fourth year) (OFGEM, 2008, 2010). Given that NETA is now ten years old and is

looking decidedly creaky, one wonders if another rule-change isn’t too far off.

1.7 In review

Now that we are up to date, it would be useful to put this remarkable history in context.

There is something very striking about the story of the UK ESI; though it has its own quirks,

curiosities, heroes and villains, in fact it gives the complete history of British capitalism in a

distilled form. In particular the reforms since 1990 are an excellent case study of ‘actually

existing neoliberalism’: the dispassionate hidden hand of the market shall be unleashed

upon the lumbering, monolithic state enterprises and deliver efficiency, growth and

prosperity for all – or at the very least send large profits to monopolistic private

corporations (Harvey, 2005).

In fact, there are good reasons why the ESI is not as amenable to competition to other

industries even in theory (adapted from Thomas (2006b)):

1) Inabiliy to store power: Storage in other industries allows one to balance out

fluctuations between supply and demand. In the absence of storage a free market

suffers huge price volatility

2) Supply and demand must balance perfectly: Some central control will always be

necessary to co-ordinate supply and demand. The free-market ideal of ‘free entry

and exit’ is clearly impossible

3) No substitutes: Most products are readily substitutable which effectively increases

competition in the marketplace and acts as a check on suppliers. No such check

exists for electricity suppliers

4) Vital to modern society: Unlike other (substitutable) products, a constant and

reliable power supply is essential to modern living. Under no circumstance would a

government allow the ESI to collapse – it is the ultimate “too big to fail”

5) Lack of investment: For security of supply it is necessary that there is excess

capacity in the system. A free market will underinvest in capacity because it will not

be able to turn a profit on plant that is only operated a few times a year

6) Unsustainable price structure: The power supply is by design completely

standardised, meaning that competition is based entirely on price. But if

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competition pushes prices down to the marginal costs, generators will make a loss

on their capital investment (see section 2.2)

7) Environmental impacts: The environmental impacts of electricity generation are

substantial and regulation is necessary to ensure they are accounted for

Lohmann’s principle of ‘frame overflow’ (2009) provides a useful metaphor to explain the

difficulties that the UK ESI has faced since privatisation. The government attempted to put

the ESI into a ‘market’ frame, but the ESI is inherently resistant to such framing for the

reasons outlined above, so it generated frame overflows (e.g. collusion, underinvestment).

The government has tried to get the overflow back ‘in frame’ by introducing new rules and

regulations (e.g. divestment of assets, vertical integration) but this very process has

inevitably generated more overflows – therefore re-framing is a never-ending process. In

this context the new regulations to encourage renewable generation are another attempt

at reframing due to an environmental overflow. This is the topic of the next section.

An objective assessment of privatisation must surely deliver the verdict that it simply

wasn’t worth all the effort (Dağdeviren, 2009); nonetheless it is surprising the extent to

which the ‘British Model’ has been championed worldwide (Joskow, 2008) (though it is

perhaps less surprising when one recalls that the neoliberal mantra is TINA: There Is No

Alternative). In the mid-1990s the World Bank and the European Commission played

leading roles in exporting the British Model to countries around the world, both developing

and developed. The World Bank in particular has often made utility privatisation a

prerequisite of aid packages, most notoriously under the guise of Structural Adjustment

Programmes (Stiglitz, 2002). The twin principles of privatisation and deregulation form the

very lifeblood of the neoliberal project, so it has been necessary to tout the British Model

as a ‘success’ in the face of all evidence, as an act of ‘paradigm maintenance’ (Wade, 1996).

While the spread of the ‘British Model’ is a story of its own, suffice to say that when

applying the template to developing countries the results have tended to be far more

devastating than in the UK. This was an entirely predictable outcome given that such

countries generally have much weaker regulatory regimes (Dağdeviren, 2007) . Developed

countries, in contrast, are better able to resist and nations such as France, Germany and

Japan have effective control their ESIs even if there has been a degree of deregulation.

In the last decade the focus of energy policy has shifted from competition and markets to

cutting carbon emissions. I will now consider how government policy has influenced the

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deployment of renewable energy sources. As we shall see, despite the notably ‘collectivist’

context (saving the planet), governments will always find a role for the market.

1.8 Renewables Investment

In the last decade successive British governments have pledged to various CO2 emission

reduction targets in an attempt to halt climate change. The Climate Change Act 2008 set a

legally-binding target of at least 80% cut in emissions by 2050 (against a 1990 baseline).

Compared to other sectors of the economy it is relatively straightforward to decarbonise

the ESI so it is expected to make a large contribution to the cuts. The EU Renewable

Directive 2009 set the “20 20 20” target that by 2020, renewable energy (RE) will source

20% of total energy consumption (15% in the UK’s case). This amounts to RE making up

some 40% of the UK electricity supply within the next 10 years (European Parliament and

the Council of the European Union, 2009).

The fundamental difficulty with RE - which must eventually be confronted by governments

- is that renewables are more expensive than conventional generation. (Economists have

clever ways of proving that actually they are cheaper if you take into account the

environmental benefits, but there is no escaping the impact on the bottom line.) In a

nationalised industry this would not present a problem: the state would just build the

things and pass the extra costs onto the consumer. But in a competitive market, a RE

generator has to be sure that a supplier will buy their expensive electricity; and a supplier

has to be sure that its competitors will also endure higher costs, or else it will lose market

share. Given that the ESI is inherently conservative in nature, it clearly needs a big incentive

to undertake investment in RE. (I should note at this point that in northern Europe,

‘renewable energy’ essentially means ‘wind energy’ – although sometimes one includes

nuclear too.)

In response, governments throughout the EU have introduced a raft of taxes, trading

schemes, tariffs and incentives to “send the correct price signals” to the market. Two

schemes have been most influential – Renewable Energy Feed-In Tariffs (REFITs) and

Tradable Green Certificates (TGCs).

REFITs simply give RE a guaranteed price in the wholesale electricity market; this price may

be fixed or may be pegged at a certain rate above the basic wholesale price. Energy

suppliers are forced to buy RE at this price whenever it becomes available (though the

precise rules vary). The benefit of this system (besides its simplicity) is that by guaranteeing

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a fixed return in investment it eliminates capital risk - which is very important for

speculative new technologies (where even the perception of risk can push up the cost of

finance beyond what is affordable).

Because the government sets the tariff level, the REFIT affords the state a great deal of

control over the deployment of RE. While some see this as an advantage, others see it as a

weakness. Since the price has not been set by the market, it is not efficient i.e. the price

does not represent the marginal cost of generation, therefore REFITs in theory enable RE

generators to make profits at the expense of consumers. TGCs are mooted as a solution to

this problem. Under this scheme, RE generators are given certificates (TGCs) for the energy

they supply to the grid and suppliers are obligated to purchase a certain number of TGCs

per year. This sets up a separate market for RE on top of the normal electricity market and,

so the argument goes, that leads to efficient market outcomes (though at the cost of the

state surrendering control). In fact, some have argued that the above logic is flawed and

the TGC is no more efficient than the REFIT. As the EC commented in 2005, “both

instruments are equally market-based in that the regulatory body sets either the price or

the quantity and leaves the determination of the other to the market” (Commission of the

European Communities, 2005).

1.9 UK Policy

Almost every state in the EU has chosen one of the above two mechanisms, or some hybrid

of the two. It is interesting to note that the choice of policy appears to have been strongly

influenced by the ideological disposition of the state. The UK’s first announcement of RE

policy arrived in 1999 after years of political wrangling; unsurprisingly, given their

neoliberal bent, the New Labour government opted for a variant on TGCs, the Renewables

Obligation (RO), which was formally implemented in 2002 (Toke & Lauber, 2007). It will be

instructive to trace UK RE policy and compare the outcomes to those of other EU nations.

The RO policy set an obligation on suppliers to purchase Renewable Obligation Certificates

(ROCs) from RE generators equal to 10% of output by 2010, 15% by 2015 and 20% by 2020.

The alternative was to pay a ‘buy-out’ price of £30/MWh. Normally this would act as a cap

on the market price of ROCs, but there was an extra twist: the fines were recycled back to

the owners of ROCs so that the value of each ROC increases in proportion to the ROC

shortfall. Moreover, by design there was always at least 10% fewer ROCs available than

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necessary for suppliers to meet their obligations. The net result of this is that the ROC price

had a price floor of £30 (Toke, 2010).

At the time there were complaints that the buy-out was too low to stimulate investment in

large scale wind, especially offshore wind, and yet too generous to other better-established

technologies. There were arguments that ROCs be ‘banded’ so that, for example, offshore

wind ROCs would be worth more than hydroelectric ROCs. The government defended its

position by stating that “it is no longer Government’s job to pick winners... the future role

of [Government] will be one of action but not direct intervention” (Department of Trade

and Industry, 2007).

It soon became clear that investment was indeed being directed away from large-scale

offshore wind projects and into small-scale onshore wind and landfill gas projects – indeed

landfill gas accounted for 44% of all ROCs issued between 2002 and 2005 – and it appeared

that the UK was set to miss its 2010 RE targets. Table 1.1 shows the volumes and ‘worth’ of

ROCs over time, indicating that by 2006 RE generation was at barely two thirds the target

amount. A 2006 government review paradoxically concluded that “the Obligation is

operating largely as anticipated” and therefore needed “amending”: the conclusion was

that the RO was to be banded after all (OFGEM, 2006). Thereafter the rules were changed

so that (e.g.) offshore wind was awarded 2 ROCs per MWh whereas landfill gas received

only 0.5 – an amendment that was labelled a “quasi-feed-in-tariff” by an irate British Wind

Energy Association (2009).

