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Page 1: Gender and attitudes towards religious education in the primary school

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Gender and attitudes towards religious education inthe primary schoolGeraint Davies* aa Trinity College , Carmarthen, UKPublished online: 19 Oct 2010.

To cite this article: Geraint Davies* (2004) Gender and attitudes towards religious education in the primary school, BritishJournal of Religious Education, 26:1, 85-94, DOI: 10.1080/0141620032000149944

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Page 2: Gender and attitudes towards religious education in the primary school

British Journal of Religious Education, Vol. 26, No. 1, March 2004

ISSN 0141–6200 (print)/ISSN 1740–7931 (online)/04/010085–10© 2004 Christian EducationDOI: 10.1080/0141620032000149944

*Faculty of Education and Training, Trinity College, Carmarthenshire, SA33 3EP, UK.Email: [email protected]

Gender and attitudes towards religious education in the primary schoolGeraint Davies*Trinity College, Carmarthen, UK

Taylor & Francis L tdCBRE260 108

10 .1080/01416 200320 001499 44British Jou rn al of Religious EducationResearch ArticleJanu ary 20 03Taylor & Francis L td261114Janu ary 20 03Fa culty of E ducation and TrainingF acu lty of Educatio n and Training , Ca rmarth en shireSA3 3 3EPUKA detailed questionnaire containing a range of questions to assess perceptions of RE and worshipwas completed by 361 of the 577 primary school head teachers employed by the Ceredigion,Carmarthenshire, Pembrokeshire, Swansea, Newport and Cardiff Local Education Authorities.While the degree of support for both religious education and worship was found to be similar forboth male and female head teachers significant differences emerged between their views regardingrelated issues. The findings suggest that structural location theory and gender orientation theoryshed some light on the differences in perceptions between male and female head teachers. Thesuggestion is made that these theories might also help to explain why a career in primary schoolteaching is more likely to appeal to females than males.

Introduction

The findings of this paper raise a number of questions not only about how sexinfluences opinion about religious education and worship but also how it influencesdecisions regarding entering the profession of teaching in the primary school. Whileit is not claimed that these findings are conclusive, what this paper seeks to do is toraise several issues which impact upon the education of our children which meritfurther research.

Research tradition

Numerous studies conducted in different parts of the world have shown conclusivelythat there are significant differences between the levels of religiosity displayed by menand women. Most of these have been quantitative studies which have shown that ina variety of ways women are more religious than men.

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A large body of this research has shown that Christian religious participation in itsdifferent forms is higher among females than among males. Studies reported byArgyle and Beit-Hallahmi (1975), and Gee (1991), have shown that women are morelikely than men to attend church. Studies reported by Argyle and Beit-Hallahmi(1975), Bouma and Dixon (1987), and Tamminen (1996) have shown that femalesare more likely to participate in prayer than males. A study by Harrison (1983) hasrevealed that reading the Bible is more common amongst women than men.

A number of studies have also shown that there are marked differences in the waythat males and females respond to religious beliefs, concepts and practices. Femalesare more likely than males to claim feelings of being close to God (Greeley, 1992), tohold traditional beliefs (Harding et al., 1986), and to claim to derive comfort fromreligion (Abrams, 1985). Among schoolchildren, girls have been found to have morepositive attitudes towards religion than boys (Hyde, 1965, 1990; Turner; 1970;Greer, 1972; Francis, 1987). Significant differences have also been found in thereligious emphases of girls and boys with regard to religious activity and participation,religious experiences, religious beliefs, religious thinking, concept of the Bible, imageof God, concept of prayer and existential questions (Tamminen, 1996).

Over the years several theories have been proposed to account for these genderdifferences. According to Kay and Francis (1996) these can be divided into fivegroups. The first group, described as sex-role socialization theories, argue that men andwomen in westernised societies are brought up with distinct ideals and values.According to this view, males and females behave in different ways because of thedifferent ways they are socialized by society.

The second group of theories, called structural-location theories, come in two forms.The first form claims that women show higher degrees of religiosity because they seethemselves as role models for their children. Accordingly, mothers try to provide agood example for their children by being ‘church-orientated’. The second argues thatwomen display higher degrees of religiosity because their differing role within theworkplace provides them with more opportunities to become religious.