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Year Obligation (MWh) Issued

(MWh)

% met Buyout/ROC

(£)

Worth

(£)

2002 8,393,972.00 4,973,091.00 59.2 15.9 45.9

2003 12,387,720.00 6,914,524.00 55.8 22.9 53.4

2004 14,315,784.00 9,971,851.00 69.7 13.7 45.1

2005 16,175,906.00 12,232,153.00 75.6 10.2 42.5

2006 19,390,016.00 12,868,408.00 66.4 16.0 49.3

2007 22,857,584.00 14,562,876.00 63.7 18.7 53.0

2008 25,944,763.00 16,813,731.00 64.8 18.6 54.4

2009 26,971,916.00 18,747,129.00 69.5 15.2 52.4

While this move did stimulate further investment in offshore wind, it was clear by now that

the RO was in any case forcing consumers to overpay massively for RE. The average auction

price for ROCs from 2002 to present was between £40 and £50 (e-ROC, 2011) which would

boost the revenue of onshore wind by at least 100%. That represents a huge premium for a

technology thought to be only around a third more expensive than CCGT (see section 2.3).

What’s more, the price of ROCs was not coming down over time as had been anticipated

(see Table 1.1). By the middle of the decade there was very good evidence that REFIT

systems, despite their alleged inefficiency, were achieving higher RE penetration at a lower

cost. Initially the EC were very pro-TGC schemes (Commission of the European

Communities, 1999) – by 2005 their own data was showing that (for wind) the countries

with TGC schemes were the least efficient and had the worst penetration rates - with the

UK the worst performer of all (see figure 1.2). They put this down to “higher risk premium

requested by investors, the administrative costs and the still immature green certificate

market” (Commission of the European Communities, 2005) page no).

Table 1.1 Value of ROCs 2002-2009 Source: Ofgem (2007, 2011)

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1.10 Electricity Market Reform

It seems probable that OFGEM’s continued promotion of markets at all costs – even

thoroughly dysfunctional ones – has imposed huge net costs on consumers. However when

even the World Bank is (supposedly) rethinking its position (Thomas, 2006b) there is reason

to think that the healing has begun. In 2010 the Energy Minister Mike O’Brien stated that

“in order to ensure that we were able to make an energy revolution ... we had to get

OFGEM to stop being so pedantically market driven” (quoted in (Toke, 2011)) and the

regulator has become notably more interventionist in recent years. The latest White Paper,

entitled Energy Market Reform, was released by DECC in July 2011 (Department of Energy

and Climate Change, July 2011). As the title hints, it calls for a rethink of RE policy. Among

its proposals are: phasing out the RO; replacing it with ‘contracts for differences’ feed-in-

tariffs (CfD FITs);a carbon price floor; an emissions standard; capacity payments.

The mechanism for capacity payments has yet to be announced but will be geared towards

keeping the lights on rather than encouraging RE investment. The emissions can basically

be thought of as a ban on new coal-fired (but not gas-fired) plant. From the point of view of

RE, CfD FITs represent the most significant change. From 2014 RE generators will be able to

sign long-term contracts with an as-yet unspecified counterparty (possibly the government)

Fig 1.2 Price support and costs for wind power by country From Commission of the European Communities, 2005

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to pay them a fixed price per MWh, the ‘strike’ price. The energy will still be sold on the

wholesale market – at the market price - but the counterparty will make up the difference

to the strike price. The logic is that this will guarantee a return on investment, thereby

reducing the risk-premium for RE developers, without distorting the rest of the market.

Many details are still to be settled, however, most notably the level of the strike price.

There are also concerns that the liquidity of the wholesale market is too low to deliver a

stable price, as is necessary for such a mechanism. OFGEM is conducting a separate review

on how to increase liquidity in the wholesale markets (OFGEM, 2010).

The carbon price floor is designed to reduce uncertainty surrounding the EUETS carbon

price, which is notoriously volatile. The floor has been set at £16/tonne CO2 in 2012 rising

to £30/tonne by 2020 and £70/tonne by 2030. Though the price floor will increase the cost

of gas and (particularly) coal plants, it alone is unlikely to increase prices enough to support

RE (and it will in any case be nullified by CfD FITs). For this reason the price floor has been

widely interpreted as a subsidy for nuclear power: according to the treasury, the price floor

will results in the nuclear industry (read: EdF) benefitting by an average of £50m/year to

2030.

Industry reactions to the EMR have been mixed. Unsurprisingly EdF were delighted, stating

that “This is good news for customers, policy makers and investors” (EDF Energy, 2011),

whereas most environmental groups expressed disappointment. Greenpeace criticized the

EMR for lacking ambition and ignoring the structural problems of the industry, commenting

“there are six winners from today's white paper and millions of losers”. Overall the

response was muted with most commentators suspending judgement until further details

are released. This was typified by the Association of Electricity Producers who responded

that they had “some concerns” but that “there is a great deal of detail to be agreed before

all this takes effect.” (Carrington, 2011).

Undoubtedly the industry is right to be cautious; nonetheless it is certainly possible to

speculate on how the EMR will affect the ESI in the future. That topic forms the basis of the

remainder of this paper.

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Table 2.2 Electricity costs by source

Chapter Two: The Electricity Generation Industry

I will now begin the empirical part of the investigation, the eventual objective of which is to

create a simple model of electricity generation in the UK. From there I will attempt to

project into the future taking into account the UKs renewables policy as described in

section 1.10.

Why am I focussing on generation? Put simply, because it is ‘where the action is’; it is the

sector which accounts for most investment and the sector which is mooted to undergo a

‘green revolution’ (indeed in 2009 the Minister for Energy encouraged a roomful of

offshore wind developers to “imagine you are pin-striped revolutionaries in the spirit of

Che Guevara on the Sierra Madre” (quoted in (Toke, 2011)). This is in contrast with the rest

of the supply chain - essentially just the means by which electricity is delivered to the plug -

which will remain relatively static for the foreseeable future. However, we should not

overestimate the significance of generation to consumers (provided the lights don’t go

out): a recent Ofgem report reveals that on average consumers pay 13.4p/kWh or

£134/MWh for electricity (c.f. £39/KWh for gas) (Ofgem, 22 June 2011), of which

generation accounts for only 42% (see Table 2.1) (although we should expect this fraction

to increase in the future).

2.1 Model Outline

The model I will use is simple but still flexible enough to investigate a range of future

scenarios. It will be useful to outline it now, though I will elaborate in Section 3.1. My

guiding principle in this investigation is that the UK ESI is driven by cost – that the cost

Contribution £/MWh

Generation 56.25

Operating costs 16.25

VAT & other costs 52.5

Supplier Margin 8.75

Total 133.75

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determines which power plants get built in the first place and which plants are given

priority for dispatch (the so-called ‘merit order’). Suppose that one knows both the total

power required at a given moment in time and the costs of power generation for each

power plant on the grid. The model is a ‘ladder’ model: it will meet the power demand

simply by activating the plants one-by-one in ‘merit order’ (i.e. starting with the cheapest)

until the electricity demand is met. This will deliver the least-cost way of meeting electricity

demand for a given set of power plants. By adjusting various parameters – e.g. carbon

prices, fuel prices, fixed costs, electricity demand – one can then explore a number of

possible scenarios and speculate on what DECC likes to call Our Energy Future.

Clearly for such a model to be accurate it is crucial to get the costs right - therefore the first

step will be to gain an understanding the economics of the industry.

2.2 The Economics of Electricity Generation

Broadly speaking, the economics of the power industry are not that dissimilar to any other

industry: a product (electricity) is made a factory (power plant) and revenue is generated

through the sale of said product. The costs of plant can be broken down into capital

expenditure (CAPEX, the up-front costs) and operating expenditure (OPEX, the running

costs) (Berrie, 1983). The subtlety is that there are numerous plant types each with a

different balance of capex and opex making them suitable for different roles within the ESI.

Roughly speaking, if you were to build a plant tomorrow your choice would be between an

expensive machine with cheap fuel or a cheap machine with expensive fuel. The former

includes renewables such as nuclear, wind, solar and tidal. The latter includes fossil-fuel

burning plants such as coal, CCGT, OCGT, diesel and gas CHP. A brief profile of the most

common plant types is given in Appendix A.

For any new plant, the main contributor to the capex is Engineering, Procurement and

Construction (EPC): the actual building of the structure. To this we add related costs such as

ancillary equipment, land purchase, planning, legal fees and network connection. Arguably

we should include decommissioning costs, though these occur at the end of plant lifespan.

Since all these costs are ‘one-offs’ it is possible to subsume capex into a single

representative figure for each type of plant, commonly quoted in £/kW capacity (this

assumes that economies of scale are already taken into account). It is important to note,

however, that capex is an inherently uncertain metric and cost escalations are common.

Commodity prices have shot up in the past few years to the extent that the real capex of a

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coal or nuclear plant has more than doubled. It remains to be seen whether this price shift

is permanent.

Opex can be broken down into costs that are constant year-on-year (fixed costs) and costs

that vary depending upon mode of operation (variable costs). The main drivers of fixed

costs are labour, business rates, insurance, network charges and financing. The main

variable costs are fuel purchase, carbon taxes, fuel disposal and handling of by-products.

The distinction between fixed and variable costs is not always clear; maintenance will have

both a fixed and variable components. The fixed opex can be subsumed into a headline

figure similarly to capex – it quoted in £/KW/year. The variable opex can be quoted in

£/MWh. This figure is particularly important as it is the marginal cost (MC) of electricity for

a given plant. I will discuss the implications of this figure later in this section.

Assuming that for a given plant one can calculate these three figures – capex, fixed opex,

variable opex – with reasonable accuracy, how can we combine them into a single

indicative “cost of electricity generation”? The standard way to do so is to introduce the

Levelised Cost (LC). The LC can be thought of as the (constant) price at which a generator

would have to sell electricity if it were to exactly break even on its complete lifetime

investment. It is defined as the net present value of all costs (in £s) divided by the net

present value of energy generated (in MWhs). It is calculated by summing the expected

costs for each year for the lifetime of the plant, applying a discount rate to each year’s

costs, summing the discounted costs across all years and dividing by discounted lifetime

energy generated to end up with a levelised cost of electricity in £/MWh. Expressed

algebraically,

where T is the lifespan of the plant, Ct, Ft and Vt are the capex, fixed opex and variable opex

in year t, K is the plant capacity, r is the discount rate and Et is energy generated in year t.

The LC provides a common metric against which one can compare power plants with wildly

different cost structures - e.g. heavily front-loaded investment versus uniform investment.