The third group, described as gender-orientation theory, is based on the notions offeminine and masculine orientations of personality. According to this theory, differinglevels of religiosity are to be explained not by gender but by gender orientation. Bothmales and females display different levels of masculinity and femininity. In general,males display higher than average levels of masculinity while females display higherthan average levels of femininity. Religion tends to appeal more to people who scorehigh in femininity and is thus more likely to be appealing to women rather than men.

The fourth group, described as depth-psychological theories, is based on the Freudiantheory that within monotheistic religions God is modelled after the father and that thediffering gender responses to religion can be explained by the differing genderresponses to the father figure. Thus it is argued that since females tend to have a closerrelationship with their fathers it is easier for them to associate with God the Father.

The fifth group, described as personality theories, focus on the personality differencesbetween males and females in areas indirectly related to religion. These theories arguethat religion provides answers to negative feelings and states of mind such as guilt,

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frustration, submissiveness and dependency. Since these are more characteristic ofwomen than men, it follows that religion is more likely to appeal to the females.

The work of Kay and Francis (1996), based on 25 years of research into attitudestowards Christianity during childhood and adolescence, concluded that sex differencesin religiosity are best explained by gender-orientation theories and personality theories.However, they felt that sex-role socialization theories needed further exploration withinan interdisciplinary framework. In a nutshell, they argued that having more negativeattitudes toward religion was not ‘a phenomenon so much characteristic of men as aphenomenon characteristic of individuals who emphasise the personality characteris-tics of masculinity at the expense of the personality characteristics of femininity’ (p. 21).

The present study seeks to take the above discussion forward by exploring genderdifferences in head teachers’ perceptions of religious education and worship in theprimary school. Given that women display more positive attitudes towards religionthan men, it seeks to find answers to several questions. First, do female head teachersdisplay a higher degree of religiosity than their male counterparts? Second, do malehead teachers exhibit less positive attitudes towards religion in the primary schoolthan female head teachers? Third, do male head teachers display less positive atti-tudes towards acts of worship within the school context than female head teachers?Fourth, in what ways does gender affect perceptions about the content and presenta-tion of religious education and worship within the primary school? Fifth, do thetheories discussed above contribute in any way to our understanding of head teachers’perceptions of religion in the primary school?

Method

Sample

A detailed questionnaire was sent out to every primary school head teacher employedby the mainly rural Ceredigion, Carmarthenshire and Pembrokeshire EducationAuthorities and the mainly urban Swansea, Newport and Cardiff Local EducationAuthorities. Of the 577 questionnaires sent out, 361 were returned, making a responserate of 62.5%. The respondents included 143 males (39.6%) and 218 females(60.4%). Two hundred and two (56.0%) were based in town or city schools, and 159(44.0%) were based in rural or village schools. The ages of the respondents were clas-sified into three groups. The youngest group comprised 62 (17.2%) respondents aged30–39, the middle group comprised 155 respondents (42.9%) aged 40–49 and theoldest group comprised 144 (39.9%) aged 50–59. Sixty of the respondents (16.7%)were responsible for church schools, while the other 301 were responsible for countyschools. The 60 church schools included Church in Wales voluntary controlled,Church in Wales voluntary aided and Roman Catholic voluntary aided schools.

Questionnaire

Part one of the questionnaire asked the respondents to provide information aboutthemselves, including their sex and levels of church attendance. The majority of these

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88 G. Davies

questions were asked by means of multiple-choice questions. Part two of the ques-tionnaire asked for a response on a range of issues, including: whether children shouldbe taught what to believe; good practice in religious education; the content and presen-tation of religious education; the religious education syllabus; teaching world religions;which faiths should be taught; and the content of school worship. The survey soughtto ascertain whether the sex of the respondents had any influence over their levels ofchurch attendance and their religious attitudes. It was also designed to gather data toshow how sex impacts upon views about issues related to religious education.

Data analysis

The data were analysed by means of the SPSS statistical package (SPSS Inc., 1998).The statistics are based on the ‘agree’ and ‘strongly agree’ categories which weremerged together for the purposes of this study.