However it does not necessarily denote a lower bound on the price which the plant will sell

electricity for – that is the MC. To elaborate: suppose that a nuclear power plant has a LC of

£50/MWh, but this is mostly due to very high up-front capital costs. The cost of actually

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operating the plant, including fuel - the MC - is just £15/MWh (uranium is cheap). Now

suppose that due an excess of cheap CCGT, the wholesale price of electricity is £35/MWh.

Should the nuclear plant operate? Clearly it should – at the moment it is losing (LC – MC) =

£35 every hour for every MW of capacity, just in capital and fixed costs (so a 1000 MW

plant will be losing £35,000/hour). If it generates at full capacity it is now losing (LC – MC +

MC – price) = £15 per MW capacity per hour – so it is better off generating even if it is still

losing money. Therefore we should not expect the LC to necessarily reflect the sale price

that any given plant achieves.

It is worth noting that this situation in itself is not that different to any other market: if I

manufacture a trinket for £30 but the market price is £20, I’m still better off selling it and

taking a £10 loss rather than not and losing £30. If this continued for long in a free market, I

would go bust and the world would be better off. But remember that the power supply is

unique: it must never fail and it cannot be stored. Therefore it is always necessary to have

excess capacity in the system, so even non-profit-making plants cannot be allowed to close.

This is in fact precisely what happened in the British Energy debacle (section 1.6), resulting

in a £10bn public bailout. It does appear that there is a fundamental contradiction between

free electricity markets and the need for capacity. At the moment the UK’s oligopolistic

market is just about ‘unfree’ enough to deliver stability in that regard (the integrated

suppliers essentially subsidise their own unprofitable peaking plant), but as mentioned in

section 1.10, DECC have recently acknowledged the need to introduce a new capacity

mechanism to address this.

2.3 Levelised Cost Model

Let us look more closely at formula (1). Though it is by no means simple, behind the

symbols hides considerable further complexity. The lifespan of a plant can be anything

from 15 to 50 years – the levelised cost calls for one to know or calculate the opex and

energy output for every year in that time (capex is less problematic since it is heavily front-

loaded). This may require, for example, predicting the price of fuel 20 years hence -

including carbon taxes. Et is a function of plant load therefore depends upon the total

energy demand, generation mix and merit order of the plant in the tth year. In the future

there may be technical advances, government interventions or changes in market structure

which could work in favour of or against any particular plant. Moreover the results are

sensitive to the discount rate, but discount rate does not have a well-defined value, rather

it requires some hybrid of financial and political judgement (low discount rates imply we

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‘care’ more about the future and favours front-loaded investment; conversely high

discount rates favour uniform or tail-loaded investment).

Nonetheless it will be very useful to calculate approximate LC values to use as a basis for

ascribing prices to technologies in the grid model. Rather than try to account for all of these

details explicitly, my approach was to reconstruct the model used in a Mott MacDonald in a

recent study for the UK government (Mott MacDonald, June 2010). The LC model works

according the principles outlined above: taking each technology in turn, one inputs a host

of parameters such as lifespan, efficiency, construction time, EPC cost – around 40 in all –

and the model calculates the costs for each year of operation broken down by capex, opex,

fuel and carbon costs. A sample list of parameters – for the base CCGT case – are

reproduced in Table 2.2. It also calculates total energy generated per year. Each cost was

discounted by the appropriate amount and then summed over all years and divided by

summed discounted output to give the LC.

My objective was firstly to program my own version of the model in MATLAB and use the

supplied parameters to replicate the results; secondly to adjust the parameters to explore a

range of different scenarios. Unfortunately the paper does not disclose the Mott

MacDonald model in enough detail for the results to be replicated with perfect accuracy;

however I was able to reverse-engineer a model that produced results within 1-2 % of the

original findings, which is good enough for our purposes. From this point on all references

to the LC model will refer to my own.

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CCGT Parameter Unit Value

Timings Pre-develop period years 2

Construction period years 2.5

Plant Lifespan years 30

Operational Gross power MW 830

Parameters Gross Efficiency % 59

Ave Degradation % 3.5

Ave Availability % 91.2

Ave Load Factor % 90

Aux Power % 2.3

CO2 Removal % 0

Capex Pre-license costs £/kw 25

Pre-license costs £m 20.8

Reg/license/enquiry £/kw 25

Reg/license/enquiry £m 20.8

EPC £/kw 656.3

EPC £m 544.7

Infrastructure £/kw 12

Infrastructure £m 10

Dev as share of EPC % 7.6

Total CAPEX £/kw 718.3

Opex O&M fixed £/MW/year 15000

O&M fixed £m/year 12.5

O&M variable £/MWh 2.2

O&M variable £m/year 13.1

Total O&M £m/year 25.6

Insurance £/MW/year 5000

Insurance £m/year 4.2

Connection/UoS £/MW/year 6000

Connection/UoS £m/year 5

CO2 trans storage £/MWh 0

CO2 trans storage £m/year 0

Total fixed/year £/MW/year 26000

Total Opex £m/year 34.7

Table 2.2 Example Input Parameters for Levelised Cost model Taken from Mott MacDonald June 2010 Note not all parameters are shown e.g. Carbon price, Load Profile

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The central results from the LC model are shown in Figure 2.1, split into fixed and variable

costs (including a carbon tax). We can have reasonable confidence in these results as they

are in agreement not only with the original paper but with other similar studies, for

example (UK Energy Research Centre (UKERC), 2007), (Arup, 2011), (PB Power, 2004).

One can see that offshore wind in particular is very expensive relative to traditional

technologies, although onshore wind is roughly competitive. We can also see, for example,

that with this modelled carbon price CCS (carbon capture and storage) is actually more

expensive to install than the savings it would deliver. I will discuss the findings further at

the modelling stage, but for now it is important to note, however, that these are LCs for

new-build plants and since EPC costs have spiked in recent years they very likely

overestimate the LC of any existing plant and it would be unwise to rely uniquely on

modelled LCs to determine ESI pricings. And, of course, LCs tell us little about how power

0.0

50.0

100.0

150.0

200.0

250.0

Var Costs

Fixed Costs

Fig 2.1 Levelised Cost model indicative results by technology

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35

plants are actually utilised on a day to day basis. To draw a more complete picture of the

industry, it will be necessary to analyse real-world data.

2.4 The Grid Today

This brings us to our next section, a close look at how the various generation assets are

operated and traded in today’s ESI - information which will be invaluable when formulating

the grid model. I found that when attempting such an analysis one hits an immediate

roadblock - since most intimate dealings within the ESI (i.e. who buys what from whom for

how much) are now ‘trade secrets’, it is very resistant to outside scrutiny. Indeed just

working out ‘who owns what’ is non-trivial since assets change hands frequently.

Much of the time I have relied upon government reports and independent analyses - the

Digest of UK Energy Statistics (DUKES) proved particularly useful (though the 2010 data was

not published until early August (MacLeay et al., 2011)). However my main source has been

the mass of raw data available on the website www.bmreports.com, from where it is

possible to download data relating to each Balancing Mechanism Unit (BMU) in the UK

going back several years in half-hour intervals. (A Balancing Mechanism Unit is National

Grid’s term for any piece of infrastructure which puts power into or takes power out of the

grid – here I use it to refer to any generation asset i.e. one that puts power into the grid.)

The main dataset of interest was the power output of each BMU at a given moment in

time, known as the Final Physical Notification (FPN). I was also interested in a sister

dataset, the Maximum Export Limit (MEL). The MEL is the maximum power that a BMU is

capable of generating in a given time period, and by comparison with the actual output

(FPN), allows one to calculate the load factor of the BMU. One might expect the MEL to be

a constant equal to the capacity of the power plant, and much of the time it is, but there

are plenty of occasions when a BMU might not be able to operate at maximum capacity,

for example due to planned maintenance. Finally, I was interested in the full results of the

balancing mechanism- which means the Net Imbalance Volume (NIV) and all the offers and

bids put in by each BMU to increase or decrease their output to meet the NIV. This data

can be used to infer the marginal cost of generation for each BMU (with caveats).

I decided that my data range would be the entirety of 2010, which amounts to some

365*48 = 17520 settlement periods. In terms of sheer quantity of data this is perhaps

overkill, but any shorter time period would risk missing out seasonal variations.

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2.5 FPN and MEL Data

The bmreports website, administered by National Grid subsidiary Elexon, allows one to

download raw system data via the TIBCO relay service. TIBCO relay data is released daily in

the form of a ~50Mb comma separated value (CSV) text file. Buried within this file is the

FPN, MEL and balancing mechanism information for each BMU for each settlement period.

Helpfully the website also pre-extracts the FPN and MEL data from the relay file ready for

download. The date and data type are specified entirely within the URL – for example to

download FPN data for 1st January 2010, one queries the following URL:

http://www.bmreports.com/tibcodata/2010-01-01/tib_messages_FPN.2010-01-

01.gz

The format of the URL lends itself to scripting. To obtain the data for all of 2010 I wrote a

script which generates each date of the year in turn, downloads from the corresponding

URL and extracts the file, resulting in 365 CSV files for each data type (FPN and MEL).

The FPN and MEL data were in the same format. A sample of raw FPN data (to which I have

added headers) is shown in Table 2.3:

Data

Type

BMU Settlement

Period

Start Date/Time Output End Date/Time Output

PN T_DRAXX-1 3 20100101010000 645 20100101013000 645

PN T_DRAXX-2 3 20100101010000 645 20100101010100 635

PN T_DRAXX-2 3 20100101010100 635 20100101010200 631

PN T_DRAXX-2 3 20100101010200 631 20100101013000 631

Taking the columns in turn-

Data Type: PN stands for Physical Notification

BMU: indentifies the balancing mechanism unit via a unique ID. Here the data

refers to Drax Power Station units one and two. Some large power stations, such as

Drax, have multiple turbines which can be operated independently; hence they

have more than one BMU (Drax in fact has nine).

Table 2.3 Sample FPN

data

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37

Settlement period: tells us which half-hour period the data concerns. ‘3’ refers to

the third half-hour period of the day i.e. 01:00 – 01:30.