Results and discussion

Several issues emerge from this study.First, the figures show that as a group, the primary school head teachers in this

sample are more closely associated with the church than is the case among thepopulation as a whole. Almost two-fifths (39%) attend church regularly (comparedto 7.9% of the population as a whole, see Brierley, 1999). However, no significantdifferences can be seen in the levels of church attendance of the sexes. If, as gender-orientation theory suggests, there is a positive relationship between religiosity andpsychological femininity, then it would follow that a significant number of primaryschool head teachers of both sexes would score highly on a femininity scale. Thishypothesis seems to be supported by the fact that teaching in the primary school is aprofession that attracts significantly more females than males. There is a suggestionin the figures that the males who are attracted to the profession are likely to scorehigher in psychological femininity than the majority of the male population. Severalstudies (for example, Francis, 1991) have shown that male clergy display higher levelsof psychological femininity than the general population. Further research needs to beundertaken to establish whether this is also true of males in the teaching profession.

Second, no significant differences emerge between the views of male and femalehead teachers regarding the desirability of teaching religious education and holdingacts of worship in the primary school. The support for both of these aspects of schoollife is high in both cases. Almost all male and female head teachers believe thatreligious education should be taught in the primary school (97% and 96% respec-tively). Similarly, at least nine-tenths of male and female head teachers also feel thatworship should be conducted in school (90% and 94% respectively). Whilst thereseem to be more positive attitudes toward religion amongst females than males in thepopulation as a whole, views about religion in school engender similar positiveresponses from head teachers of both genders.

However, when the views of head teachers regarding particular aspects of religionin school life are examined, it can be seen that there are significant differences

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between the sexes. As Table 1 shows, when asked whether pupils should be taughtwhat to believe, female head teachers were more likely to support a confessional typeof religious education than male head teachers. Two statements, in particular,highlighted this difference of emphasis. Female head teachers were more likelythan male head teachers to claim that pupils should be taught that the Bible was true(48% compared to 38%) and that they should be taught to say the Lord’s Prayer(87% compared to 76%).

Table 2 shows that male and female head teachers have a different emphasis in theway they feel that the subject should be taught. Making use of the children’s ownexperiences, and in particular their experiences of religion, and extending thisthrough role-play, is given higher priority by female head teachers (95% compared to82%; 92% compared to 83% and 94% compared to 82% respectively).

Similar findings emerge in Table 3, which suggests that female head teachers valuea broader religious education programme than male head teachers. Thus, they displaymore favourable views about the use of stories from other faiths (87% compared to75%) and the use of secular stories (83% compared to 75%). The use of religiousartefacts is also more likely to be favoured by female than by male head teachers (97%compared to 90%). The figures suggest that while female head teachers welcomemore traditional outcomes to the teaching of the subject, they are more inclined towant the content and the teaching approach to be broader.

The findings of Table 4 provide further evidence that female head teachers place ahigher value on a broader type of religious education than male head teachers. Whenasked what should included within the religious education syllabus, male and femalehead teachers are likely to place a similar value on the cognitive aspects of the subject.

Table 1. Should children be taught what to believe?

Primary school children should be taught … Male % Female % X2 P<

That there is a GodThat the Bible is trueThat they should prayTo sing Christian hymns which are

appropriate for their age and aptitudeTo say the Lord’s Prayer

58386184

76

64486588

87

1.13.50.80.9

7.2

NS0.05NSNS

0.01

Table 2. Good practice in RE

Good practice in RE should include: Male % Female % X2 P<

The children’s own experiences of religionVisits to places worshipTalks from representatives of faith communitiesReflecting on the children’s own experiencesRole-play

8191928882

9298959594

6.12.71.15.7

13.4

0.01NSNS0.050.001

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90 G. Davies

However, female head teachers are significantly more likely to place a higher valueon the affective aspects. Almost all the female head teachers noted that humanexperiences (99%) and feelings and ideas through language, arts and drama (95%)should be included in the religious education syllabus (compared to 93% and 82%respectively for the male head teachers). Nine out of ten females (89%) believed thatexploring the natural processes of birth, growth, decay and death should be part ofthe religious education programme of study compared to eight out of ten (81%) ofthe males.