Start Date/Time: The start date and time of this particular relay entry – a numerical

string in the format yyyymmddhhmm

Output: The MW output from the BMU at the start time

End Date/Time: the end date and time of the entry

Output: The MW output at the end time

It is good practise that each BMU reports its output at the start and the end of each

settlement period regardless of whether its output changes in that time. If a particular

entry gives different start and end outputs (i.e. if output changes), one assumes a constant

rate of change between the two times. If there is a gap in the time series one linearly

interprets between known data points.

The full interpretation of Table 2.3 is that on the 1st Jan 2010, Drax unit 1 output 645MW

continuously between 01:00 and 01:30 whereas Drax unit 2 output went from 645MW at

01:00 to 635 MW at 01:01 to 631 MW at 01:02, where it stayed until 01:30. This is shown

schematically in Fig X. MEL data would be interpreted in the same way except that it would

represent the maximum power that a BMU was capable of outputting as opposed to the

power actually output. This could plausibly be constrained by fuel or staffing availability,

maintenance, planned and unplanned downtime or other circumstances.

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38

A number of steps were required to put the data into a usable form. I wrote a series of

scripts to perform the following operations:

Scan each day’s data into MATLAB

Output the data from each individual settlement period into its own .mat file

Download a list of all generator BMUs from the bmreports website and scan into

MATLAB

Take each BMU from the list in turn, search each of the 17520 settlement period

files for the corresponding BMU entry and collate the data for each BMU into a

new output file

The net result was a file for each generator BMU (266 in number) containing the FPNs for

the whole year – in other words a complete record of the power generated by each power

station in the country. Similar data was aggregated for the BMU MELs.

Having so processed the data, a degree of cleaning was necessary. There are a number of

ways that the data for a given BMU can be inconsistent:

1) Consecutive records show a discontinuity of output

2) Two records overlap in time but with the same output

3) Two records overlap in time with different outputs

4) Data ‘missing’ i.e. a temporal gap

Fig 2.2 Interpreted FPN data Numbers indicate corresponding row entry in Table 2.3

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39

All these inconsistencies were indeed found to occur with various frequencies. I opted for

the following solutions:

1) The second record is assumed to take precedence. The first record is shortened to

achieve consistency with the second

2) As in 1), the first record is shortened. This leaves us with a situation as in 3)

3) No change. It is assumed that the BMU changes its output ‘very quickly’ in a way

that I will not attempt to quantify

4) A third record is created which interpolates across the gap

The inconsistencies and their solutions are shown schematically in Fig 2.3. A series of

scripts were run to carry out the modifications to the data for both FPNs and MELs.

2.6 Balancing Mechanism Data

The BM data is a little different. There are a large number of bids and offers that are put in

for each settlement period, but a quick perusal of the data shows that many of them are

not ‘competitive’. That is, since it costs nothing to make a bid/offer, BMUs often place

unrealistic ones on the off chance that they get accepted due to some miscalculation or

system failure. (This has happened on a handful of occasions, most famously on 10th Dec

2002 when two large power plants failed at short notice causing the marginal system buy

price to ‘top out’ at £9,999/MWh (ERI, 2004).)

Fig 2.3 Interpolation rules – see text

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The uncompetitive bids/offers are not particularly relevant to my work, so to simplify

things I opted to download just the bids and offers ‘selected’ by the TSO. In effect this

means just the cheapest 10-20 such bids and offers, depending upon the imbalance

volume. To download such data one queries the ‘soapserver’ via the following URL:

http://www.bmreports.com/bsp/additional/soapfunctions.php?output=CSV&dT=YYY

Y-MM-DD&SP=#N&element=DETSYSPRICE&submit=Invoke

replacing YYYY-MM-DD with the date and #N with the settlement period of interest. A

script was written to cycle through the 17520 different datasets. The format of the datasets

is a little more complicated but an edited snapshot is reproduced in Table 2.4 (once again

with my own headers).

Bid/Offer Date SP Index BMU ID Offer

Price

Offer

Volume

Imbalance

Volume

BID 20100101 2 1 T_RATS-4 24.7 -0.283 0

BID 20100101 2 2 T_RATS-3 24.65 -0.283 0

OFFER 20100101 2 1 T_CDCL-1 35 2.15 2.15

OFFER 20100101 2 2 T_COSO-1 36.58 87.5 87.5

Bid/Offer: Indicates whether it is a bid (to reduce a BMU’s output) or an offer (to

increase output)

Date: in the format YYYYMMDD

SP: Settlement period number

Index: The merit order of the bid/offer in the ‘stack’. i.e. if the system is ‘short’

(undersupplied) then the TSO will accept offers in order of their index, whereas if it

is ‘long’ the TSO will accept bids in index order. The index is found by sorting the

bids and offers in ascending price order

BMU ID: As before. Here the bids come from Ratcliffe-on-Soar coal-fired plant units

4 and 3. The offers come from Cottam Development Centre CCGT plant and

Coryton CCGT plant

Offer price: The price the plant will pay (per MWh) to decrease (bid) or increase

(offer) their power output. It may seem strange that a plant would pay to reduce

Table 2.4 Sample BMU data

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41

their output – but if they have already contracted that power for (say) £30/MWh

then it makes sense to pay £24 to lower output and pocket the difference

Offer Volume: Offer/bid volume in MWh. Since it is for a half-hour period, double

this to work out the actual MW output

Imbalance Volume: The volume that was ‘accepted’ i.e. did in fact end up getting

used. This information is calculated retroactively once metering is completed. In

this case the system turned out to be ‘short’ so the bids went unused and the two

offers were contracted for their full respective volumes (if they had been lower in

the ‘stack’ they may have had a smaller – or indeed zero – volume accepted).

Once the imbalance volumes have been measured, the SBP (if short) or SSP (if long) is

calculated by

where Pi is the ith offer price and Vi is the ith imbalance volume.

The BM data was analysed in much the same way as the FPN and MEL data to produce a

separate file for each BMU detailing all the offers and bids it made during 2010. Each entry

that was ultimately accepted by the system operator was flagged.

I also undertook a statistical analysis of the BM data for each SP, calculating the maximum,

minimum, mean, median and standard deviation for each set of bids and offers, performing

separate calculations for the set of all bids/offers and the subset of only those which were

accepted.

To summarise then, my main data sets are FPNs, MELs and BM bids and offers for every

generator BMU on National Grid’s system from 1st Jan 2010 to 31st Dec 2010. How

representative is this dataset? It is important to note that all data comes from the BM, and

that not every power source is a participant. There are many small power sources (for

example, local CHP or wind power schemes) which are either not connected to the grid or

are ‘too small’ to be significant for system balancing. However the vast majority of larger

plants are participants, including every plant of capacity greater than 50MW. It is probably

fair to say that no one knows exactly how much generation capacity there is in the UK - the

2011 DUKES attempts to identify every generator over 1 MW capacity and lists a total of

370 plants with a total capacity of 85GW. Of that, the BM accounts for 80GW with just 114

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42

plants (266 BMUs), showing that the vast majority of UK capacity is concentrated within the

subset for which I possess data.

I was also able to check the data against the NG Total Gross System Demand (TGSD) data,

which is declared separately. TGSD is simply the sum of power output of every station

connected to the grid and is reported for each settlement period. I calculated the sum of all

BMU FPNs and compared them with the TGSD for each settlement period and found that

they differed by an average of 1.3GW or about 3.5%. Since the FPNs are issued before final

load balancing (via the BM), this is more or less what we would expect. Therefore from

here on I shall assume that the dataset is ‘complete’ even if that is not strictly the case.

For comparison, Fig 2.4 shows the two demands shown side by side for a typical week in

March (chosen at random). Interestingly we can see that the BMU FPNs tend to

overestimate peak demand and underestimate trough demand – this may be due to the

effect of the French interconnect which tends to import at the former and export at the

latter time (thereby requiring the BMUs to lower and increase their output respectively).

Fig 2.4 TGSD data (red) and FPN data (blue)

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2.7 Generation Mix

After cleaning the data, each BMU was assigned a fuel type from the categories of Coal,

CCGT, OGCT, Nuclear, Hydroelectric, Pumped Storage, Wind and Oil, allowing similar BMUs

to be grouped together. I also assigned the ownership of each BMU from the options of

Centrica, EdF, EoN, SSE, Iberdrola, RWE and Independent.

Two particularly important plant statistics are the load factor (current power output as a

fraction of possible output) and availability (possible output as a fraction of rated capacity).

A high load means a plant is being well-utilised; a high availability means a plant is very

reliable. I was able to calculate the load for each power-plant at each moment in time by

dividing each FPN entry by its corresponding MEL entry. I calculated the BMU availability at

each moment in time by dividing the MEL by the maximum MEL reported during the year.

I was now in a position to answer a very wide range of queries. Average CCGT BMU size?

514MW. Average load factor for coal plants? 58%. Correlation coefficient between BMU

capacity and load factor? 0.19. Hours of downtime for Drax turbine 1? 91. Hours of

operation for Pembroke power station? Zero (it isn’t built yet).

Obviously there are a huge number of angles from which one could attack the dataset, so it

is worth outlining my objectives in a little more detail. The overall aim is to ascertain the

merit order of plant in the UK. In the Section 2.2 it was explained that the costs of

generating electricity can be roughly broken down into fixed and variable costs. The

variable costs are equal to the marginal costs of production (MC) and (I argued) it is this

value that should determine the merit order of dispatch.

If there was a strict merit order by plant type – e.g. Nuclear < CCGT < Coal < Hydro < OCGT

– then one would expect the load factors to be something like this: Nuclear 100%, CCGT

100%, Coal 45%, Hydro 0%, OCGT 0% i.e. certain plant types would never get used as they

would be too low down the merit order. In reality, as any economist will tell you, MC

curves are not flat- particularly in this case where each plant type is made up of many

different plants each with their own characteristics. One would expect the curves from

plants types to overlap such that it might be cheaper e.g to increase Coal load from 0% to

10% rather than increase CCGT load from 80% to 90%.

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Fig 2.5 shows the load factors for each plant type throughout 2010, calculated as 4-week

moving averages. This allows one to follow the seasonal changes in demand while ignoring

the short-term variations that depend on time-of-day and day-of-week. The dotted line

shows the moving average of power demand, normalised by dividing by the mean demand

for the year; it indicates how the total load varies within a year.

The graph allows us to comment on the overall merit order. Taking each plant type in turn:

Nuclear: consistently operated at full load irrespective of other factors, implying that it is

top of the merit order. This agrees with what we know about nuclear i.e. that it has very

high capital costs and low marginal costs.

Coal: operates at between 40% and 85% and appears to follow the shape of the normalised

demand curve. This implies that most of the time coal is the ‘marginal’ plant in the merit

order.

OCGT and Oil: practically zero load throughout the year. This is because they are right at

the bottom of the merit order and are only used as ‘peaking’ plant at times of exceptional

demand.

Wind: achieves average loads of between 20% and 40%, but the output fluctuates wildly

and at random. No surprises there – wind of course is not dispatchable and indeed is

notoriously unpredictable, and the grid must absorb it whenever it is available. The results

Fig 2.5 Load factors by plant 2010

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are in line with other studies of wind which shows that you can expect an average capacity

factor of roughly 30% (depending upon location).

Hydro: appears to be closely correlated with wind. Here then is proof that when it is windy,

it is rainy! Though hydro plants have a limited ability to choose when to dispatch power

over the course of the day/week, those variations are not visible on the graph so it appears

to follow the load of wind. In fact if you look closely you can see that hydro load seems to

lag behind wind by a few days; this could be evidence that the hydro plants wait a little

before choosing the optimum time to empty their reservoirs.

CCGT: a flattish load curve implying that it is not strongly influenced by total demand.

However it does not operate at close to maximum, rather between about 60% and 75% - it

appears that the majority of CCGT operates at baseload (always-on) but the rest is rarely

used. The reasons for this are a little more complicated. A plausible explanation is that a lot

of CCGT is still tied to long-term baseload contracts dating from the mid-1990s (see Section

1.5) and otherwise would be lower down the merit-order than coal plant. This is supported

by the fact that the fuel cost of coal is currently much lower than gas so one would expect

the MC of coal power to be lower than that of CCGT (IMF, 2011).

Figure 2.6 shows the data in a slightly different way, breaking down average load factors

for each plant type by time of day. The data is shown in 3-month blocks to allow seasonal

comparisons. The dotted line shows the system load profile. One can see that system load

shares many features across all seasons: a low load at night, a peak in the morning, a slight

tailing off and plateau followed by a second peak in the evening. The chief difference

between seasons (besides the absolute magnitude of output) is in the relative prominence

of the peaks and the plateau.

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46

Here the differences in load profiles between plant types are starker. Nuclear and wind are

flat; hydro shows very pronounced peaks coinciding with demand peaks, indicating that

dispatch is being controlled to maximise profit; oil and OCGT are again barely visible. CCGT

load looks like a more ‘flattened’ version of the system load, whereas Coal follows the

system load in an exaggerated fashion. While there are many more features which one

could comment upon, the important point is that the data presented in this way basically

supports the conclusions made above.

2.8 Prices

So what can we say about that actual prices that suppliers pay for wholesale electricity?

This part is tricky because of aforementioned ‘trade secrets’. In the vast majority of cases,

suppliers (i.e. the Big Six) buy their electricity ‘from themselves’ or else from IPPs through

long-term bilateral contracts. In each case the sale price is confidential.

There are spot and futures markets in electricity but liquidity is very low. I calculated that in

2010 the average trading volume per settlement period was just 554MWh or roughly 3% of

all electricity (in a healthy market this number would be at least 200%). In such a situation

the spot prices are likely to be more volatile and probably systematically biased relative to

Fig 2.6 Load factors by plant, season

and settlement period, 2010

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47

the ‘true’ system price (since only ‘desperate’ firms participate). Moreover the actual bid

and offer prices are, once again, confidential: the exchange (AP ENDEX) only releases the

average price per settlement period, which is unhelpful for anyone trying to distinguish

between different power sources.

There are other snatches of information available. OFGEM issues occasional reports on

wholesale and retail prices (for example Table 2.1) and forces the Big Six to publish yearly

‘segmental accounts’ which purport to break down the costs of generation and supply (see

the next section) – though it seems to me that some of the numbers are dubious: does

Scottish Power really spend three times as much as Scottish and Southern to generate 1

MWh?

However our main source of pricing information remains the Balancing Mechanism bids

and offers. To reiterate: these are bids/offers that BMUs make every settlement period to

balance supply and demand - each entry consists of BMU ID, bid/offer volume, bid/offer

price and a flag (accepted/declined). In theory each bid/offer should represent the

marginal cost of electricity for each power plant at that moment in time. However the

dataset, while very large (10-20 entries for each of the 17520 settlement periods), was

never really supposed to ascertain the true marginal cost of electricity so should be used

with care. Firstly, not every BMU chooses to make bids and offers so it is an

unrepresentative (self-selecting) dataset. Secondly, the balancing mechanism only settles

relatively small volumes – in 2010 the average (absolute) NIV was just 294 MWh – and tells

us very little about the other 98% of generation. Finally there is the problem of bids/offers

themselves. Bids are always lower than offers, so which price best represents the marginal

cost of generation? Suppose that a power plant is on a long-term contract whereby it sells

electricity at its marginal cost of £30/MWh. It may then choose to use the BM to place an

offer of £35/MWh and a bid of £25/MWh and bag itself a £5/MWh profit if either is

accepted (otherwise it may as well not bother). So we expect that the ‘true’ marginal cost

for a plant actually lies somewhere between the average bid and average offer price.

With these caveats in mind, let us look at the data. Fig 2.7 shows the average lowest,

highest and mean accepted bids and offers for each settlement period. Unsurprisingly the

offer price profiles follow the load profile through the day, featuring the same twin-peaked

characteristics. The bid price profiles are very flat indicating that it is always relatively

cheap to lower ones electricity production. Note also that there is a consistent gap

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48

between the bid and offer prices. The mean offer is always at least £10/MWh above the

mean bid, rising to £40+/MWh during periods of peak demand.

Fig 2.8 is a little more complicated. It shows a plot of cumulative offer volume versus offer

price for each plant type, sorted ascending; the axes are logarithmic in order to show all

data at once. The bid data has much the same shape but with slightly lower prices overall.

There is no nuclear or wind data as they do not participate in the balancing mechanism. We

can make a few observations. The coal and CCGT curves are near-identical, suggesting they

have very similar costs – or alternatively that some sort of gaming behaviour is occurring,

given coal marginal costs are thought to be lower. The other plant types are priced in the

order predicted in the previous section. Every curve has a prominent ‘flick’ in its tail (even

on a logarithmic scale): these are indicative of speculative bids that were accepted at a

time when the grid was operating very close to full capacity; hence they are not ‘marginal’

offers, indeed they likely deliver windfall profits to generators.

Fig 2.9 shows a section of Fig 2.8 with linear scale allowing one to better make out the

gradient of CCGT and coal curves.

Fig 2.7 BMU prices plant and

settlement period, 2010

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49

Fig 2.8 BMU prices by cumulative volume and by plant, 2010. Log-log plot Fig 2.9 Detail of Fig 2.8, linear plot

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It is important to recognise that Figs 2.5 and 2.6 are not marginal cost curves – nonetheless

they obviously tell us something about electricity prices. Indicative statistics are shown in

Table 2.4. I shall use these results in the next section when choosing prices for the grid

model.

2.9 The Big Six

As a slight digression before moving on to the final section, it is worth looking briefly at

wholesale market structure. As mentioned in section 1.6, the ‘Big Six’ integrated suppliers

have achieved very dominant positions in the ESI, accounting for 70% of UK capacity and

99% of supply. I have summarised key corporate indicators for their UK and international

operations in Tables 2.5a and 2.5b. One can see that the UK-based companies are notably

smaller by asset base and it would not be surprising at some point to see them being

bought out or perhaps even merging. The other four are truly corporate behemoths - EdF is

the world’s largest utility.

Section 1.6 mentioned that the Big Six are currently under review for abusing their

oligopolistic market positions. There is clear evidence of this in the retail market where

high margins are indicative of market power, and NETA would seem to lend itself to abuse

Plant Min Mean Median Stand. Dev.

CCGT 27 60.7 57.5 19.5

Coal 30 61.9 58 21.2

Hydro 45 136.9 125 58.5

Pumped Storage 45 147.6 144 34.8

Oil 75 339.2 345 141.7

OCGT 180 277.7 270 41.5

Nuclear N/A

Wind N/A

Table 2.4 BMU Statistics by plant type

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at the wholesale end too. I was interested to see if the Big Six leverage their positions to

‘squeeze out’ IPPs.

Company

Generation

Capacity

(MW)

Gen

Revenue

(£m)

Gen

costs

(£m)

Gen

2010

(TWh)

Sales

2010

(TWh)

Gen Costs

(£/MWh)

Gen Margin

(£/MWh)

EdF 14087 3574 2433 71.6 63.6 49.92 15.94

E.on 10170 1575 1330 29.8 48.3 52.85 8.22

RWE 11751 733 392 32.6 49.8 22.48 10.46

Iberdrola 5889 1643.5 1233 26.9 23.1 61.10 15.26

SSE 9270 841 424 33 60 25.48 12.64

Centrica 4363 1075 893 22.8 45.1 47.15 7.98

Total 55530 9441.5 6705 216.7 289.9 43.57 12.63

Company Ownership

UK

revenue

(£m)

UK

profits

(£m)

Group

revenue

(£m)

Group

profits

(£bn)

Group

Assets

(£bn)

Market

Cap

(£bn)

EdF

French (85%

State) 5.36 -0.18 57.36 0.90 211.27 33.54

E.on German 4.48 0.21 81.75 5.15 133.80 24.82

RWE German 4.49 -0.09 46.94 2.91 81.87 12.06

Iberdrola Spanish 2.32 0.00 26.79 2.53 82.48 29.05

SSE UK 5.78 0.27 28.33 1.42 21.45 11.30

Centrica UK 4.63 0.23 22.40 1.30 19.28 14.91

One way to do this would be for the Big Six to put a downward pressure on wholesale

prices (while cross-subsidising their own wholesale businesses from retail), thus making

IPPs less profitable and therefore vulnerable to takeovers. The number of IPPs that have

Table 2.5a Big Six UK statistics

Table 2.5b Big Six Group statistics

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gone bankrupt and/or been bought out in the last decade suggests this may well have

occurred (c.f. the fate of British Energy, Section 1.6).