While Table 1 suggested that female head teachers were more likely to want toencourage pupils to develop Christian beliefs, Table 5 shows that for a variety of

Table 3. The content and presentation of religious education

RE lessons should make regular use of: Male % Female % X2 P <

Bible storiesStories from other faithsSecular storiesPublished RE schemesReligious artefactsVideosRadio programmesTV programmesVisits to places of worshipVisits by members of faith communities

94757571909279889994

96838377979181879794

0.42.92.91.46.50.30.20.031.90.02

NS0.050.05NS0.01NSNSNSNSNS

Table 4. The religious education syllabus

The RE syllabus should include exploring: Male % Female % X2 P<

Where, why and how people worshipReligious ceremonies e.g. marriage, funeralsCelebrations, fast and festivalsHow people’s lives are influenced by their religious

beliefsKey historical religious figuresKey present day religious figuresHoly booksWhat it means to belong to a religious communityThe natural processes of birth, growth, decay and

deathHuman frailty and the temporary nature of lifeHuman responsibility for the environmentAwe and wonder in the face of the greatness of thingsPersonal relationshipsUltimate questionsStories, myths and legendsThe imaginationHuman experiencesFeelings and ideas through language, arts and drama

99969996

9293949682

809493967686769489

99989997

9997949389

779488957386779994

0.041.10.020.02

11.54.80.011.14.4

0.40.081.80.50.40.0010.036.4

14.7

NSNSNSNS

0.0010.05NSNS0.05

NSNSNSNSNSNSNS0.010.001

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Gender and attitudes in the primary school 91

reasons they are also more likely to support the teaching of different world faithswithin the primary religious education programme. The finding that female headteachers are more likely to value multi-faith religious education is also evident inTable 6, which shows that they are also more likely than their male counterparts towant to include Judaism, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism and Sikhism within theprimary religious education programme (84%, 74%, 69% and 52% compared to91%, 82%, 78% and 71% respectively).

Table 7 shows that female head teachers are more inclined to value a greater rangeof themes for school worship than their male counterparts. In particular, they aremore likely to feel that themes linked to science (69% compared to 56%), art (77%compared to 64%) and music (85% compared to 74%) are relevant to schoolworship. They are also more likely to want to include stories from world faiths (93%

Table 5. World religions should be taught in Welsh primary schools

World religions should be taught in Welsh primary schools because: Male % Female % X2 P<

Wales is now a multi-faith societyChildren have the opportunity to learn tolerance,

respect and empathyMany children will move away from Dyfed to areas

where other faiths are strongThis approach helps children to understand their

world heritageThis approach helps to prepare children for life in

Britain in the futureThis approach helps children to understand beliefs

and valuesThis approach helps children to understand their own

religion betterThis approach helps children to be open, to be able to

reflect upon and to criticize positively our own and other cultures

6283

63

72

71

77

66

65

7690

80

83

79

84

76

77

7.13.0

11.1

5.7

2.8

3.3

4.1

5.6

0.01NS

0.001

0.01

NS

NS

0.05

0.01

Table 6. Which faiths should be taught?

The following faiths should be included in primary RE: Male % Female % X2 P<

ChristianityJudaismIslamJainismZoroastrianismHumanismHinduismBuddhismSikhism

1008474149

20696261

98918296

19807171

2.65.13.62.21.10.043.83.24.0

NS0.010.05NSNSNS0.05NS0.05

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92 G. Davies

compared to 81%) and secular stories (93% compared to 81%); and to want toinclude dance and movement as part of the content of worship.

Conclusion

While previous studies into sex and religiosity might have led us to expect that femalehead teachers would show more enthusiasm for religious education and worship,these new data show that this is not the case. Support for both of these aspects ofschool life is very high among males and females. Nevertheless, the figures show thatmales and females do have a difference in emphasis. In particular, significant differ-ences emerge in the way the two groups view the aims of religion in school as well asits content and presentation in school. Female head teachers are more likely to wantthe subject to have confessional aims. They are also more likely to want the religiouseducation and worship to have a broader content and to value a more varied presen-tation. Thus while a higher percentage of female head teachers want pupils to developChristian beliefs, they are also more likely to want pupils to learn about differentfaiths and to experience the affective aspects of religion in school. Clearly, the typeof approach favoured by female head teachers is not a narrowly confessional but apro-religious one.