However in the absence of reliable wholesale prices, this behaviour is difficult to prove;

instead, I decided to look at plant utilisation. If, for example, it turned out that IPPs were

achieving lower average plant loads than the Big 6, that might be evidence that the Big 6

have a preference for using their own plant i.e. IPPs are getting ‘cut out’ of the market. To

that end, I calculated the average load for CCGT and coal plants owned by the Big Six and

IPPs respectively. The results (shown in Table 2.6) actually suggest the opposite – that IPPs

achieve considerably higher loads overall. Could this be evidence that the IPPs are super-

efficient, proof that market forces are working their magic? A more likely explanation is

that since IPPs are by nature financially precarious it is very important for them to achieve

a high utilisation. Whereas the Big Six can afford to ‘shop around’ for their wholesale

power, IPPs will to keep the turbines turning 'at any cost’ to bring in revenue. One would

expect this to result in lower per-MWh income for IPPs i.e. a ‘price squeeze’. However in

the absence of price data, this is just speculation.

It occurred to me that if IPPs are being squeezed, they might make a more aggressive effort

to exploit the BM to top-up their earnings. This would manifest itself as IPPs making a

disproportionately large number of offers and bids and taking a disproportionate amount

of BM revenue. However I found that IPPs accounted for 27% of BM bids/offers (by

volume) and took 27% of BM revenue, which is close proportion to their ~30% market

share.

Overall, then, the dataset gives evidence that IPPs and the Big Six do have different modes

of operation, but in the absence of detailed price information it is not possible to prove

abuse of market power.

Big6 IPPs

CCGT 0.43 0.60

Coal 0.35 0.60

Table 2.6 Load factors

by plant and owner

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Chapter Three: Grid Model

In this final chapter I develop a (relatively) simple model of electricity supply which enables

me to investigate various possible futures of the Grid. Whilst a fully realistic model would

be an unfeasibly immense undertaking, I believe that as long as I capture the key features

of the industry I can still contribute a useful analysis. Moreover, I am aware that this work

is not ‘original’ and many others have attacked the problem with far greater resources, for

example Poyry (2010); therefore I see the modelling in part as an intellectual exercise –

how far can you get with just a computer, a coffee machine and a deadline? However, I

believe that my method and results do offer some novelty, particularly in the final section.

3.1 Model Design

The model treats all UK power as originating from just 6 generalised sources: Nuclear,

CCGT, Coal, OCGT, Onshore Wind and Offshore Wind. Other sources are ignored as they

make up an insignificant fraction of generation (e.g. hydro) or are similar enough to be

subsumed into another source (e.g Oil). In outline, the model works as follows: Taking each

settlement period one-by-one and a given set of input parameters (in particular, the power

demand to be met), it generates a marginal cost curve of electricity. From this curve the

model estimates the order of dispatch, returning, amongst other things, the power output

and revenue for each type of power plant. From this one can calculate, for example,

average electricity cost, average plant loads, or total carbon emissions. By looping through

several days or weeks one can simulate the output and costs over a period of time. The

model is constructed so that every parameter can be specified at every point in the time

period – or just a handful of times, or just once. By changing the input parameters (for

example, the balance of nuclear and wind energy, or the cost of CCGT) one can explore a

range of hypothetical scenarios.

Costs are calculated separately for ‘baseload’ and ‘variable’ generation. For each plant type

one specifies the fraction that is ‘baseload’ and fraction that is ‘variable’; baseload

generation operates at a fixed price and output regardless of power demand or marginal

price. The power generated through baseload is subtracted from system demand before

the marginal cost curve is calculated, then ‘added back in’ when calculating that final

outcomes. For each plant I chose the cost/MWh assigned to baseload generation to be

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equal to the median cost of variable generation, or else (if there is no variable generation)

equal to coefficient c1 (see below).

3.2 Demand, Availability, Capacity

The demand profile is an important input. I used the profile from 2010 as the starting point.

The demand profile is then modified for future years by multiplying throughout by a

constant in proportion to the expected change in demand (which may be positive or

negative). This approach succeeds in changing overall demand while maintaining the same

generic shape for each year (important to capture daily, weekly and seasonal variations).

The plant capacity – the total possible output of a plant if it is fully functional – also draws

upon 2010 data as a starting point (see appendix A). By modifying the inputs one can map

alternative scenarios: for example one might wish to steadily increase the amount of wind

power and decrease coal as time progresses.

The availability – the fraction of plant which is operable at a given moment in time – can

arguably be ignored in some circumstances (i.e. simply set to 100%, or 85% or some other

constant). However, analysis of the MEL data (section X) showed that availability does tend

to go through a seasonal cycle, decreasing at times of lower demand - presumably because

plants are taken offline and/or scheduled for maintenance at times when they are less

likely to be needed. Therefore I created a profile for each plant based on the MEL data

(smoothed by taking the 4-week rolling average). The profile was duplicated for each year

of simulation. The exception was wind power, for which I assigned a randomly-chosen

weeks’ worth of availability data from 2010 to each week of simulation data one-by-one.

This is a simple way of capturing the extreme variability inherent in wind power.

3.3 Marginal Cost Curve

The marginal cost curve (MCC) is the key component of the model as it determines the

variable outputs. It is generated first by creating a load-price curve for each power plant

(running from 0 to 1). The load curve is a sum of linear and exponential curves, obeying the

equation:

where p is the price, x is the load and c1 – c5 are coefficients to be specified. I chose this

form as it allows one to emulate the shape of the curves in Fig 2.8, i.e. smoothly increasing

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from a constant but with a sharp flick at the tail. Fig 3.1 shows a such a curve achieved by

setting c1 – c5 = 15, 10, 5, 0.03 and 12 respectively .

Next each load curve is scaled by multiplying by the available capacity of its respective

power plant yielding a series of six curves of varying ranges. The curves are combined

together and sorted by price to give a single marginal cost curve.

Getting the shape of the MCC is important but also a matter of judgement. The intention is

to get the load curves the correct shape to start with and then explore different scenarios

mainly by changing the constant c1, i.e. changing only the intercept. The logic behind the

shape of each plant is as follows:

Nuclear: Completely flat. Will be run at 100% baseload so the only important coefficient is

c1.

CCGT: Curving gradually upwards according to the principles of increasing marginal cost.

Sharply rising at near to 100% load to model the fact that the system prefers to have

reserve capacity, and in circumstances where supply is stretched, marginal prices go

Fig 3.1 Marginal cost curve

components

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through the roof. CCGT will be run at 40% baseload in the ‘present day’ scenario as per

Section 2.7 but will be run at 0% baseload in most other cases.

Coal: Similar to CCGT; the main point of differentiation between them is the intercept c1

with opportunity to increase c2 to reflect the ratio different ramping ratios. 0% baseload.

OCGT: Linear load curve with high intercept and sharp gradient. A ‘get out’ valve which

stops the price rising far beyond a certain point (£200-£300/MWh) when supply is severely

stretched.

Wind: A special case. Will be run at 100% baseload, to reflect that it is always absorbed by

the grid when operational. The variability of wind will be modelled by varying the

availability (above), not the load factor. Therefore as with Nuclear, c1 is the only relevant

coefficient; it should be set to equal the price paid for wind by the new REFIT mechanism.

Onshore and Offshore Wind are differentiated to allow for two-tier REFITs.

Fig 3.2a which needs labelling shows example load curves for each of the plants and Fig3.2b

shows the corresponding cost curves along with the overall marginal cost curve.

Fig 3.2a Marginal cost curves by plant Fig 3.2b Overall MCC (blue)

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3.4 Outcome

How realistic is this model? Clearly it is highly stylised, a ‘toy’ model. Some of the most

glaring simplifications and omissions include:

No geographical model of the Grid – therefore no accounting for transmission

bottlenecks and losses

No model of market structure – assumes perfectly efficient market, always

choosing least-cost first

No model of demand side – demand is a model input

Time resolution limited to every 30 minutes – no treatment of fine variations in

demand

Similarly, no treatment of plant ramp rates – assume plants can increase and

decrease output without penalty

All variations between plants subsumed into a single cost curve. Several

technologies omitted completely, most notably hydro

Monotonically increasing MCC – in reality running a plant at a lower load factor is

often less efficient, therefore sometimes reducing output would increase marginal

cost

In spite of this I believe the model captures enough detail to make it useful to look at some

loosely-sketched future scenarios, provided the input parameters are chosen wisely. Let us

look at a sample set of outputs. Fig 3.3a shows a set of results from a week picked more-or-

less at random, the week starting 25th Nov 2010. The parameters are close to real-life

except that the amount of Wind has been doubled to provide a little interest. One can see

that Wind fluctuates semi-randomly contributing occasional bursts of energy to the grid,

whereas Nuclear is completely flat operating completely in baseload. CCGT and coal make

up the rest of the supply in roughly equal proportion; CCGT is running at 40% baseload but

is slightly more expensive than Coal, so Coal shows greater variability. At times of

maximum demand, OCGT steps in to contribute the final few GWs of supply. Fig3.3b shows

the corresponding prices calculated by the model. The peak variable price (i.e. the marginal

price) usually follows the supply curve closely but we can see large peaks at times of

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exceptionally high demand. The average variable price is lower and much less variable but

shows the same basic shape, as one would expect. The overall price takes into account the

payments made to wind and nuclear too; in this example Nuclear, Onshore Wind and

Offshore Wind are receiving payments of £30/MWh, £70/MWh and £140/MWh

respectively. This means that at periods of high wind the overall price is pushed up

somewhat; otherwise it is pushed slightly down.

Comparing the model outputs with the real-world data in Fig 3.4a, the similarities are

encouraging. The shapes are slightly different because the model uses the TSGD as its

demand input which does not match the FPN data exactly (Section 2.7 ); nonetheless the

generation mix is a close match and could be further improved by tweaking parameters.

Comparing prices (Fig 3.4b), it appears the model marginal price is a good proxy for market

spot price. Of course the whole point is that the market spot price is a very flawed metric

and we do not know ‘real’ prices very accurately, so we needn’t be too concerned with

discrepancies as long as the model results are robust.

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Fig 3.3a Sample model output Fig 3.3b Sample model prices

Fig 3.4a and 3.4b Corresponding real-world data

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3.5 Scenarios

Having outlined the model and established that the results are plausible, let us put it to

use. Obviously there are potentially thousands of input parameters – 37 for each cycle –

so to impose some logic on the process I have developed four scenarios for the future. Each

scenario sketches out a possible path for development of the UK ESI. Each scenario runs

from 2010 until 2025 and the simulation will run for the entirety of that period (a total of

48*365*15 = 262800 cycles - taking roughly 15 minutes to execute). I have assumed that

the basic costs of building plant remains the same in all scenarios - now is finally the time to

confront what prices to choose. As mentioned above, the load curves have been chosen

such that I need only pick the minimum price c1. However there is a rather glaring

inconsistency between my data sources. The BM prices (Table 2.4) suggest that some CCGT

and Coal plants have a marginal price as low as £30/MWh, and the OFGEM data gives an

overall average of £56/MWh (Table 2.1). However the levelised cost data suggests that

new-builds will have to charge at least £80/MWh to break even with Offshore Wind costing

a boggling £190/MWh. To quote a consultant at Poyry (2011), electricity costs are “going

up... way up!” How to reconcile the data sources?

As a test I ran the simulation with today’s parameters and values of c1 equal to the

minimum values in Table 2.4, and found that the overall average price came out at

£57/MWh, very close to OFGEM’s value. Therefore I will use these as the 2011 prices. My

strategy is then to increase prices linearly until they reach the LC levels by 2020, after

which they will remain flat. This is not the most elegant solution but clearly increased

capital costs cannot just be ignored. However, (here it gets a little tricky), the LC levels will

not necessarily be the ones calculated in Section 2.3. The LC model has several input

parameters which should for consistency be obtained from the grid model – for example,

plant load factor – but the output from the LC model also affects the grid model, i.e. there

is a feedback loop between the LC model and the grid model. However there should be a

stable equilibrium where the price gives the output that gives the price, so I constructed a

script to continually change the parameters until this equilibrium is found.

With the input prices settled, let’s take a look at the scenarios:

“Base Case”: Based on government projections from 2010 before the EMR was announced.

‘Low case’ taken on the assumption that business-as-usual policies

Total demand to increase by 6%; capacity to increase by 14%

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Wind to increase to 30% of capacity; CCGT to 40%; others to decrease

Carbon prices to increase from 16 to 49 EUR/tonne

Wind energy payments same as today: £50/MWh onshore, £100/MWh offshore

(eroc auction)

Wind 50/50 onshore and offshore

“Energy Market Reform”: As above but implementing new EMR policies.

Lower payments for Wind through REFIT : £40/MWh onshore, £80/MWh offshore

Nevertheless, more Wind built – increasing to 40% capacity

Higher Coal and CCGT prices due to carbon price floor

More Nuclear built: capacity decreases then increases at end of decade, 10%

capacity by 2025

“Go For Green”: An alternative which attempts to aggressively cuts carbon by introducing

wind power at an accelerated rate.

Demand-side reduction: demand falls by 10%

Higher carbon price, increasing faster and further from 16 to 100 EUR/tonne

Coal and Nuclear phased out

CCS on new CCGT plants reduces emissions by 30% but increases costs by 40%

Higher offshore REFIT: £110/MWh

More Wind built: increasing to 50% of capacity

Greater fraction of Wind built onshore (66%)

“Too Cheap To Meter”: An alternative which brings lots of Nuclear online, backed up by

CCGT

Nuclear construction increases linearly to 35% of capacity by 2025

Coal phased out

Slow Wind uptake, increasing to 20% of capacity

CCS on new CCGT plants reduces emissions by 30% but increases costs by 40%

3.6 Results

Summary results (across 15 years) are shown in Table 3.1.

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This result does not appear to vary much between scenarios – the difference between in

price highest and lowest is only 15%. This is likely due to the fact that all scenarios have the

same start point and there is a limit to how far they can evolve for that point in 15 years. In

all scenarios the fractional price increase over today is substantial – ranging roughly from

20-40%. The EMR price is notably higher than others, which I believe is due mainly to the

effect of the carbon price floor pushing up baseload prices - and at least it does achieve a

10% reduction in CO2 emissions versus BC. How is it that the GFG and TCTM scenarios

achieve lower prices? Simply because they reduce both CO2 by a substantial amount, and

carbon prices are expected to be a significant cost in the future, adding around £30/MWh

to the price of Coal and £12.50 to CCGT by 2025. The GFG also benefits from the

enlightened populace putting up with lots of onshore wind which is substantially cheaper

than offshore. However the intermittency of Wind means that CCGT still has a large role to

play in the GFG scenario. This is less of an issue with the TCTM scenario – between Wind

and substantial Nuclear generation, it achieves the highest carbon reductions of all and at

relatively low cost (perhaps this is something for environmentalists consider?).

Fig 3.5 shows the generation mix by year for each scenario. The most striking thing is how

similar they all look, especially wind. The GFG scenario ends up with a huge 47GW of Wind

capacity by 2025, enough in theory to deliver the vast majority of our electricity. But the

load factor averages only around 30%, so even in the end it is still only providing 40% of

energy (and a fraction of this will be ‘unwanted’ – see below). The overall view is that

CCGT dominates generation at present and will continue to do so in the future – perhaps

even more so as Coal plants are retired. Consequently the most important developments

from a consumer’s point of view is anything which impacts the price of CCGT, be it gas

prices, a carbon tax or mandatory CCS.

Scenario Total

Supply

Average supply

(GW)

Revenue

(£bn)

£/MWh CO2 Emssions

(Mtonnes)

Average

Error (%)

BC 5173.62 39.37 626.27 60.53 1766.62 0.30

EMR 5203.34 39.60 727.21 69.88 1560.40 0.87

GFG 4877.75 37.12 642.85 65.90 1380.36 1.12

TCTM 5297.34 40.31 663.69 62.64 950.67 2.62

Table 3.1 Model summary results by scenario

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3.7 Oversupply

The GFG and TCTM scenarios may seem appealing but they have a distinct problem, as we

shall see. The final column of Table 2.1 shows the “Average Error”; this is the average

percentage difference between supply and demand, calculated as where S is

total supply and D is total demand. In a well-functioning grid supply and demand are in

perfect balance at all times (otherwise the system frequency drops and customers may

experience brownouts or blackout) – but in the future this may not be the case unless there

is careful planning. If there is too much wind and not enough dispatchable generation then

when wind drops to near zero (it happens on a UK-wide basis several times a year) there

will be insufficient power supply. Equally, if there is a burst of wind the grid will struggle to

absorb the excess power - electricity prices may even go negative as suppliers have pay

businesses to increase power consumption or else risk damaging the grid infrastructure.

Nuclear is also a liability because for technical reasons it can only change its output the

course of weeks, not intra-day as load balancing requires.

I have included average error as a measure of how much of a problem this is likely to be.

Given that the supply and demand are in balance most of the time, an average error of 1-

Fig 3.5 Load factors by year for each scenario

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2% conceals some quite severe individual imbalances. As we can see, this problem is bad

enough with lots of wind (GFG scenario) but with potentially disastrous with wind and

nuclear and not much else (TCTM). Figure 3.6 illustrates this point further. It shows the

‘oversupply’ each year i.e the number of GWh which were generated beyond what was

required (the undersupply is tiny by comparison). It shows, unsurprisingly, that the more

wind and/or nuclear, the more likely you are to have a oversupply problems, whereas CCGT

alleviates the problem - it is no coincidence that the TCTM scenario peaks at the point

where there is maximum nuclear and minimum CCGT.

Though the GFG and TCTM scenarios are ‘unrealistic’ in that they call for rapid deployment

of new technologies that (to put it bluntly) simply won’t happen, they highlight the point

that sometime soon intermittency will become a serious problem. I will spend the

remainder of this chapter with a brief investigation of the mooted solution to these

problems: storage.

3.8 Storage

In the past five or so years there has been increasing interest in the energy storage as a

possible solution to these problems (MacKay, 2008). Actually there has always been a small

subset of the ESI concerned with energy storage, even before the prospect of significant

non-dispatchable loads. The rationale is simple: The UK power supply can vary in

magnitude by up to 100% within 24 hours. At peak periods this means activating the less

efficient, more expensive and more polluting peaking plants. However, if one could store

Fig 3.6 Oversupply by year

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energy from baseload sources at times of low demand and offload it at peak periods, the

need for peaking plant could be reduced. Not only is this potentially cheaper, it puts less

stress on the grid (since the supply curve is smoothed) and reduces carbon emissions.

Moreover, by ‘buying low and selling high’, storage operators can make a tidy profit. When

factors in the need to level loads from wind and other intermittent sources, one can see

why storage has become a very important - and potentially very valuable – commodity. (I

should add that there are also many ancillary ways that storage can add value e.g. load

balancing, black start, backup power - a recent report identified 17 separate uses (Eyer &

Corey, 2010). However here I will focus on the arbitrage aspect.)

The real stumbling block to energy storage is technology. The only viable large-scale

technology is pumped hydroelectric, where energy is stored by pumping water uphill and

released by sending it back through turbines. Storage in this way is relatively cheap and

achieves round-trip efficiencies of 70-80%; the problem is that it requires a spare mountain

(with planning permission). Therefore pumped-storage projects tend to be few and far

between. In anticipation of future need, there are a host of other technologies vying to be

the next big thing in storage, for example Compressed Air, Pumped Heat, Flow Battery and

Flywheel technologies, but as yet nothing competitive with Pumped Hydro (Walawalkar,

2008).