Do the theories about sex and religiosity discussed above provide any illuminationregarding the findings of this study about sex and attitudes to religious education? To

Table 7. The content of school worship

How relevant are the following to school worship: Male % Female % X2 P<

EventsThe world around usFeelings, attitudes and beliefsThemes linked to EnglishThemes linked to ScienceThemes linked to MathematicsThemes linked to HistoryThemes linked to GeographyThemes linked to D & TThemes linked to ArtThemes linked to MusicThemes linked to REThe children’s written workThe children’s art workChristian storiesStories from world faithSecular storiesSelected radio programmesSelected TV programmes and videosVisual stimuliDance and movement

949397715545787042647495908996818184697389

969999766948837948788596929198939391777996

1.27.70.30.76.70.41.43.41.17.76.70.30.20.71.7

10.910.93.73.31.87.7

NS0.01NSNS0.01NSNSNSNS0.010.01NSNSNSNS0.0010.0010.05NSNS0.01

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expect them to do this would be to expect too much from them. As they exist atpresent they seek to provide explanations about an aspect of people’s lives which isvoluntary. However, religious education and worship are required by law to be partof school life. It could be argued that since the theories help to explain the higherlevels of religiosity among females, they might also explain why females place a highervalue on confessional religious education. However, the theories shed little light onwhy female head teachers are more inclined to favour a broader content and presen-tation style.

Nevertheless, two of the theories discussed above are relevant to the presentdiscussion. One strand of structural location theory suggests that women are morereligious because they are expected to take the main responsibility for socializingtheir children into society’s norms and values. Consequently, it is argued that manywomen display a higher degree of religiosity because they feel that it is their duty tolead by example by attending church and participating in other religious practices.This theory might help to explain why there is a higher than average rate of churchattendance among head teachers than among the general population. It is not incon-ceivable that many head teachers feel the need to be good examples within theircommunities by attending church on a regular basis. It might also help to explainwhy there are no significant differences between male and female head teachers inthis respect.

Finally, gender-orientation theory claims that higher levels of religiosity are charac-teristic of people with feminine gender orientation. If this theory is correct, then itcould be argued that primary school head teachers as a group are characterized byhigher than average levels of femininity. In other words, one would expect them to bepeople who value qualities such as ‘gentleness, tenderness, sympathy, compassion,affection and loyalty’ (Kay & Francis, 1996, p. 21). If this is true, then it could beargued that teaching in the primary school is likely to appeal most to those who havea feminine gender orientation. The fact that teaching in the primary school is a largelyfemale-dominated profession (the ratio of male and female applicants going throughthe Graduate Teacher Training Registry (www.gttr.ac.uk) is currently 15.9% and84.1% respectively) seems to support this view.

Clearly, if the teaching profession is to attract young people today in sufficientnumbers and quality it must continue to appeal to those with a feminine gender orien-tation. However, to ensure that young children have sufficient role models from bothsexes, the profession must also seek ways to make teaching a career which appeals topeople who are characterized by male gender orientation. This need to appeal to bothgender orientations applies particularly to religious education, which in the past hastended to appeal more to females than males (see, for example, Fearn, 1999). If thesubject is to hold the interest of and have credibility among boys as well as girls, theprofession needs to find ways to make the subject appealing to trainee teachers witha male gender orientation as well as those with a female gender orientation. Furtherresearch now needs to be undertaken into what motivates people to enter the teachingprofession and to specialize in religious education in particular. The theoriesdiscussed here may help to shed some light on these issues.

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Notes on contributor

Dr Geraint Davies is a senior lecturer at the Faculty of Education and Training,Trinity College, Carmarthen, Wales. He is also a tutor for the FarmingtonInstitute, Oxford. Previously, he was a teacher and headteacher in schools in midand west Wales and a curriculum officer for the Schools Council. He is also aSection 23, ESTYN and Ofsted inspector. Dr Davies has published widely onmatters relating to religion, worship, spirituality and education.

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