The UK grid has four pumped-hydro plants but capacity is dominated by Dinorwig, an

amazing structure set inside a mountain in North Wales. It was initiated in 1974,

supposedly for the ‘nuclear revolution’ which never arrived, has a peak output of 1.8 GW

and a maximum capacity of 9.4 GWh (MacLeay et al., 2011). There are currently no plans

for new pumped hydro to be constructed in the future, which begs the question – do we

have enough?

3.9 Modelling Storage

This is a complicated question (storage is a complicated topic) so I will aim to provide an

answer in a fairly narrow way. I will use my model to see a) how the introduction of storage

would alter the above scenarios and b) how much money a storage provider could make in

the process.

I chose to model storage as follows: prior to running the grid model, the power demand

profile and baseload output are supplied to a separate script. Given a store capacity (MWh)

and efficiency (%), this script will optimise the demand so that the store exactly fills and

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exactly empties once every day, or else ‘flattens’ the load profile – whichever would create

least overall demand. In the case where there is too much baseload power to be fully

absorbed, the script simply optimises as best it can (some energy will still have to be

dumped).

The model is then executed as before with the new demand profile. The marginal price for

each settlement period is taken to be the price at which storage provider buys/sells power.

By multiplying the list of marginal prices by storage electricity purchases/sales and

summing, we obtain the total profit (or loss) made by the storage provider. By comparing

the overall simulation indicators (e.g. revenue, CO2 emissions etc) with the zero-storage

case we can see what kind of effect the introduction of storage has had. This method is

summarised schematically in Fig 3.7.

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Fig 3.7 Modelling Storage

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3.10 Results

I chose to model 3 storage scenarios on top of the four previous scenarios. The first

scenario has 10,000 MWh storage (“Store10K”), the second has 100,000 MWh

storage(“Store100K”) and the third has infinite storage (“StoreInf”). The third one is also

slightly different in that it balances the loads across four days rather than just one.

Efficiency is set equal to 80% in all cases. Store10K is a “realistic” scenario (c.f Dinorwig),

Store100K represents the limits of what could plausibly happen, and StoreInf is the best

possible scenario to test the limits of the usefulness of the concept.

The results are shown in Table 3.2 alongside the original simulation results for comparison.

Three columns have been added. Store profit is straightforward, but note that it excludes

the costs of building and operating the storage. Benefit to Grid is the reduction in revenue

(i.e. reduced cost) to the ESI as a whole due to using fewer peaking plants etc. Total benefit

is the sum of these two measures and is equal to the total welfare benefit to society.

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Scenario Total Supply (TWh)

Ave supply (GW)

Revenue £bn £/MWh CO2 (MT) Average Error (%)

Store Profit (£bn)

Benefit to Grid (£bn)

Total Benefit (£bn)

BC 5173.62 39.37 626.27 60.53 1766.62 0.30 0.00 0.00 0.00 BCS10k 5179.29 39.42 623.35 60.18 1757.13 0.11 0.28 2.92 3.20

BCS100k 5087.70 38.72 608.76 59.83 1686.31 0.06 4.55 17.51 22.07 BCSInf 5067.22 38.67 605.91 59.79 1675.74 0.05 4.75 20.36 25.11

EMR 5203.34 39.60 727.21 69.88 1560.40 0.87 0.00 0.00 0.00

EMRS10k 5205.04 39.61 725.57 69.70 1554.91 0.20 0.68 1.64 2.32 EMRS100k 5105.94 38.86 705.40 69.08 1478.62 0.05 5.62 21.81 27.43 EMRSInf 5074.34 38.72 699.86 68.96 1463.33 0.05 6.35 27.35 33.71

GFG 4877.75 37.12 642.85 65.90 1380.36 1.12 0.00 0.00 0.00

GFGS10k 4871.41 37.07 639.28 65.62 1379.37 0.5 0.34 3.57 3.92 GFGS100k 4784.64 36.41 626.35 65.45 1337.68 0.06 4.94 16.50 21.44 GFGSInf 4750.01 36.25 620.11 65.28 1325.59 0.06 6.24 22.74 28.98

TCTM 5297.34 40.31 663.69 62.64 950.67 2.62 0.00 0.00 0.00

TCTMS10k 5283.20 40.21 661.06 62.56 945.23 0.11 1.24 2.64 3.88 TCTMS100k 5166.79 39.32 644.36 62.36 893.70 0.06 3.77 19.34 23.11 TCTMSInf 5124.39 39.11 638.53 62.30 877.36 0.06 4.38 25.16 29.54

Table 3.2 Storage model summary results by scenario

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There is a wealth of information here. The simulations confirm most of the trends one

would expect: more storage means lower costs, less CO2 and lower errors (i.e. better grid

reliability). We can see plenty of interesting features : for example, it appears that the two

grid scenarios with most nuclear (EMR and TCTM) also benefit the most from storage. This

suggests, somewhat contrary to received wisdom, that storage is even more important for

nuclear than for wind – perhaps simply because nuclear loads are consistently higher than

wind and so when they do cause problems, they cause big problems.

I don’t want to dwell on all the features of the results. The general message is what is

important: storage is going to be big. If we can increase our storage tenfold from where we

are today (roughly, Store10K to Store100K), the potential benefit is enormous – in most

scenarios (including EMR) averaging well over £1bn/year. The overall conclusion is that it is

essential to invest in storage, the more, and the sooner, the better.

I would add one point: the storage profits tend make up only around a fifth of the total

welfare benefit. Is a large enough slice of the pie to encourage investment? There has been

some work that suggests it is (Sioshansi et al., 2009), but I am not so sure. Is this set to be

the big next failure of the free market in the UK ESI? At the very least, we can say that it

would have good pedigree.

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Conclusion

In this dissertation I have drawn to sketch history of the UK ESI, detailled the current ‘state

of play’ of the industry, commented on the latest incentive scheme and speculated on the

future direction. Given the vastness of the subject it has been necessary to gloss over and

simplify many important points. Nevertheless, I will now draw some overall conclusions

from the study.

Firstly, the UK has not been well served by privatisation. The state has lost control of a vital

economic and strategic asset, customers have been overcharged, many businesses have

gone bust, and been the cause of who-knows how many headaches for the regulator. The

state should not be afraid to become more interventionist, perhaps even creating a new

state-owned integrated supplier, in an attempt to wrest back control of the industry.

Secondly, the state faces a huge challenge in the next decade to marshal the expertise and

investment necessary for the ‘Green Revolution’ (while also keeping the lights on). Recently

it has made some progress in this area but I am still not convinced it understands the scale

of the task it has set itself. The EMR is a good start, but now it needs to think bigger.

Finally, energy prices are going to rise in the future, of that there is no doubt – but with

careful planning, and particularly with shrewd strategic investment in storage R&D and

assets, the costs to the consumer will be minimised – and we might even create a few

‘green jobs’ in the process.

Overall, the ESI has had an interesting couple of decades - and it is about to have at least a

couple more.

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72

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Appendix A

A description of the main generation technologies

Plant Type Description

Coal

Coal-fired steam boilers are the old 'work horses' of generation. The standard configuration is to pulverise the coal, burn it in a boiler and use heat exchangers to create high-pressure superheated steam (around 500C and 150 bar). The steam generates power by passing through a series of turbines before being released into a cooling tower. All but one of the UKs coal was built in the CEGB era and most of it is large, between 2 and 4GW. Coal is by far the most polluting energy source and many plants are scheduled for closure - others have installed expensive flue-gas desulpherisers. Coal designs are flexible and some can also accept gas, oil and more recently biomass as a feedstock.

OCGT

Open Cycle Gas Turbines are a relatively old technology that have mostly been superseded by CCGTs (below). In their simplest implementation they consists of a compressor, combusion chamber, expander and turbine on a single shaft. Air is passed through the compressor, mixed with a natural gas or vapourised oil feedstock, ignited and expanded to drive the turbine. Since OCGT are cheap, small and inefficient they nowadays exist mainly as 'peaking' plants, providing power only in times of exceptional demand. Some operate only a handful of times every year - others are mothballed for years at a time.

CCGT

Combined Cycle Gas Turbines are the 'state of the art' in conventional fossil fuel generation. Based on the OCGT, the hot gas leaving the expander is passed through a heat-exchanger to create steam which is passed through a second expander on the same shaft, greatly enhancing efficiency. Compared to coal, CCGT has a smaller footprint, lower capital costs, is more flexible and emits around 60% less CO2 per MWh (however it requires more maintenance and fuel costs are significantly higher). Since privatisation almost all new plants have been CCGT.

Nuclear

The UK is one of the few countries that embraced nuclear technology, building the world's first commercial station in 1954 and amassing a stock of 16 by 1990, though enthusiasm has waned due to cost and safety concerns. There are many different implementations and the UK's are particularly idiosyncratic, but the basic principle is to initiate the fission of Uranium-235, causing a chain reaction which gives off large quantities of heat. The heat is used to run steam turbines similarly to a coal boiler. Unlike other technologies, nuclear is very inflexible and is run at a constant load for weeks or months at a time. Though once labeled "too cheap to meter", it is currently the most expensive type of generation by some margin - but also the only renewable technology with proven capacity.

Wind

The preferred power source of environmentalists, being non-hazardous and zero-carbon, wind is perhaps the UKs best bet for a 'green revolution'. Essentially just a windmill joined to a turbine, wind power is expensive relative to conventional plants at present but this may change if/when carbon taxes are introduced. The biggest problem is land - of all technologies discussed here, wind farms have by far the largest footprint for a given power capacity and planning permission can be a problem. Offshore wind may be the answer, but it is even more expensive.

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UK plant statistics

Source: DUKES

Plant

Type Number

Smallest

(MW)

Largest

(MW)

Median

(MW)

Total

Capacity

(MW)

Oldest

(Year)

Newest

(Year)

Indicative

Thermal

Efficiency

Coal 18 363 3870 1940 28766 1918 2000 38%

OCGT 30 10 140 41 1580 1952 2006 20%

CCGT 38 50 1750 665 25429 1991 2010 55%

Nuclear 10 434 1210 1040 10170 1967 1995 N/A

Wind 157 1 322 13 4845 1992 2011 N/A


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